The Two Branches of Western Numic Are the Mono and Northern Paiute Languages
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From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-Creation of the Tribal Identity On
From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-creation of the Tribal Identity on the Tule River Indian Reservation in California from Euroamerican Contact to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 By Kumiko Noguchi B.A. (University of the Sacred Heart) 2000 M.A. (Rikkyo University) 2003 Dissertation Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Native American Studies in the Office of Graduate Studies of the University of California Davis Approved Steven J. Crum Edward Valandra Jack D. Forbes Committee in Charge 2009 i UMI Number: 3385709 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3385709 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Kumiko Noguchi September, 2009 Native American Studies From Yokuts to Tule River Indians: Re-creation of the Tribal Identity on the Tule River Indian Reservation in California from Euroamerican contact to the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 Abstract The main purpose of this study is to show the path of tribal development on the Tule River Reservation from 1776 to 1936. It ends with the year of 1936 when the Tule River Reservation reorganized its tribal government pursuant to the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934. -
The Wintu and Their Neighbors: a Very Small World-System
THE WINTU AND THEIR NEIGHBORS: A VERY SMALL WORLD-SYSTEM Christopher Chase-Dunn Department of Sociology Johns Hopkins University Baltimore, ND 21218 ABSTRACT The world-systems perspective analyzes the modern international system. This approach can be applied to long range social evolution by studying smaller regional intersocietal systems such as the late pre-contact Wintu and their neighbors. Three questions: 1. What was the nature of integration among wintu groups and between them and neighboring groups? 2. What are the spatial characteristics of this network regarding fall off of the impact of events? 3. Was there regional soc~ally structured inequality in this system? Archaeological data may allow estimation of extent and rate of Wintu expansion, obsidian trade patterns, settlement sizes, and other features of this little world-system. INTRODUCTION This paper describes a theoretical approach for the comparative study of world-systems and a preliminary consideration of a small regional intersocietal system composed of the Wintu people and their neighbors in Northern California. I am currently engaged in the study of two "cases" of relatively small intersocietal networks -- the Wintu-centered system and late prehistoric Hawaii (Chase-Dunn 1991). This paper describes my preliminary hypotheses and examines possibilities for using archaeological, ethnographic, and documentary evidence for answering questions raised by the world-systems perspective. The world-systems perspective is a theoretical approach which has been developed to analyze the dynamics of the Europe centered, and now-global, political economy composed of national societies (cf. Wallerstein 1974, 1979; Chase-Dunn 1989; and a very readable introduction in Shannon 1989). One important structure in this modern world-system is the core/periphery hierarchy -- a stratified system of relations among dominant "advanced" core states and dependent and "underdeveloped" peripheral areas. -
Toward a Comprehensive Model For
Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687). -
Prehistoric Rock Art As an Indicator of Cultural Interaction and Tribal Boundaries in South-Central California
Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 15-28(1991). Prehistoric Rock Art as an Indicator of Cultural Interaction and Tribal Boundaries in South-central California GEORGIA LEE, P.O. Box 6774, Los Osos, CA 93402. WILLIAM D. HYDER, Social Sciences Div., Univ. of California, Santa Cruz, CA 95064. XN this paper we explore the use of rock art as images seen under the influence of Datura are an indicator of cultural interaction between mandala forms (i.e., elaborate circular designs) neighboring tribal groups in south-central Cal and tiny dots that surround objects. These forms ifornia. The area is of particular interest are ubiquitous in Chumash rock paintings and because of numerous shared cultural traits, possibly were inspired by drug-induced including a spectacular geometric polychrome phenomena. painting tradition (Steward 1929; Fenenga 1949; While much more can be written about rock Grant 1965). Although there can be no doubt art, we do not attempt in this paper to answer that people of this region formed linguistically questions concerning the meaning of the art, its distinct ethnic groups, the interaction between myriad functions in society, or problems of them involved much more than shared elements dating. Our focus lies instead in exploring the of material culture; they also shared some ways and means to use rock painting styles to religious beliefs (Hudson and Blackburn 1978). identify cultural interaction and tribal bound Thus, rock art, as one indicator of ideological aries. systems, provides an important piece of evidence In reference to artistic styles, geometric for the investigation of cultural interaction in figures not only are found throughout the area, south-central California (cf. -
Configurationality in Classical Nahuatl*
Configurationality in Classical Nahuatl* Jason D. Haugen Oberlin College Abstract: Some classic generativist analyses (Jelinek 1984, Baker 1996) predict that polysynthetic languages should be non-configurational by positing that the arguments of verbs are marked by clitics or affixes and relegating overt NPs/DPs to adjunct positions. Here I argue that the polysynthetic Uto-Aztecan language Classical Nahuatl (CN) was actually configurational. I claim that unmarked VSO order was derived by verb phrase (vP) fronting, from a base-generated structure of SVO. A vP constituent is evidenced by obligatory movement of indefinite object NPs with the vP, as in pseudo noun incorporation analyses given for VOS order in other predicate-initial languages such as Niuean (Polynesian) (Massam 2001) and Chol (Mayan) (Coon 2010). The CN case is interesting to contrast with languages like Chol, which lack head movement, in that the CN word order facts show the hallmarks of vP remnant movement (i.e., the fronting of the verb plus its determinerless NP object into a position structurally higher than the subject), while the actual morphology of the CN verb shows the hallmarks of head movement (including noun incorporation, tense/aspect/mood suffixes, derivational suffixes such as the applicative and causative, and pronominal agreement prefixes marked on the verb). Finally, in regard to the landing site for the fronted predicate, I argue that the placement of CN’s optional clause-introducing particle ca necessitates adopting the split-Comp proposal of Rizzi (1997), as is suggested for Welsh by Roberts (2005). Specifically, I claim for CN that ca is the head of ForceP and that the predicate fronts to a position in the structurally lower Fin(ite)P. -
The Supernatural World of the Kawaiisu by Maurice Zigmond1
The Supernatural World of the Kawaiisu by Maurice Zigmond1 The most obvious characteristic at the supernatural world of the Kawaiisu is its complexity, which stands in striking contrast to the “simplicity” of the mundane world. Situated on and around the southern end of the Sierra Nevada mountains in south - - central California, the tribe is marginal to both the Great Basin and California culture areas and would probably have been susceptible to the opprobrious nineteenth century term, ‘Diggers’ Yet, if its material culture could be described as “primitive,” ideas about the realm of the unseen were intricate and, in a sense, sophisticated. For the Kawaiisu the invisible domain is tilled with identifiable beings and anonymous non-beings, with people who are half spirits, with mythical giant creatures and great sky images, with “men” and “animals” who are localized in association with natural formations, with dreams, visions, omens, and signs. There is a land of the dead known to have been visited by a few living individuals, and a netherworld which is apparently the abode of the spirits of animals - - at least of some animals animals - - and visited by a man seeking a cure. Depending upon one’s definition, there are apparently four types of shamanism - - and a questionable fifth. In recording this maze of supernatural phenomena over a period of years, one ought not be surprised to find the data both inconsistent and contradictory. By their very nature happenings governed by extraterrestrial fortes cannot be portrayed in clear and precise terms. To those involved, however, the situation presents no problem. Since anything may occur in the unseen world which surrounds us, an attempt at logical explanation is irrelevant. -
Plants Used in Basketry by the California Indians
PLANTS USED IN BASKETRY BY THE CALIFORNIA INDIANS BY RUTH EARL MERRILL PLANTS USED IN BASKETRY BY THE CALIFORNIA INDIANS RUTH EARL MERRILL INTRODUCTION In undertaking, as a study in economic botany, a tabulation of all the plants used by the California Indians, I found it advisable to limit myself, for the time being, to a particular form of use of plants. Basketry was chosen on account of the availability of material in the University's Anthropological Museum. Appreciation is due the mem- bers of the departments of Botany and Anthropology for criticism and suggestions, especially to Drs. H. M. Hall and A. L. Kroeber, under whose direction the study was carried out; to Miss Harriet A. Walker of the University Herbarium, and Mr. E. W. Gifford, Asso- ciate Curator of the Museum of Anthropology, without whose interest and cooperation the identification of baskets and basketry materials would have been impossible; and to Dr. H. I. Priestley, of the Ban- croft Library, whose translation of Pedro Fages' Voyages greatly facilitated literary research. Purpose of the sttudy.-There is perhaps no phase of American Indian culture which is better known, at least outside strictly anthro- pological circles, than basketry. Indian baskets are not only concrete, durable, and easily handled, but also beautiful, and may serve a variety of purposes beyond mere ornament in the civilized household. Hence they are to be found in. our homes as well as our museums, and much has been written about the art from both the scientific and the popular standpoints. To these statements, California, where American basketry. -
Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes
National Plant Data Team August 2012 Edible Seeds and Grains of California Tribes and the Klamath Tribe of Oregon in the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology Collections, University of California, Berkeley August 2012 Cover photos: Left: Maidu woman harvesting tarweed seeds. Courtesy, The Field Museum, CSA1835 Right: Thick patch of elegant madia (Madia elegans) in a blue oak woodland in the Sierra foothills The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) prohibits discrimination in all its pro- grams and activities on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, disability, and where applicable, sex, marital status, familial status, parental status, religion, sex- ual orientation, genetic information, political beliefs, reprisal, or because all or a part of an individual’s income is derived from any public assistance program. (Not all prohibited bases apply to all programs.) Persons with disabilities who require alternative means for communication of program information (Braille, large print, audiotape, etc.) should contact USDA’s TARGET Center at (202) 720-2600 (voice and TDD). To file a complaint of discrimination, write to USDA, Director, Office of Civil Rights, 1400 Independence Avenue, SW., Washington, DC 20250–9410, or call (800) 795-3272 (voice) or (202) 720-6382 (TDD). USDA is an equal opportunity provider and employer. Acknowledgments This report was authored by M. Kat Anderson, ethnoecologist, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS) and Jim Effenberger, Don Joley, and Deborah J. Lionakis Meyer, senior seed bota- nists, California Department of Food and Agriculture Plant Pest Diagnostics Center. Special thanks to the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum staff, especially Joan Knudsen, Natasha Johnson, Ira Jacknis, and Thusa Chu for approving the project, helping to locate catalogue cards, and lending us seed samples from their collections. -
Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: a Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California
Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: A Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California Jane H. Hill, William L. Merrill Anthropological Linguistics, Volume 59, Number 1, Spring 2017, pp. 1-23 (Article) Published by University of Nebraska Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/anl.2017.0000 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683122 Access provided by Smithsonian Institution (9 Nov 2018 13:38 GMT) Uto-Aztecan Maize Agriculture: A Linguistic Puzzle from Southern California JANE H. HILL University of Arizona WILLIAM L. MERRILL Smithsonian Institution Abstract. The hypothesis that the members of the Proto—Uto-Aztecan speech community were maize farmers is premised in part on the assumption that a Proto—Uto-Aztecan etymon for ‘maize’ can be reconstructed; this implies that cognates with maize-related meanings should be attested in languages in both the Northern and Southern branches of the language family. A Proto—Southern Uto-Aztecan etymon for ‘maize’ is reconstructible, but the only potential cog- nate for these terms documented in a Northern Uto-Aztecan language is a single Gabrielino word. However, this word cannot be identified definitively as cognate with the Southern Uto-Aztecan terms for ‘maize’; consequently, the existence of a Proto—Uto-Aztecan word for ‘maize’ cannot be postulated. 1. Introduction. Speakers of Uto-Aztecan languages lived across much of western North America at the time of their earliest encounters with Europeans or Euro-Americans. Their communities were distributed from the Columbia River drainage in the north through the Great Basin, southern California, the American Southwest, and most of Mexico, with outliers as far south as Panama (Miller 1983; Campbell 1997:133—38; Caballero 2011; Shaul 2014). -
Phonetics and Phonology
46 2 Phonetics and Phonology In this chapter I describe the segmental and suprasegmental categories of CLZ phonology, both how they are articulated and how they fall into the structures of syllable and word. I also deal with phono-syntactic and phono-semantic issues like intonation and the various categories of onomatopoetic words that are found. Other than these last two issues this chapter deals only with strictly phonetic and phonological issues. Interesting morpho-phonological details, such as the details of tonal morphology, are found in Chapters 4-6. Sound files for most examples are included with the CD. I begin in §2.1 and §2.2 by describing the segments of CLZ, how they are articulated and what environments they occur in. I describe patterns of syllable structure in §2.3. In §2.4 I describe the vowel nasalization that occurs in the SMaC dialect. I go on to describe the five tonal categories of CLZ and the main phonetic components of tone: pitch, glottalization and length in §2.5. Next I give brief discussions of stress (§2.6), and intonation (§2.7). During the description of segmental distribution I often mention that certain segments have a restricted distribution and do not occur in some position except in loanwords and onomatopoetic words. Much of what I consider interesting about loanwords has to do with stress and is described in §2.6 but I also give an overview of loanword phonology in §2.8. Onomatopoetic words are sometimes outside the bounds of normal CLZ phonology both because they can employ CLZ sounds in unusual environments and because they may contain sounds which are not phonemic in CLZ. -
Phonetic Description of a Three-Way Stop Contrast in Northern Paiute
UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2010) Phonetic description of a three-way stop contrast in Northern Paiute Reiko Kataoka Abstract This paper presents the phonetic description of a three-way phonemic contrast in the medial stops (lenis, fortis, and voiced fortis stops) of a southern dialect of Northern Paiute. Qualitative and quantitative analysis of VOT, closure duration, and voice quality was performed on field recordings of a female speaker from the 1950s. The findings include that: 1) voiced fortis stops are realized phonetically as voiceless unaspirated stops; 2) the difference between fortis and voiced fortis and between voiced fortis and lenis in terms of VOT is subtle; 3) consonantal duration is a robust acoustic characteristic differentiating the three classes of stops; 4) lenis stops are characterized by a smooth VC transition, while fortis stops often exhibit aspiration at the VC juncture, and voiced fortis stops exhibit occasional glottalization at the VC juncture. These findings suggest that the three-way contrast is realized by combination of multiple phonetic properties, particularly the properties that occur at the vowel-consonant boundary rather than the consonantal release. 1. Introduction Northern Paiute (NP) belongs to the Western Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family and is divided into two main dialect groups: the northern group, Oregon Northern Paiute, and the southern group, Nevada Northern Paiute (Nichols 1974:4). Some of the southern dialects of Nevada Northern Paiute, known as Southern Nevada Northern Paiute (SNNP) (Nichols 1974), have a unique three-way contrast in the medial obstruent: ‗fortis‘, ‗lenis‘, and what has been called by Numic specialists the ‗voiced fortis‘ series. -
Introduction
Introduction This dictionary is primarily of the Death Valley variety of what has come to be known in the linguistic and anthropological literature in recent years as Panamint (e.g., Freeze and Iannucci 1979; Lamb 1958 and 1964; McLaughlin 1987; Miller 1984), or sometimes Panamint Shoshone (Miller et al. 1971). In the nineteenth century and up to the middle of this century, it was often called Coso (sometimes spelled Koso) or Coso Shoshone (e.g., Kroeber 1925; Lamb 1958). In aboriginal times and even well into this century, Panamint was spoken by small bands of people living in southeastern California and extreme southwestern Nevada in the valleys and mountain ranges east of the Sierra Nevada. Thus, Panamint territory included the southern end of Owens Valley around Owens Lake, the Coso Range and Little Lake area, the southern end of Eureka Valley, Saline Valley and the eastern slopes of the Inyo Mountains, the Argus Range, northern Panamint Valley and the Panamint Mountains, northern and central Death Valley, the Grapevine Mountains and Funeral Range, the Amargosa Desert and area around Beatty, Nevada (see Maps, pp. x-xi; also Kroeber 1925:589-90 and Steward 1938:70ff). Panamint is closely related to Shoshone proper, spoken immediately to the northeast of it, and to Comanche, spoken now in Oklahoma but formerly in the central and southern Great Plains. Together these three closely related languages comprise the Central Numic branch of the Numic family of the xv xvi INTRODUCTION uto-Aztecan stock of American Indian languages (see Kaufman and Campbell 1981, Lamb 1964, and Miller 1984).