DOCSLIB.ORG

Some Proto-Uto-Aztecan *T>C, in Time for *C>S

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Some Proto-Uto-Aztecan *T>C, in Time for *C>S Some PUA *t > c in time for PUA *c > Tepiman s Brian Stubbs (FUAC October 2008) Uto-Aztecanists are familiar with the chain of changes in Tepiman alveolars from Proto-Uto-Aztecan (PUA): PUA *t > c before high vowels for some Tepiman languages and PUA *c > s and PUA *s > h. However, there seems to be evidence that some PUA *t > c in Tepiman in time for the Tepiman sound change PUA *c > s, or at least some correspondences of PUA *t with Tepiman s (and usually in the vicinity of high vowels) would suggest that is what happened. Phonemic frequencies in Uto-Aztecan are revealing for several matters—that of this paper being one. The phonological frequencies of initial syllables in Miller 1988 (M88) were calculated. The exact numbers of initial syllables among UA cognate sets are subject to adjustment, yet those in M88 are reasonably proportionate and available for quick inspection, until a later work’s sets settle sufficiently to be worth counting. The first column is the number of sets with glottal stop-vowel or initial vowel. The other columns are sets beginning with the specified CV combination. Totals of the lines (vowel totals) are to the right; and totals of the columns (consonant totals) are below. The total number of sets in M88 is 1185 and is the total both of the rows and of the columns. Table 7: Syllabic Frequencies ’ c h k kw m n p s t w y totals a 39 18 17 43 15 43 38 64 29 48 27 28 409 i 11 23 7 10 16 6 2 28 18 1 18 -- 140 ï 19 15 9 17 6 11 15 17 22 54 12 19 216 o 27 20 8 38 -- 11 12 26 15 26 14 10 207 u 9 20 21 37 -- 23 5 23 21 24 2 28 213 105 96 62 145 37 94 72 158 105 153 73 85 1185 Note that among all tV syllables, only one ti syllable (M88-ti1 ‘man’) existed until Ken Hill redistributed it (to KH/M06-ci24, tu10, tï9), so now no ti syllables exist vs. 48 ta, 54 tï, 26 to, and 24 tu. In contrast, the number of ci syllables (23) is larger than other cV syllables (18, 15, 20, 20) in spite of the fact that i is the least frequent vowel: i.e., 140 i vs. 409 for a and vs. 200-plus for the other three vowels. All this suggests that many apparent *ci may be from an earlier **ti. In fact, it may be good to first establish how frequent is *t > c. Intervocalic *-t- vs. *-tt-/*-Ct- as Clusters, and Many NUA -c- < *-tt-/*-Ct-. Intervocalic *-t- usually goes to -r- or -d- in Num and to -l- in Cupan and Tb (Sapir 1914, 451; Manaster-Ramer 1992b). So when we see intervocalic -t- in those languages, it is likey due to an underlying geminated *-tt- or to a cluster approximating *- Ct- that behaves much like *-tt-, as Sapir (1914, 452) also noticed Num geminated -tt- corresponds to Tak and Tb -t-. Alexis Manaster Ramer (1992a) demonstrated PUA medial *-c- > -y- in NUA, and accordingly suggested that the various NUA medial -c- are from other sources than PUA *-c-, unless *-cc- is geminated or clustered. Thus, the source of NUA -c- is often a palatalized *-tt- or *-Ct-, especially before high vowels. In fact, Sapir (1914, 445) noted that many UA c may be from syncopated *ti. I would only add that many, if not more, are also from non-syncopated *ti or *tï. In the data below, note the frequency of *-Ct- > -c-, often adjacent to high vowels, but not always. P1. *attip-na (< *aCtipa-na?) 'good, do well': CU ’atti 'good'; SP ’attïN ‘good’; Cp á’či’a 'good'; Ca áča’e 'good, fine, well, very.’ Likely related to these are Hp -’civa 'accord with’; Hp a’civa ‘behave as expected, do what one can with one’s personal resources and limitations’; Hp àacipna/a’cipna ‘do as expected’ whose morphemes are Hp a-’civa-na ‘3pl-accord with-causative.’ If related, note that Hp a’cipna and Cp á’či’a are quite identical in five segments (a’ci . a) except for a consonant cluster in Hp that aligns with a glottal stop in Cp, and both likely align with SNum (CU, SP) *’atti, suggesting *-tti- > -ci-. P2. *paCti’a ‘bat’ > *paci, *pali, etc. NP pitahana'a ‘bat’ actually shows -t-, with another morpheme suffixed. For details, see discussion at ‘bat’ in Stubbs 2008. P3. *paCtï ‘daughter’ (at ‘woman’ in Stubbs 2008) > pacï in SP and CU, but pattï in the rest of Numic. P4. *patta/*patti ‘flat’ > *paci. See at ‘flat.’ Many more examples could be cited. Furthermore, we not only see *t or *-tt- > -c-, but sometimes that change was early enough to undergo the Tepiman sound change of *c > s, such that some PUA *t / -Ct- > c > Tep s: 1 P5. *matta > *maca/*maci ‘tick’: NP madabi (< *matapi); Kw muu’maa-ci; CU mata-ci (< *matta-ci); Ch matavi; Cp máčily; Ca máčil; Ls ‘amáča; Sr maca-c; Hp màaca; TO maamş; Wr macá; Tr mačá; Wc mate. While Takic, Hp, and TrC show -c- (in both NUA and SUA), Num and Wc show -t-/-tt- (again in both NUA and SUA), yet TO has s < c. P6a. *takoLa/*takuLa 'round, (en)circle': Eu takóris 'circle'; AYq tekolai ‘round’; My tékolai ‘redondo’; Sr ta’kï’q ‘be round, circular.’ From the first vowel a (Eu, Sr), note some raised vowels (AYq, My). If raised a little more, then: P6b. *tikoLa > *cikoLa (> Tep *sikoLa/i) '(a)round': TO sikoD ‘round, circumscribed’; TO sikol ‘circular, round’; NT šikóra; NT šikóóraka; ST šikar. Ken Hill adds Cahita číkola ‘alrededor’ which is exactly the link theorized and also supports the proposed tie. P7a. *tïkïya 'deer’ is found in most Numic languages and Tb, yet compare P7b. *ciki 'white-tailed deer' in Tep *siki < *ciki < *tiki: TO siiki 'white-tailed deer'; PYp siiki 'white-tailed deer.' (For NUA ï and SUA i, see Stubbs 2008, p. 35; for *k > h in NUA, see P124-P127, pp. 25-26.) P8. *paNtu’ > *paicu’ 'badger': ST vaisïly ‘tejón’; Cr haihcï(-te) ‘tejón(es)’; and Wc háisï ‘tejón’ all match *paicV (*p > ST v; *p > CrC h). CN peeso’-tli ‘badger’ also parallels ST vaisïly and Wc háisï, all pointing to s.th. near *paicu, though CN s should be c and CN has p while Cr and Wc have h, so CN may be influenced from Tep or CrC, if not an early loan from one or the other. Most forms suggest an originally round final vowel, but puzzles remain. Wr pincúri ‘tejón’ and Tr batúwi ‘tejón’ must be included, in fact, may be key to the cluster. Wr pincúri shows *-nc-, a nasal-alveolar cluster, and the dipthong *ai > i instead of > e, like CN. ST s agrees nicely with the c of CrC and Wr. In light of many PUA *t > c adjacent to high vowels and in light of Tr’s t and in light of Cr, Wr, Tr showing PUA *u after the t/c, something like *paNtu may explain all forms, especially since other examples of UA vowels before alveolars tending toward i (Stubbs 2008, 31) would explain *paicu (< *pantu). In addition, Wr’s nasal in the cluster may explain such a cluster > -c- in most languages, for this may have been a different kind of cluster than in ‘bat’ (2 below) which resulted in Cr -c- vs. Cr -hc- for ‘badger.’ Having *paNtu / *paicu in all branches of SUA and *huna in all branches of NUA (and in SUA with different semantics) provides an interesting NUA-SUA semantic division for 'badger.' In any case, this is a fourth example of *t > c > Tep s. P2. At *(so’o)-paCti’a ‘bat’ note the -pisa of PYp ho’opisa (Tepiman) and the pita- of NP pitahana'a ‘bat’ among the dozen-plus reflexes. Because of NUA -c-, the reconstruction must include *-Ct-/*-t- and NP actually has -t- among many Num -c-, yet in a Tep language (PYp) we find -s-, the usual reflex of *c, but ultimately from *t or *-Ct-. *(so’o)-paCti’a > *pita- (NP pitahana'a ‘bat’) > *pali (Ca) > *paci’a > *paca’a (Tb, Kw, Ch, SP, CU) > *paci’i > háci’i (Cr) > *paci > *so’-peci (TrC: Tr, Wr, Eu) > *soci (Yq, My) > *paci > *so’o-pica > Tepiman ho’o-pisa (PYp) P9. *natipa (> *nacipa > *nacpa > Tep *naspa) 'fold': ST naspa’ ‘doblar, torcerse’; Eu nátpa ‘doblar’; Nv nasa ‘plegar una cosa.’ Here, we actually have Eu -t- aligning with Tep -s-, suggesting palatalization before c > s in Tep. P10. *pï(C)ta/i 'all': TO wïïsï / wees; LP vïïs; NT vïïsi; ST vïïs; PYp veesi; Cp petá’ama 'all, every.' In light of Cp -t- vs. Tep -s-, this may be another case of *-Ct-/*-t- > *-c- in time for *c > Tep s, though *pïcV-ta > *pïtta is possible. P11. *tuti (> *tuci (Hp), > cuci > Tep susi(-ka) > Tep susaka) ‘sandals’: TO šuušk; LP šuušak; NT súúsaka; ST suusak. In light of Tep’s frequent aniticiapatory V assimilation (*V-a > a-a; Stubbs 2008, p.34), an original *tuti would have high vowels following both consonants, then suffixed -ka would encourage *susi-ka > susaka. As we often see Tep s < c < *t (i.e., if Tep *susa < *tuti), then Hp tooci (< *tuti) ‘shoe, moccasin’ fits Tep, since Hp o < *u. P12. *tapputi/*tïpputi ‘flea’: TO čïïpš; PYp teepas; NT tapïïši; ST tapïïis; Eu tepú’u / tepú; Yq téput, tepučim (pl); My tépput; Wr tehpucí; Tr ŕipučí; Tbr tipú-t; Wc teepïï; Cr tepï-, tepï-ci (pl.).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Phonetic Description of a Three-Way Stop Contrast in Northern Paiute
    UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2010) Phonetic description of a three-way stop contrast in Northern Paiute Reiko Kataoka Abstract This paper presents the phonetic description of a three-way phonemic contrast in the medial stops (lenis, fortis, and voiced fortis stops) of a southern dialect of Northern Paiute. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of VOT, closure duration, and voice quality was performed on field recordings of a female speaker from the 1950s. The findings include that: 1) voiced fortis stops are realized phonetically as voiceless unaspirated stops; 2) the difference between fortis and voiced fortis and between voiced fortis and lenis in terms of VOT is subtle; 3) consonantal duration is a robust acoustic characteristic differentiating the three classes of stops; 4) lenis stops are characterized by a smooth VC transition, while fortis stops often exhibit aspiration at the VC juncture, and voiced fortis stops exhibit occasional glottalization at the VC juncture. These findings suggest that the three-way contrast is realized by combination of multiple phonetic properties, particularly the properties that occur at the vowel-consonant boundary rather than the consonantal release. 1. Introduction Northern Paiute (NP) belongs to the Western Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family and is divided into two main dialect groups: the northern group, Oregon Northern Paiute, and the southern group, Nevada Northern Paiute (Nichols 1974:4). Some of the southern dialects of Nevada Northern Paiute, known as Southern Nevada Northern Paiute (SNNP) (Nichols 1974), have a unique three-way contrast in the medial obstruent: ‗fortis‘, ‗lenis‘, and what has been called by Numic specialists the ‗voiced fortis‘ series.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction This dictionary is primarily of the Death Valley variety of what has come to be known in the linguistic and anthropological literature in recent years as Panamint (e.g., Freeze and Iannucci 1979; Lamb 1958 and 1964; McLaughlin 1987; Miller 1984), or sometimes Panamint Shoshone (Miller et al. 1971). In the nineteenth century and up to the middle of this century, it was often called Coso (sometimes spelled Koso) or Coso Shoshone (e.g., Kroeber 1925; Lamb 1958). In aboriginal times and even well into this century, Panamint was spoken by small bands of people living in southeastern California and extreme southwestern Nevada in the valleys and mountain ranges east of the Sierra Nevada. Thus, Panamint territory included the southern end of Owens Valley around Owens Lake, the Coso Range and Little Lake area, the southern end of Eureka Valley, Saline Valley and the eastern slopes of the Inyo Mountains, the Argus Range, northern Panamint Valley and the Panamint Mountains, northern and central Death Valley, the Grapevine Mountains and Funeral Range, the Amargosa Desert and area around Beatty, Nevada (see Maps, pp. x-xi; also Kroeber 1925:589-90 and Steward 1938:70ff). Panamint is closely related to Shoshone proper, spoken immediately to the northeast of it, and to Comanche, spoken now in Oklahoma but formerly in the central and southern Great Plains. Together these three closely related languages comprise the Central Numic branch of the Numic family of the xv xvi INTRODUCTION uto-Aztecan stock of American Indian languages (see Kaufman and Campbell 1981, Lamb 1964, and Miller 1984).
    [Show full text]
  • Languages on the Land: Toward an Anthropological Dialectology. INSTITUTION Indiana Univ., Bloomington
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 40 732 FL 024 412 AUTHOR Hill, Jane H. TITLE Languages on the Land: Toward an Anthropological Dialectology. INSTITUTION Indiana Univ., Bloomington. Dept. of Anthropology. PUB DATE 21 Mar 96 NOTE 40p.; Text of a lecture in the David Skomp Distinguished Lectures in Anthropology series. AVAILABLE FROM Department of Anthropology, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN 47405. PUB TYPE Reports Evaluative/Feasibility (142) Speeches /Conference Papers (150) EDRS PRICE MFOI/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS American Indian Languages; *Anthropology; Comparative Analysis; Diachronic Linguistics; Language Research; *Language Variation; Linguistic Theory; *Migration Patterns; *Papago; *Regional Dialects; Sociolinguistics; Tohono 0 Odham People; Uncommonly Taught Languages ABSTRACT Theories of human migration have been invoked to account for the difference between large-scale spread oflanguages and linguistic elements, as opposed to small-scale local,residual distributions. The field of dialectology understands linguistic elements as distributed across human populations, withmigration as only one possible mechanism of such distributions.Anthropological dialectology, grounded in the material circumstances of human populations, can offer an alternative to migration theories. The inherent variability of languages yields tokens that speakers can deploy to make claims on resources, and differentiate localistfrom distributed sociolinguistic stances toward this variability. People with secure primary claims on essential resources are morelikely to favor localist stances, while people who lack adequateprimary claims and draw instead on a diverse range of secondary orindirect claims are more likely to favordistributed stances. Distributed stances encourage the spread of sociolinguisticvariables, while localist stances inhibit spread. The stances and their effects ondistribution of language variation are illustrated by a study of twodialects of the Tohono 0 Odham (Papago) language.
    [Show full text]
  • Initial Consonant Mutations in the Languages of the World 107 Ical Item
    Right at the left edge: initial consonant mutations in CORE the languages of the world Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Humanities Commons Pavel Iosad 1 Introduction This paper presents a typological overview of initial consonant mutations (abbreviated: ICM) — pretheoretically, changes in the first consonant of a word which are not obviously caused by the phonetic / phonological context. They are relatively well-known from the modern Celtic languages such as Welsh (Ball and Müller 1992) and Irish (Ní Chiosáin 1991; Green 2006). The main goals of this paper are as follows: 1. Provide an overview of initial consonant mutation and initial consonant mutation-like phenomena attested cross-linguistically; 2. Examine whether initial consonant mutation can be thought of as a sepa- rate phenomenon or just a special case of (morphologically conditioned) phonological alternations; 3. Make some typological generalizations over initial consonant mutation (as long as it is possible on such a small set). The paper is structured as follows. In Section 2, I propose an overview of initial consonant mutation cases attested cross-linguistically and try to de- fine the concept of mutation more clearly. Section 3 presents a fuller inven- tory of languages exhibiting initial consonant mutations (or initial consonant mutation-like phenomena). Section 4 considers some issues in the phonolog- ical exponence of initial consonant mutation, with special reference to au- tosegmental approaches. Section 5 discusses factors which trigger mutation. Section 6 contains a brief discussion of initial consonant mutation typology. Section 7 concludes. 2 Overview of mutations Initial consonant mutations are best known from the (Insular) Celtic lan- guages Irish, Scottish, Manx, Welsh, Breton, and Cornish.
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae
    Vita John E. McLaughlin CURRICULUM VITAE John E. McLaughlin Department of English 3200 Old Main Hill Utah State University Logan, UT 84322-3200 BACKGROUND EDUCATION University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas, 1978-1987 Ph.D., 1987, Linguistics Additional Fields of Study: Anthropology, Greek Dissertation Title: A Phonology and Morphology of Panamint Dissertation Committee: Akira Yamamoto (chair), Wick Miller, Kenneth Miner, Robert Rankin Defense Language Institute, Presidio of Monterey, California, 1985 Diploma with Honors, 1985, Hungarian University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1976-1978 M.A., 1978, Linguistics Additional Fields of Study: French Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, Wake Forest, North Carolina, 1975-1976 General Theological and Biblical Studies, Greek Utah State University, Logan, Utah, 1973-1975 B.A. cum laude, 1975, Geography Additional Fields of Study: History, Latin, English RELEVANT EMPLOYMENT Department of English, Utah State University, Logan, Utah. Associate Professor. September 1993-present Teach undergraduate Linguistics and Technical Communication courses and graduate Technical Communication courses, including both classroom and on-line instruction 1 Vita John E. McLaughlin Department of Romance and Germanic Languages, Rivne State Humanities University, Rivne, Ukraine. Fulbright Scholar and Visiting Professor. September 2007-June 2008 Taught undergraduate and graduate English linguistics courses Department of Linguistics, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah. Adjunct Professor. 1996-1998 Taught Language and Culture course during Spring quarters Rockwell International, Canoga Park, California. Proposal Specialist. July 1990-August 1993 Developed and wrote proposals for high-technology aerospace company Thiokol Corporation, Brigham City, Utah. Technical Editor. December 1986-February 1990 Wrote and edited technical and marketing materials for high-technology aerospace company A.R.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Evidentiality in the Uto-Aztecan Languages Tim Thornes Boise State University
    Boise State University ScholarWorks English Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of English 1-1-2018 Evidentiality in the Uto-Aztecan Languages Tim Thornes Boise State University This document was originally published in The Oxford Handbook of Evidentiality (pp. 409-430), edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (2018), reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. Copyright restrictions may apply. https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-oxford- handbook-of-evidentiality-9780198759515?q=The%20Oxford%20Handbook%20of%20Evidentiality&lang=en&cc=gb" CHAPTER 20 EVIDENTIALITY IN THE UTO-AZTECAN LANGUAGES TIM THORNES 20.1. INTRODUCTION 20.1.1. Preliminary remarks Evidentiality, the grammatical expression of the information source for a proposition, is quite diverse among the languages of the Uto-Aztecan family. This diversity is manifest both in the number of terms and associated functional distinctions and in the formal means used to express evidential functions. The purpose of this chapter is to synthesize and describe properties of evidential expression across the family both as a contribution to a typology of evidential systems in the world's languages and to an understanding of how such systems develop in the context of a well-established, but underrepresented and lesser-known, lan­ guage family1. Evidential systems in Uto-Aztecan range from the single term expression of the non­ eyewitness, indirect, or reportative type to those that have been purported to express four or more distinctions. At least two languages in the family, Cupeiio (Takic) and Southeastern Tepehuan (Tepiman), are reported to carry morphological markers of mira­ tivity2 as well (Hill 2005; Garcia Salido 2014b). All the languages surveyed in this chapter appear to mark, at a minimum, reported information, either with a dedicated reportative marker or as the extension ofa quotative particle.
    [Show full text]
  • Expanding to the Edges: Central Numic Dual Number 1
    EXPANDING TO THE EDGES: CENTRAL NUMIC DUAL NUMBER 1 JOHN E. MCLAUGHLIN UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY The Central Numic (Uto-Aztecan) dual number marking system on nouns and pro- nouns is of interest because even though most of the component morphemes involved in the system are reconstructible to Proto-Numic, the system itself is not. Indeed, while the reconstructible Proto-Numic system is rudimentary, the Central Numic system is robust and has expanded to the point that there are few environments where dual is not marked on equal footing with singular and plural. The Central Numic system is of further interest because it involves cycles of grammaticalization and not just a single diachronic event. This contrasts with the other two branches of Numic, Western and Southern, where the very rudimentary Proto-Numic dual number has been maintained and only minimally expanded. The tarpaper shack of Proto-Numic dual marking is now the steel-and-glass high-rise of Central Numic dual marking. [KEYWORDS: Uto-Aztecan languages, dual number, grammaticalization, Central Numic] 1. Introduction. This paper traces the expansion of distinct dual num- ber syntax and morphology in the Central Numic languages of Uto-Aztecan (Timbisha [par], Shoshoni [shh], and Comanche [com]). Although there is no reconstructible dual in Proto-Uto-Aztecan, Proto-Numic had a distinct form for the first person inclusive dual pronoun. While the Southern Numic and Western Numic languages have hardly more evidence of a distinct dual than this, the Central Numic languages have innovated entire dual pronomi- nal and nominal paradigms beginning in Proto-Central Numic, as well as a range of distinctive dual verb forms.
    [Show full text]
  • Recent Language Change in Shoshone: Structural Consequences of Language Loss
    RECENT LANGUAGE CHANGE IN SHOSHONE: STRUCTURAL CONSEQUENCES OF LANGUAGE LOSS by Katherine Matsumoto A dissertation submitted to the faculty of The University of Utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Linguistics The University of Utah December 2015 Copyright c Katherine Matsumoto 2015 All Rights Reserved The University of Utah Graduate School STATEMENT OF DISSERTATION APPROVAL The dissertation of Katherine Matsumoto has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: Rachel Hayes-Harb , Chair 3/27/2015 Date Approved Mauricio J. Mixco , Member 3/27/2015 Date Approved Aniko Csirmaz , Member 3/27/2015 Date Approved Patricia Hanna , Member 3/27/2015 Date Approved John E. McLaughlin , Member 3/27/2015 Date Approved and by Edward J. Rubin , Chair/Dean of the Department/College/School of Linguistics and by David B. Kieda, Dean of The Graduate School. ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a detailed case study of language endangerment-induced lan- guage change in the Shoshone community of Duck Valley, a Shoshone and Paiute reservation where the native languages have lost ground to English significantly over the past decades. The analysis incorporates factors from individual speaker backgrounds and sociolinguistic histories in determining language endangerment-induced language change and variation and indicates how these variables show that extensive contact with English and decreasing use of Shoshone have led to structural simplification in the nominal morphological features examined in this study. This dissertation examines structural changes in Shoshone, a language whose commu- nity is undergoing language shift. Shoshone is an endangered Uto-Aztecan language with approximately 2,000 speakers spoken in the Great Basin area: Nevada, Utah, Idaho, and Wyoming.
    [Show full text]
  • Descent Vs. Diffusion in Language Diversification: Mono Lake Paiute and Western Numic Dialectology
    SSILA 2007 6 January 2007 Descent vs. diffusion in language diversification: Mono Lake Paiute and Western Numic dialectology Molly Babel, Michael Houser, Maziar Toosarvandani, and Andrew Garrett University of California, Berkeley [linguistics.berkeley.edu/~paiute] 1 Numic and Western Numic 1.1 Two models of diversification 1 Arboreal descent: Dialects first become linguistically distinct; then internal innovations within each dialect lead to further diversification. 2 Undine descent: Isoglosses cross pre-existing dialect and language boundaries. 1.2 Numic classification 3 a The northernmost Uto-Aztecan branch, Numic, has 7+ languages (depending how you count Southern dialects): Numic Western Central Southern | | | 1 Mono 3 Tümbisa Shoshoni 6 Kawaiisu 2 Northern Paiute (= Panamint) 7 Chemehuevi ~ 4 Shoshoni Ute ~ Southern Paiute 5 Comanche b Geography (Goddard 1996, Fowler & Fowler 1971) Mono Lake Takic c The Numic languages are obviously very closely related. Their closest relatives within Uto-Aztecan are Tübatulabal and the Takic languages, in southern California. — 2 — 4 a ‘All the dialects known from [Numic] belong to three well marked groups between which, as yet, but few connecting dialects have been found.’ (Kroeber 1907: 97) b Kroeber’s Western vs. Central vs. Southern Numic classification was based only on lexi- cal isoglosses. c Kroeber did not discuss the dialectology of Western Numic. 1.3 Western Numic classification: Mono vs. Northern Paiute 5 Eastern Mono: ‘Distinctive dialects occurred at: Owens lake and Lone Pine; Fish Springs; Independence; Big Pine; Deep Springs valley; Bishop, Laws, and Round valley. Benton, said by some to resemble Mono Lake, was difficult to Owens valley people. Mono lake speech, which Bridgeport resembled, was more difficult; Walker lake was scarcely intelligible.’ (Steward 1933: 236, emphasis added) 6 a ‘Kroeber fails ..
    [Show full text]
  • Ralámuli Kinship Terminology: a Diachronic Perspective on Diversity in the Sierra Tarahumara of Northwestern Mexico
    Ralámuli Kinship Terminology: A Diachronic Perspective on Diversity in the Sierra Tarahumara of Northwestern Mexico WILLIAM L. MERRILL Smithsonian Institution DON BURGESS Creel, Chihuahua, Mexico Abstract. The kinship terminological systems documented for modern Ralá- muli (Tarahumara), a Southern Uto-Aztecan language, exhibit considerable dialectal and subdialectal diversity in both the terms they include and the linguistic forms of these terms–a diversity best understood in relation to the Proto-Tarahumaran kinship system. We reconstruct this antecedent system and discuss the principal changes that occurred in it between the seventeenth and late nineteenth centuries, when the Proto-Tarahumaran speech community appears to have still been intact. Many of the lexical, phonological, morpholo- gical, semantic, and structural differences that distinguish the modern systems from one another, like the emergence of the modern Ralámuli dialects, can be linked to the disruption of interaction patterns during the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries that resulted in the breakup of the Proto-Tarahumaran speech community. 1. Introduction. The purpose of this article is to present the results of a historical linguistic analysis of the kinship terms that have been recorded in different dialects of the modern Ralámuli language. Today, Ralámuli people use the term “Ralámuli” (also spelled “Rarámuri”) to designate themselves and their language, but “Tarahumara” and variants of this word are the only names recorded prior to the nineteenth century for
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Branches of Western Numic Are the Mono and Northern Paiute Languages
    DESCENT AND DIFFUSION IN LANGUAGE DIVERSIFICATION: A STUDY OF WESTERN NUMIC DIALECTOLOGY 1 MOLLY BABEL, ANDREW GARRETT, MICHAEL J. HOUSER, AND MAZIAR TOOSARVANDANI The two branches of Western Numic are the Mono and Northern Paiute languages. We argue that this taxonomic structure did not arise as usually assumed in historical linguistics, through increased differentiation brought about by changes internal to each branch, but rather that diffusion between Western and Central Numic played a crucial role in forming the Western Numic family tree. More generally, we suggest that diffusion plays a greater role in language diversification than is usually recognized. [KEYWORDS: dialectology, diffusion, Numic, phylogeny, subgrouping] 1. Introduction. The emergence of language boundaries in a dialect network raises a venerable question in historical linguistics. How do discrete language differences arise in populations in which speech variation is rela- tively continuous along social or geographic dimensions? Over longer time spans, such discrete boundaries yield the sharply differentiated branches of a language family. What, then, is the origin of the family-tree effect in language relationships? 1 An early version of this paper was presented at the 2007 Annual Meeting of the Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (SSILA). For comments, discussion, and suggestions at various stages of our work we are grateful to the SSILA audience, to Claire Bowern, Victor Golla, Chris Loether, Mark Hale, Jane Hill, John McLaughlin, Sally Thomason, Tim Thornes, and three IJAL reviewers, and to our fellow participants in the 2005–2006 field methods course at the University of California, Berkeley: Erin Haynes, Reiko Kataoka, Fanny Liu, Nicole Marcus, Ruth Rouvier, Ange Strom-Weber, and Corey Yoquelet.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pueblo Region As a Linguistic Area: Diffusion Among the Indigenous Languages of the Southwest United States
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1995 The Pueblo Region as a Linguistic Area: Diffusion Among the Indigenous Languages of the Southwest United States. Catherine Bereznak Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Bereznak, Catherine, "The ueP blo Region as a Linguistic Area: Diffusion Among the Indigenous Languages of the Southwest United States." (1995). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 5996. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/5996 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films die text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. Hie q u a lity of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margin^ and im p rop er alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely, event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g^ maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps.
    [Show full text]