Some PUA *t > c in time for PUA *c > Tepiman s Brian Stubbs (FUAC October 2008) Uto-Aztecanists are familiar with the chain of changes in Tepiman alveolars from Proto-Uto-Aztecan (PUA): PUA *t > c before high vowels for some Tepiman languages and PUA *c > s and PUA *s > h. However, there seems to be evidence that some PUA *t > c in Tepiman in time for the Tepiman sound change PUA *c > s, or at least some correspondences of PUA *t with Tepiman s (and usually in the vicinity of high vowels) would suggest that is what happened. Phonemic frequencies in Uto-Aztecan are revealing for several matters—that of this paper being one. The phonological frequencies of initial syllables in Miller 1988 (M88) were calculated. The exact numbers of initial syllables among UA cognate sets are subject to adjustment, yet those in M88 are reasonably proportionate and available for quick inspection, until a later work’s sets settle sufficiently to be worth counting. The first column is the number of sets with glottal stop-vowel or initial vowel. The other columns are sets beginning with the specified CV combination. Totals of the lines (vowel totals) are to the right; and totals of the columns (consonant totals) are below. The total number of sets in M88 is 1185 and is the total both of the rows and of the columns. Table 7: Syllabic Frequencies ’ c h k kw m n p s t w y totals a 39 18 17 43 15 43 38 64 29 48 27 28 409 i 11 23 7 10 16 6 2 28 18 1 18 -- 140 ï 19 15 9 17 6 11 15 17 22 54 12 19 216 o 27 20 8 38 -- 11 12 26 15 26 14 10 207 u 9 20 21 37 -- 23 5 23 21 24 2 28 213 105 96 62 145 37 94 72 158 105 153 73 85 1185 Note that among all tV syllables, only one ti syllable (M88-ti1 ‘man’) existed until Ken Hill redistributed it (to KH/M06-ci24, tu10, tï9), so now no ti syllables exist vs. 48 ta, 54 tï, 26 to, and 24 tu. In contrast, the number of ci syllables (23) is larger than other cV syllables (18, 15, 20, 20) in spite of the fact that i is the least frequent vowel: i.e., 140 i vs. 409 for a and vs. 200-plus for the other three vowels. All this suggests that many apparent *ci may be from an earlier **ti. In fact, it may be good to first establish how frequent is *t > c. Intervocalic *-t- vs. *-tt-/*-Ct- as Clusters, and Many NUA -c- < *-tt-/*-Ct-. Intervocalic *-t- usually goes to -r- or -d- in Num and to -l- in Cupan and Tb (Sapir 1914, 451; Manaster-Ramer 1992b). So when we see intervocalic -t- in those languages, it is likey due to an underlying geminated *-tt- or to a cluster approximating *- Ct- that behaves much like *-tt-, as Sapir (1914, 452) also noticed Num geminated -tt- corresponds to Tak and Tb -t-. Alexis Manaster Ramer (1992a) demonstrated PUA medial *-c- > -y- in NUA, and accordingly suggested that the various NUA medial -c- are from other sources than PUA *-c-, unless *-cc- is geminated or clustered. Thus, the source of NUA -c- is often a palatalized *-tt- or *-Ct-, especially before high vowels. In fact, Sapir (1914, 445) noted that many UA c may be from syncopated *ti. I would only add that many, if not more, are also from non-syncopated *ti or *tï. In the data below, note the frequency of *-Ct- > -c-, often adjacent to high vowels, but not always. P1. *attip-na (< *aCtipa-na?) 'good, do well': CU ’atti 'good'; SP ’attïN ‘good’; Cp á’či’a 'good'; Ca áča’e 'good, fine, well, very.’ Likely related to these are Hp -’civa 'accord with’; Hp a’civa ‘behave as expected, do what one can with one’s personal resources and limitations’; Hp àacipna/a’cipna ‘do as expected’ whose morphemes are Hp a-’civa-na ‘3pl-accord with-causative.’ If related, note that Hp a’cipna and Cp á’či’a are quite identical in five segments (a’ci . a) except for a consonant cluster in Hp that aligns with a glottal stop in Cp, and both likely align with SNum (CU, SP) *’atti, suggesting *-tti- > -ci-. P2. *paCti’a ‘bat’ > *paci, *pali, etc. NP pitahana'a ‘bat’ actually shows -t-, with another morpheme suffixed. For details, see discussion at ‘bat’ in Stubbs 2008. P3. *paCtï ‘daughter’ (at ‘woman’ in Stubbs 2008) > pacï in SP and CU, but pattï in the rest of Numic. P4. *patta/*patti ‘flat’ > *paci. See at ‘flat.’ Many more examples could be cited. Furthermore, we not only see *t or *-tt- > -c-, but sometimes that change was early enough to undergo the Tepiman sound change of *c > s, such that some PUA *t / -Ct- > c > Tep s: 1 P5. *matta > *maca/*maci ‘tick’: NP madabi (< *matapi); Kw muu’maa-ci; CU mata-ci (< *matta-ci); Ch matavi; Cp máčily; Ca máčil; Ls ‘amáča; Sr maca-c; Hp màaca; TO maamş; Wr macá; Tr mačá; Wc mate. While Takic, Hp, and TrC show -c- (in both NUA and SUA), Num and Wc show -t-/-tt- (again in both NUA and SUA), yet TO has s < c. P6a. *takoLa/*takuLa 'round, (en)circle': Eu takóris 'circle'; AYq tekolai ‘round’; My tékolai ‘redondo’; Sr ta’kï’q ‘be round, circular.’ From the first vowel a (Eu, Sr), note some raised vowels (AYq, My). If raised a little more, then: P6b. *tikoLa > *cikoLa (> Tep *sikoLa/i) '(a)round': TO sikoD ‘round, circumscribed’; TO sikol ‘circular, round’; NT šikóra; NT šikóóraka; ST šikar. Ken Hill adds Cahita číkola ‘alrededor’ which is exactly the link theorized and also supports the proposed tie. P7a. *tïkïya 'deer’ is found in most Numic languages and Tb, yet compare P7b. *ciki 'white-tailed deer' in Tep *siki < *ciki < *tiki: TO siiki 'white-tailed deer'; PYp siiki 'white-tailed deer.' (For NUA ï and SUA i, see Stubbs 2008, p. 35; for *k > h in NUA, see P124-P127, pp. 25-26.) P8. *paNtu’ > *paicu’ 'badger': ST vaisïly ‘tejón’; Cr haihcï(-te) ‘tejón(es)’; and Wc háisï ‘tejón’ all match *paicV (*p > ST v; *p > CrC h). CN peeso’-tli ‘badger’ also parallels ST vaisïly and Wc háisï, all pointing to s.th. near *paicu, though CN s should be c and CN has p while Cr and Wc have h, so CN may be influenced from Tep or CrC, if not an early loan from one or the other. Most forms suggest an originally round final vowel, but puzzles remain. Wr pincúri ‘tejón’ and Tr batúwi ‘tejón’ must be included, in fact, may be key to the cluster. Wr pincúri shows *-nc-, a nasal-alveolar cluster, and the dipthong *ai > i instead of > e, like CN. ST s agrees nicely with the c of CrC and Wr. In light of many PUA *t > c adjacent to high vowels and in light of Tr’s t and in light of Cr, Wr, Tr showing PUA *u after the t/c, something like *paNtu may explain all forms, especially since other examples of UA vowels before alveolars tending toward i (Stubbs 2008, 31) would explain *paicu (< *pantu). In addition, Wr’s nasal in the cluster may explain such a cluster > -c- in most languages, for this may have been a different kind of cluster than in ‘bat’ (2 below) which resulted in Cr -c- vs. Cr -hc- for ‘badger.’ Having *paNtu / *paicu in all branches of SUA and *huna in all branches of NUA (and in SUA with different semantics) provides an interesting NUA-SUA semantic division for 'badger.' In any case, this is a fourth example of *t > c > Tep s. P2. At *(so’o)-paCti’a ‘bat’ note the -pisa of PYp ho’opisa (Tepiman) and the pita- of NP pitahana'a ‘bat’ among the dozen-plus reflexes. Because of NUA -c-, the reconstruction must include *-Ct-/*-t- and NP actually has -t- among many Num -c-, yet in a Tep language (PYp) we find -s-, the usual reflex of *c, but ultimately from *t or *-Ct-. *(so’o)-paCti’a > *pita- (NP pitahana'a ‘bat’) > *pali (Ca) > *paci’a > *paca’a (Tb, Kw, Ch, SP, CU) > *paci’i > háci’i (Cr) > *paci > *so’-peci (TrC: Tr, Wr, Eu) > *soci (Yq, My) > *paci > *so’o-pica > Tepiman ho’o-pisa (PYp) P9. *natipa (> *nacipa > *nacpa > Tep *naspa) 'fold': ST naspa’ ‘doblar, torcerse’; Eu nátpa ‘doblar’; Nv nasa ‘plegar una cosa.’ Here, we actually have Eu -t- aligning with Tep -s-, suggesting palatalization before c > s in Tep. P10. *pï(C)ta/i 'all': TO wïïsï / wees; LP vïïs; NT vïïsi; ST vïïs; PYp veesi; Cp petá’ama 'all, every.' In light of Cp -t- vs. Tep -s-, this may be another case of *-Ct-/*-t- > *-c- in time for *c > Tep s, though *pïcV-ta > *pïtta is possible. P11. *tuti (> *tuci (Hp), > cuci > Tep susi(-ka) > Tep susaka) ‘sandals’: TO šuušk; LP šuušak; NT súúsaka; ST suusak. In light of Tep’s frequent aniticiapatory V assimilation (*V-a > a-a; Stubbs 2008, p.34), an original *tuti would have high vowels following both consonants, then suffixed -ka would encourage *susi-ka > susaka. As we often see Tep s < c < *t (i.e., if Tep *susa < *tuti), then Hp tooci (< *tuti) ‘shoe, moccasin’ fits Tep, since Hp o < *u. P12. *tapputi/*tïpputi ‘flea’: TO čïïpš; PYp teepas; NT tapïïši; ST tapïïis; Eu tepú’u / tepú; Yq téput, tepučim (pl); My tépput; Wr tehpucí; Tr ŕipučí; Tbr tipú-t; Wc teepïï; Cr tepï-, tepï-ci (pl.).