Joumal of Califomia and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 111-128 (1993).

The Numic Expansion in Great Basin Oral Tradition

MARK Q. SUTTON, Dept. of Sociology and Anthropology, Califortiia State Univ., Bakersfield, 9001 Stockdale Hwy., Bakersfield, CA 93311-1099.

In 1958, Sydney Lamb (1958) proposed that Numic population movement to changing the the distribution of Numic languages in the Great direction of the proposed movement. Views of Basin and its fringes (Fig. 1) was the result of a where a "homeland" of the Numic groups population expansion originating in southeast might have been also changed. California. Using glottochronology. Lamb While linguists now generally accept the dated this expansion as beginning circa A.D. "reality" of the Numic expansion (Michael J. 1000. Although there had been an awareness of P. Nichols, personal communication 1985), the unique distribution of the Numic languages archaeologists are still skeptical since such a prior to the work of Lamb (e.g., Kroeber 1907; spread does not appear to be clearly reflected in Zingg 1933, 1938; Steward 1940) and even the archaeological record (e.g., Euler 1964; some discussion about population movements to Butler 1981). Archaeologists do not agree on account for that distribution (Zingg 1933), it what kinds of archaeological patterns and/or was the Lamb hypothesis that generated the real artifacts can clearly be viewed as "Numic," interest in gaining an understanding of what has since the ethnicity of artifacts or patterns of become known as "The Numic Problem." artifacts is very difficult to demonstrate. Perhaps the lack of interest in the earlier Of equal importance is a lack of under­ observations was due partly to the absence of a standing of why and how Numic populations clear theoretical background on the prehistory of would have occupied the Great Basin. En­ the Great Basin. Until the idea of the "Desert vironmental factors and population pressures Culture" was proposed (Jennings 1953, 1957; have been variously suggested as causal factors. Jermings and Norbeck 1955), there was no theo­ A model of a replacement mechanism was pro­ retical framework in which to place prehistoric posed by Bettinger and Baumhoff (1982) based population movements and their archaeological on dietary cost and competition. Another model implications. Once it was proposed that the was presented by Sutton (1984, 1987) empha­ Great Basin had been inhabited with little sizing a contrast in long- and short-term adap­ evident change during the Holocene, prehistoric tive strategies. Sutton (1986) suggested that population movements and their expected recent (proto-historic/historic) expansions of reflections in the archaeological record gen­ peoples speaking a Numic language were ef­ erated attention. This probably was due to the fected partly by military means and that this fact that the Desert Culture concept served as a method may have been used during the pre­ baseline to compare data and develop competing historic period as well. models (cf. Jennings 1973). Three major hypotheses regarding the During the 1960s, a number of researchers "Numic Problem" are considered herein: the suggested alternatives to the Lamb hypothesis. null, or in situ hypothesis (that no Numic spread These alternatives ranged from the denial of a took place), the Lamb (1958) hypothesis that 112 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 1. Ethnographic distribution of the Numic languages (not including Comanche): (1) Mono; (2) Panamint; (3) Kawaiisu; (4) Northern Paiute; (5) Shoshoni; (6) Southern Paiute/Ute.

Numic peoples spread across the Great Basin torical records; (4) new burial patterns; (5) new about A.D. 1000 from a homeland in south­ settlement types; (6) new artifact types; and (7) eastern California, and the Aikens and new settlement patterns. In essence, the major Witherspoon (1986) hypothesis that Numic lines of evidence used in migration studies are peoples spread east and west from a homeland linguistic, archaeological, physical anthropo­ in central Nevada at various times, including the logical, and historical. Rouse (1986) outlined a recent past. similar approach (also see Thompson 1958; Sutton 1991). LINES OF INQUIRY IN A variety of types of linguistic evidence MIGRATION STUDIES apply to migration research and were outlined Perhaps the most convincing evidence for a by Sapir (1916), Dyen (1956), and Kinkade and migration is historical records. However, Powell (1976:84-85). These include language archaeologists generally lack such records and distributions, original homelands, loan-word must rely on other sources of evidence. Hard­ patterns, lexical reconstmctions, placenames, ing (1974:8) listed seven categories of data by and legends. Oral tradition is herein considered which to identify population movements: (1) to constitute a form of linguistic data, albeit new physical type; (2) new language; (3) his­ indirect and subject to various problems (e.g.. THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 113 recordation in English, memory, regional the Great Basin, owing to a presumably shorter alteration of stories, etc.). Miller (1986:103- period of contact and diffusion of traits. 104) briefly reviewed the linguistic evidence of Steward (1936:361) noted very close similarity the movement of Numic groups vis-a-vis the between several myths from Owens Valley Lamb model. Paiute and the Paviotso from Fallon and Love­ lock, while noting that Southern Paiute versions ORAL TRADITION of those myths were substantially different. Vansina (1985:3) defined oral tradition as A general analysis of Great Basin myth was being both a "process" and "its products," the conducted by Smith (1940). She analyzed 736 result being oral messages passed from tales (mostly from Great Basin groups but generation to generation. Thus, oral tradition including the Washo and some Califomian and consists of messages and includes oral history, Southwestern groups as well), representing all mythology, legends, folktales, personal narra­ of the major Great Basin subdivisions except the tives, jokes and riddles, and songs. Oral tradi­ Kawaiisu (discussed by Zigmond [1980]). tion can contain considerable information on a Smith noted at least one aspect of Great Basin variety of subjects, though most specific data myth that sets it apart from neighboring groups. tend to reflect the recent past, within a century Earth Diver, a common element in the myth of or so (Vansina 1985:197). Even though the much of western North America, was mentioned quantity and quality of data lessen considerably in the oral tradition of only three Numic groups; after that point, some information still remains. once by the Owens Valley Paiute (Smith 1940: Data on placenames, sacred areas, relations with 16; see Steward [1933:323] for the example), other groups, etc., are still present in oral once in Kawaiisu myth (Zigmond 1980:27-28), tradition, and their interpretation could serve as and also in Western Mono myth (Gayton and a form of "history." Newman 1940). (A fourth group may be the The use of oral tradition as an indicator of Northern Shoshoni where Earth Diver was the movements of groups speaking Numic lan­ recorded by Wick Miller [personal communica­ guages was used first by Goss (1968:28-32) in tion 1992].) his study of the Ute. Goss used those data as Smith (1940) divided the Great Basin into one line of evidence in tracing the timing and three subareas. Eastern, Western, and Southern, direction of Ute movements (coupled with based on tale type, frequency of general subject various kinds of linguistic, archaeological, and matter, and certain specific elements or char­ historic evidence). The effort was fruitful and acters (e.g., primeval water, cannibals). There is expanded upon below. were not enough data from the central Great Basin to assign it to one of the three subareas General Analysis (Smith 1940:197-198). A broad view of the overall pattern of Great The Western area included the Northern Basin oral tradition might be expected to reveal Paiute (Harney Valley Paiute, Surprise Valley some internal consistencies, perhaps within and Paiute, and Paviotso), the Owens Valley Paiute, between the three Numic language branches. and the Washo (Smith 1940:195). Character­ Such consistencies should be less with neigh­ istic of this area was a relative abundance of boring (non-Numic) groups. If a Numic spread origin tales (there being few in the Great Basin had taken place late in time, differences with in general), no carmibal bird, the presence of neighboring, non-Numic groups should be much cannibal giants, the presence of the "Theft of greater in the northern and eastern portion of Pine Nuts" tale, and animals other than Coyote 114 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY being popular characters. The Western area fight. The children scatter to become the var­ also shared some tales with bordering California ious tribes. In Type II, Coyote is lured to an groups (e.g.. Two Brothers and The Contest island by a girl, and after some difficulty, has with Cannibal; Smith 1940:196). children with the girl. The children are put into The Eastern area included the Wind River a jug and when Coyote opens the jug, the var­ Shoshoni, Northern Shoshoni, and the Northern ious tribes emerge and scatter. Smith (1940:20) and Southern Ute (Smith 1940:195). Character­ viewed Type II as being older and having a istic of this area was an absence of origin tales, wider distribution than Type I. the absence of primeval water, few novelistic Owens Valley Paiute. In the several origin tales, and cannibals as humans rather than giants myths recorded by Steward (1936) for the (Smith 1940:195). Coyote was the most pop­ Owens Valley Paiute, Black Mountain (in the ular character. White Mountains, on the east side of the valley; The Southern area included the Southern Steward 1936:364), Round Valley (just north of Paiute (Moapa, Shivwits, and Kaibab) and the Owens Valley; Steward 1936:365), and Long Walapai (Smith 1940:197). In the Southern Valley (just north of Long Valley; Steward area, more localization of the myth was evident, 1936:366) are mentioned as the place where the magic devices were used more often, and canni­ people were conceived. "All the Indian tribes" bals were both humans and giants. (Steward 1936:366) were thus created, but the Several non-Numic groups, the Washo and Miwok, Shoshoni, and Modoc were mentioned Walapai, were included in Smith's myth sub- by name. There is no indication of any move­ areas in the Great Basin. These two groups fall ment of Shoshoni groups to different places. within the geographic boundaries of the Great Northem Paiute. In one version of a Basin and were both placed in the subarea cor­ Paviotso origin of humans myth (Type I fol­ responding to their geographic location. lowing Smith 1940), a woman came to a man For Numic groups. Smith's Western area from out of "the [Pacific?] ocean to the south" coincides rather neatly with the distribution of (Lowie 1924:200). After the flood, the man the Western Numic languages. The Southern and woman reached "Job Mountain," where area contains only the Southern Paiute (Southern they were married and people were created. Numic languages). However, the Eastern area In another Type I version (Lowie 1924: includes groups from both the Central and 204), a man was living south of Job's (or Fox) Southern Numic language groups. The implica­ Peak (called Warjikudak'"). A woman came to tions of this currently are unclear, although it him from the south and they were married and may be related to the paucity of data from the had children (two boys and two girls). The central Great Basin creating a "gap" in the boys began to fight and the father took them to record. the top of Job's Peak and "sent one boy and one girl to Lovelocks [sic] Valley [to the north], Origin of Humans Myths the others he sent to Stillwater [to the west]" Smith noted that there were relatively few (Lowie 1924:205). The people that went to origin of humans myths from the Great Basin. Lovelock "were a different tribe, but the She then (1940:17-18; perhaps following Gayton Paviotso were stronger and repelled them" [1935:593]) identified two general types of (Lowie 1924:205). Job's Peak is located in the origin myths that did exist. In Type I, a woman Stillwater Range, some 30 miles east of Fallon, is pursued by several characters, is rescued, Nevada. marries a man, and has children who constantly In a third Type I version (Lowie 1924:205- THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 115

209), Stillwater, Lovelock, and Job's Peak are movements may have been influenced by the mentioned, along with Chalk Mountain, West- tellers of these stories and that they may not gate, Middlegate, and Eastgate. These latter represent actual movements in prehistory. places are all located in southeastern Churchill Shoshoni. A number of origin myths for County, Nevada. Westgate, Middlegate, and the Western Shoshoni was presented by Steward Eastgate are small passes in the hills along (1943), all of which would fall into the Type II Route 50 and were named by Euroamericans. tale of Smith (1940). In the Death Valley Their importance to the Paviotso is unclear. Shoshoni version, Coyote is at the "ocean" In a Type II version of the origin myth, (Steward [1943:262] felt that this term may "Coyote Begets Indians" (Lowie 1924:209- refer to a lake) and starts homeward, going first 212), only the Paviotso remained in the jug that to the Owens Valley and then to Death Valley. Coyote had opened. Coyote "raised the Pavi­ In the Beatty, Nevada, Shoshoni version, the otso and Bannock together" and the "Bannock home of the girl and her mother was in the east went off north while the Paviotso remained" (Steward 1943:263). Coyote was given the jug (Lowie 1924:211). Coyote apparently raised the full of people and went west towards home. two groups "south of here [Fallon, Nevada]" Coyote let some people out at Saline Valley and (Lowie 1924:211), indicating, perhaps, that the more at Owens River (Steward 1943:265). people had moved from the south with the Owens River, however, was only "half way" Paviotso, stopping in west-central Nevada with home, implying a "home" in California. the Barmock moving further north. In the Ash Meadows, Nevada, Shoshoni In one version (Type I) recorded by Kelly version. Coyote was given instructions on where (1938:366), the Northern Paiute were created to let people out of the jug. somewhere south of Fallon, along with the "Pit When you come to Saline Valley, open the Rivers." The Northern Paiute were put "at stopper just a little way, then replace it quickly. Doyle [in California, south of Honey Lake] and When you come to Death Valley, open it a little more. At Tin Mountain (Charleston Peak the Pit Rivers [presumably Achumawi] over at [Nevada, although there also is a Tin Mountain Humboldt . . . That's where the Paiute and Pit in the north end of the Panamint Range but also Rivers start" (Kelly 1938:368). see Steward (1943:295)]) open it half way. The Paviotso tale of "The Theft of Fire" When you are in Moapa, take the stopper out all the way [Steward 1943:266]. (Lowie 1924:228-229) begins like an origin tale. The entire world was underwater "except one And so Coyote let out both the "Paiute and mountain south of Walker River" (Lowie 1924: Shoshoni" in a specific west-to-east progres­ 228). This mountain later was identified as sion. Job's Peak, northeast of the Walker drainage. In the Saline Valley Shoshoni version The placename appears to have been transferred (Steward 1943:270-272), Coyote arrived in his from one place to the other, either south to own country (Saline Valley?) with the jug full north or north to south. of people, where he opened it. Summary. There seems to be a fairly clear The firstt o come out were fine looking, but they trend of people coming from the south and had no bows and arrows. They started off moving north, the Barmock tale (Lowie toward the north, mnning and raising a big dust. 1924:211) being an explicit example. There are Coyote shouted, "Wait! 1 want to pick some of the best ones for my people." Fine looking no real suggestions of movements in other people without bows and arrows also ran across directions. As a cautionary note, it should be the mountains to the west [the Sierra Nevada?]. remembered that the recorded direction of Those that went toward the east (suvu watu 116 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

numu) were scrabby people, and carried bows Kaibab (near Buckskin Mountain), letting out and quivers full of arrows. Those who went south were also scmbby, and had bows and the various groups of Southern Paiute at each arrows. These were Coyote's people, the Sho­ location. Coyote then returned to the Shivwits shoni. Those who went to the north, settled at area. This tale shows a clear west-to-east pro­ different places along Owen's [sic] Valley. gression of the dispersal of the Southern Paiute, They were the Northem Paiute [Steward 1943:272]. beginning in Califomia. Sapir (1930:358-359) recorded a Kaibab In the Skull Valley, Utah, Gosiute story of Paiute origin myth (Type II) in which the girl "The Origin of the People" (Steward 1943:267- and her mother lived "way down to the west." 268), the girl's island was in the Great Salt Coyote opened the sack containing the people Lake and Sinav was told to go south. He let out who scattered "in different directions" (Sapir people on several occasions, and they became 1930:359). "the Shoshoni, Ute, Paiute, and other tribes" One might expect that this trend would (Steward 1943:268). A different version of this continue in the origin myth of the Southern Ute. story related to Wick Miller (personal com­ However, the three such myths recorded by munication 1992) does not offer any direction. Lowie (1924:1-5) already had been Christian­ Summary. The Shoshoni origin of humans ized. Only one mentions direction of dispersal, stories do not show any clear and consistent the Whites to the east, the Apache to the west, pattern, with people being dispersed in all of the and other Indians to the north and south (Lowie cardinal directions. However, most of the 1924:3). Shoshoni data are limited to the southern portion In the Kaibab Paiute tale of "How the 'Cry' of Shoshoni territory where their homeland may Originated" (Sapir 1930:347), the animals had have been. assembled in "the far western country" to have Kawaiisu/Southern Paiute. In a Kawaiisu the first cry (mourning ceremony), and then tale of "Coyote and the Basket" (Zigmond dispersed (presumably to the east) back to their 1980:139), Coyote was carrying a basket full of homes. A Kaibab Paiute tale of "Wolf and His children. He started out in "South Fork" Brother" (Sapir 1930:340) showed "enemies" (Tubatulabal territory), heading north into Inyo coming from the west, the direction in which County, on his way to Mono Lake. He got the Shivwits lived. tired before he got there and all of the Indians In a Type II (following Smith 1940) Cheme­ got out and scattered. huevi origin of humans tale (Laird 1984:39-44), A Shivwits Southern Paiute origin of Coyote was living at "Snow Having (Niva- humans myth, "The Origin of the Paiute" gantiy (Charleston Peak) with his elder brother (Lowie 1924:103-104), related that "a long time Wolf. Coyote opened the basket full of people ago" there were no people living except one at the coast. "These will be the Coast Indians- woman and her daughter, both in California. aikya, no matter what tribe names they may The daughter met and slept with Coyote (in a have-aikya" (Laird 1984:43). All escaped but derivation of a Type II origin of humans myth), the "worst" people. Coyote then returned to having children that Coyote took back to his Snow Having. These people became the groups "own country" (the Shivwits area). Coyote in the vicinity of the Chemehuevi and there is accidentally let most of the people out of the no mention of migration. In a similar Cheme­ bag and they became the other tribes (a common huevi tale (Kroeber 1908), enemies came from element in variations of this tale). Coyote first the east to kill Coyote's brother, after which stopped at Moapa, then at Shivwits, then at Coyote traveled east seeking revenge. THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 117

Summary. A seemingly clear west-to-east He [Wolf] took them away to the east. Each progression is present in Southern Paiute origin day, they stopped to hunt and then moved on to the next ridge to the east. They continued in of humans myth, especially the detailed account this way to the Rocky mountains [Roadmnner in Lowie (1924:103-104). There is mention of was following] . . . But after a while Wolf and an enemy to the west (rather than to the east; his men had gone so far east that the [daily Sapir 1930:340) that slightly confuses the roundtrip] trip was too great for Roadrarmer [Steward 1936:422]. picture. Discussion. The relatively few origin of Wolf eventually had his men turn into animals humans myth data support the idea of people and "went far off to the east to become a wolf dispersing from south to north (Northern Paiute) and live alone by the shores of a great ocean or from west to east (Southern Paiute). The [Great Sah Lake?]" (Steward 1936:422). Shoshoni data are equivocal. Shoshoni. The Elko Shoshoni "The Theft of Pine Nuts" story told of traveling north to Migration Legends obtain the nuts. Explicit migration legends are conspicuously All the people started from somewhere south absent among the various Numic groups (Lowie of Beowawee [Beowawe, southwest of Elko, 1909:233). Lowie noted (1909:233, citing Nevada] and traveled toward the north. They Culin), however, that the "Washakie Snakes" went past Owyhee [the town of Owyhee is in northwestem Elko County, Nevada, while the (probably a band of Eastern Shoshoni following Owyhee River flows from Nevada, through Washakie) may have had a tradition that they Idaho, and into Oregon] and could smell the pine had come from the south. nuts to the north. On their way, they planned Evidence of migration or population how they would get them. They traveled and traveled, many days. Some of the people got movements sometimes is present in other kinds tired and stopped. Frog, Rattlesnake, and of myths. For example, the Southern Paiute several others got tired and could not go any tales of the "Origin of the Paiute" (Lowie further. But the long-legged persons kept on going towards the north into what is now Idaho 1924:103-104; discussed above) and "Cottontail [Steward 1943:258]. and the Sun" (Lowie 1924:142-147; discussed below) contain information on the direction the Although it is not clear how far south of the people came from, which direction they moved, Elko area they started, it does appear that the and where the various groups stopped and lived. people migrated north, going into Idaho, and Owens Valley Paiute/Northem Paiute. In that some groups stopped and settled along the the Northern Paiute tale of "The Ice Barrier" way. (Steward 1943:299), Wolf and Coyote "went to The Comanche are known to have migrated the north to fight. Many people went with south onto the Plains after A.D. 1700 (e.g., them" towards the Snake River. A wall of ice Wallace and Hoebel 1952). Yet even with that barred their way, but Raven broke it and all the recent and rapid movement, migration tales are people ran across (towards the north). lacking (cf. St. Clair 1909). An Owens Valley Paiute tale of "Wolf and Kawaiisu/Ute. According to a Kawaiisu tale Roadmnner" (Steward 1936:417-422) told of recorded by Stephen Cappannari (in Zigmond Wolf, who once lived in Deep Springs Valley 1980:38), "all the Indians first came from this (just east of Owens Valley), gathering his [the eastern?] side of Santa Maria," a city warriors together (after an altercation with located in the Coast Range of California. Roadmnner), and moving away from Deep Cappannari thought this quite unusual (Zigmond Springs Valley. 1980:38, note 6). The Kawaiisu origin of 118 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY humans site, however, appears to be located in example, if the placenames are unanalyzable or the southern Sierra Nevada (Sutton 1982). opaque, it would indicate that the group had A Uintah Ute tale (untitled) depicts a man been in place a long time and that the names (a cannibal) and his two wives living in an area had lost some of their meaning, while a group apparently having no game and wishing to move just recently in an area would have more easily (Kroeber 1901:281). translatable placenames. Let us go Eastward again. I am tired of eating The use of nonspecific places in mytho­ [only] this grass-seed. I am tired of seeing no logical times is common, using terms such as tracks, and of seeing no game; therefore I wish "someplace" or "a certain place," or even to go east. more general references such as "camped to­ The movement eastward appears consistent but gether," "had a house," and "lived together." the cannibal traveled into areas already occupied The implications of such nonspecific descrip­ by good people (Ute) and not enemies, who tions are unknown. In addition, many of the eventually killed him. placenames in Basin oral tradition are in A Chemehuevi tale (Laird 1984:49-58) English, perhaps confusing their interpretation. recorded the movement of a group of Sandhill Placenames. Owens Valley Paiute. Two Cranes (perhaps a band name?) moving to the Owens Valley "Origin of Fire" myths (Steward south from the general vicinity of Snow Having 1936:369-371) note that fire first was observed (Charleston Peak). The Cranes traveled south, "Way back west of the Sierra Nevada there scouted, and found "many people" whom they used to be a big tule fire [in the San Joaquin promptly attacked and killed. They then moved Valley?]" and that people went west to get the further south. fire and returned. Discussion. Although the data are Northern Paiute. In a Paviotso version of somewhat limited, they are fairly consistent in "Cottontail and the Sun" (Lowie 1924:225- depicting movements in the directions in which 228), the tale of movement and killing is the Numic Spread is thought to have taken roughly the same as with the Southern Paiute place. version, although Cottontail traveled to fight North Wind (Lowie 1924:225) and then was Placenames and Sacred Areas later identified as having "come from the west" The geographic identification of placenames (Lowie 1924:226). In a different version. and sacred areas in oral tradition could provide Cottontail "traveled to the east" but in the next clues to territories formerly occupied by various passage. Cottontail "is from the south" (Kelly groups. For instance, if sacred areas are not 1938:425). within the territory occupied by a group in The north wind again was mentioned in a ethnographic times, it may indicate that the Northern Paiute tale of "The Theft of Pine group had come from that area. Placenames Nuts" (Steward 1943:260). The "north wind" that fall outside of the area occupied during the brought the smell of pine nuts to the people who ethnographic period are less instructive since went north to obtain them. In the Northem traders and travelers could have gained such Paiute versions of "The Theft of Pine Nuts" knowledge. Additionally, considerable data on recorded by Kelly (1938:395-403), the smell movements of people can be obtained using came from the north with the Austin Mountains placenames. The ability to analyze placenames (to the east) and Lovelock being mentioned. may give clues to the length of time a group has However, in one tale (from an informant from been in an area (see Miller 1986:103). For Beatty, south-central Oregon), the smell came THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 119

from the south (Kelly 1938:399-400). That Both the Saline Valley, California, Shoshoni same informant had observed that pine nuts and Elko, Nevada, Shoshoni versions of "Cot­ "grew on Yamsi [or Yamsay] mountain and tontail Shoots the Sun" (Steward 1943:277-281) Gearhart mountain" (Kelly 1938:401), both have Cottontail traveling east. However, located well north of the current range of pinyon neither tale is violent in the sense that Cottontail (Pinus monophylla). In a Mono Lake Paiute killed people along the way. version of "The Theft of Pine Nuts" (Steward Coso Hot Springs is an important place to 1936:431-433), the smell came from the east, the Indians of eastern California. Coso Hot where strangers lived. Springs is located south of Owens Valley, and Shoshoni. In two similar Westem Shoshoni is mentioned in several versions of "The Race "Theft of Fire" tales (Steward 1943), the Saline to Koso Hot Springs," by the Death Valley Valley Shoshoni went to the south to steal fire Shoshoni (Steward 1943:268-269), the Saline (Steward 1943:254) while the Panamint went to Valley Shoshoni (Steward 1943:269-270), the the west (Steward 1943:255; Zigmond 1980: Owens Valley Paiute (Steward 1936:411-417), 222). In another Panamint version. Rat took the the Kawaiisu (Zigmond 1980:141-148), and the fire to his home near Lida (Nevada, north of Panamint Shoshoni (Zigmond 1980:231-232). Death Valley) where he spread it "all over the The Kawaiisu version (Zigmond 1980:141) had country" (Steward 1943:255). the race from Victorville (a city in the central Lida was again mentioned in the Saline Mojave Desert) to Coso. A similar tale (a race, Valley Shoshoni tale of "The Theft of Pine burning the losers, although Coso was not men­ Nuts" (Steward 1943:257) as the place "to the tioned) was told by the Mono Lake Paiute northeast" (Steward 1943:256) where the people (Steward 1936:429-431). stole pine nuts. In a Death Valley Shoshoni In one of the Coyote tales of the Northern version of "The Theft of Pinyons" (Zigmond Shoshoni (Lowie 1909:278), Teton Basin was 1980:225-227), the smell came from the north. mentioned. This area is located in northwestern In the Smith Valley, Nevada, Shoshoni tale Wyoming, within the ethnographic range of the of "The Origin of People" (actually a Theft of Northern Shoshoni. In another version of the Pine Nuts tale), the pine nuts were to the north, same tale, no specific placename is mentioned perhaps north of the Humboldt River, since (Lowie 1909:278). In another Northern Sho­ "There are no pine nuts on the mountains up shoni tale, a version of Lodge-Boy and Throw- north where Coyote's people stole them. Only Away (Lowie 1909:282), the boys traveled junipers grow there now" (Steward 1943:258). westward where they came to the "big sea." This also could refer to areas denuded of pinyon This indicates that the Northern Shoshoni had as a result of historic deforestation. some knowledge of the Pacific Ocean. How­ In another Saline Valley Shoshoni tale, ever, in the next tale "The Boy's Travels and "Coyote Learns to Fly; Coyote Becomes a the Water-Youths" (Lowie 1909:284), the "big Mother," Coyote traveled west, crossed the sea" was located to the east. Saline Valley, the Inyo Mountains, and the In a Gosiute story (An Early Traveler Kills Sierra Nevada (Steward 1943:272-273). On the and Eats an Indian), the Indian in question had shore of the "ocean" (west of the Sierra a house on Waahkai, Pilot Peak (Miller 1972: Nevada), Coyote rescued a baby and returned 35). This peak is located in Elko County, home with her. A similar tale, mentioning the Nevada, northwest of the Salt Lake Desert. It Sierra Nevada, was told at Lida, Nevada served as an important marker for early (Steward 1943:274-277). Euroamerican travelers. Of equal importance is 120 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY the fact that this is the only unanalyzable In the Shivwits Southern Paiute version of Gosiute placename recorded by Miller (see "The Theft of Fire" (Lowie 1924:117-119), Miller 1986:103), suggesting that the Gosiute Fish flew into the air, looking for fire. When were rather recent arrivals in the region. he returned, he observed that "Not very far The Pine Nut Mountains, in western from here are flames of fire, by no:wa"ant [the Nevada, were mentioned several times in Valley of Fire is located in southern Nevada, Paviotso myth (Lowie 1924:217, 239). Haw­ fairly near Charleston Peak]" (Lowie 1924: thorne, Nevada, also was noted in one myth 118). Fire was stolen, and Coyote and his (Lowie 1924:236). group raced back to Shivwits country, pursued Kawaiisu/Southern Paiute. The Kawaiisu by the owners of the fire. theft-of-fire tales identified a place in the A Kaibab "Theft of Fire" tale is similar Panamint Range (noted as being toward the (Sapir 1930:390-393), in that the fire was "east" in text, but the Panamint Mountains are observed in the direction of the "setting sun" within the ethnographic range of the Kawaiisu) (southwest, or west-southwest, depending on the as the place where fire was stolen (Zigmond time of year). A Uintah Ute tale of the theft of 1980:43-44). In one version, the Kawaiisu fire (Kroeber 1901:252-260) also identified the apparently had to fight the Panamint Shoshoni origin of the fire as very far to the west (as in for the fire (Zigmond 1980:44). the Southern Paiute versions). Several Kawaiisu theft-of-pinyon tales In the Shivwits tale of "Eagle," Eagle lived identified pinyon as being to the north, in the with his mother "at No"wa'ant, a peak near Las Owens Valley (Zigmond 1980:45-46). Some of Vegas, that is generally covered with snow" the northern people (Owens Valley Paiute?) (Lowie 1924:151). Eagle went to the east to pursued the (mythological) Kawaiisu when they find a woman. In the "Eagle's Myth Recita­ took the nuts. tive" of the Kaibab Paiute (Sapir 1930:479), In a Moapa story (Cu"na wab'), pine nuts Eagle lived far in the west, apparently with his won by gambling were taken "to the other side mother, and asked his mother to go to the east, [west from Moapa] of Las Vegas, where there "to the country of the Sibit [Shivwits] Indians." is a big mountain" (Lowie 1924:160). This This "snow-topped peak" no doubt refers to mountain was not named but may be Charleston Charleston Peak, that the Chemehuevi call Niva- Peak, often named in other stories. In another ganti, "Having Snow" (Laird 1976:122). This story, Cu"na'^ab' lived near Moapa (Lowie identification indicates a Shivwits connection 1924:177). with the Las Vegas area, as do the Chemehuevi Another Moapa story told that "The Indians (see below). were living on the other side of Las Vegas" In the Shivwits story of ' 'Cottontail and the where Cu"na"'ab' was chief (Lowie 1924:181). Sun" (Lowie 1924:142-147), Cottontail decided This probably refers to the west side of Las to "have a war with the sun" (Lowie 1924: Vegas (since Moapa is to the east), in the 143). He started from near the Pacific Ocean, ethnographic territory of the Las Vegas band of traveled eastward, and first arrived at Moapa, Southern Paiute. In the Moapa story of "Fox,'' where he killed some people living there. Fox wanted to go to "the west, where the Cottontail then killed a man in his lodge (to the people were gathering pinenuts" (Lowie 1924: east of Moapa?). Cottontail then went to 183), but was worried about being killed, not Bunkerville (in southeastern Nevada) where a because of the people being hostile, but because woman had heard that Cottontail was "coming of his greed. up this creek [the Virgin River], killing people" THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 121

(Lowie 1924:144). Cottontail killed the woman. 1984: Chapter 4). A bank of the Colorado River Cottontail then killed some girls by a cliff. He also is noted as a starting place for Coyote's trip then arrived at St. George, Utah, where a large south to eat saguaro fmit (Laird 1984:174-175). Indian village with agricultural fields was In several Chemehuevi tales, Whipple located. Cottontail destroyed the crops and Mountain (Wiyaatu'^a) was the home of killed all the people (Lowie 1924:144-145). He Southern Fox. In one tale (Laird 1984:187- went further east where he killed Bear. Finally, 190), Southern Fox went north to visit a cousin, he encountered and fought Sun. St. George, traveling to the Paiute Hills and Pahrump. Utah (within Shivwits territory), also is In another Chemehuevi tale (Laird mentioned in the Shivwits tale of "Iron Man" 1984:192-195), Southern Fox traveled south and (Lowie 1924:122). The version of the same tale met an enemy whom he killed. Then Southern told to Powell (1881:52-56) is quite similar, as Fox "went from there down into the desert" is the Moapa version (Lowie 1924:198). (Laird 1984:192). From there Southern Fox In the Powell (1881:52) version. Cottontail went north into "Fire Valley," identified as started near the Pacific Ocean (identified as Death Valley (Laird 1984:195). Moapa) and traveled progressively east, killing In an account of a Chemehuevi origin of people and destroying one large village along humans myth (Kroeber 1908), Charleston Peak with their crops. The progression is clearly in southern Nevada (north of Chemehuevi west to east and the Indians that Cottontail territory) was mentioned as an important place. encountered and killed were probably other The same place probably was mentioned by (non-Southern Paiute) groups since he would Laird (1976:147) as being in the "Storied (presumably) not kill his own people. The most Land,'' ' 'the place where stories start and end. violent of these encounters was at St. George, at There was some confusion over the location the large village of agriculturalists (location not of one of the mountains (Nivaganti "Having identified). The Powell version contained a Snow"; Laird 1976:122). George Laird notable point. Cottontail had never seen corn identified it as being the highest peak in the before and "raided" the fields of the Panamint Mountains in California (or possibly agriculturalists. Mt. Whitney), although Laird (1976:122) It is possible that these agriculturalists were reported that it was positively identified as either Fremont or Anasazi (the Muwitch), as Charleston Peak by other Chemehuevi. Laird there are other indications of Southern Paiute (1976:139-140) reported that the Chemehuevi contact (perhaps violent) with those people formerly "ranged freely over the Tehachapi (Pendergast and Meighan 1959; Sutton 1986). Mountains," in Kawaiisu territory, although the Fowler and Fowler (1981:138, 154) noted the Kawaiisu were not specifically identified. possibility that the Southern Paiute had raided Discussion. There are numerous references the fields of the Muwitch. In the Chemehuevi to specific places in the various myths. More version (How Cottontail Rabbit Hit the Sun; importantly, there are numerous indications of Laird 1984:210-211), few details are present. movements, either by mythological characters However, it is clear that Cottontail traveled east. or by people. These directions are consistently In Chemehuevi oral tradition, Charleston south to north or west to east. These data are Peak (or perhaps the entire Spring Mountains, concordant with the other oral tradition data on Laird 1984:59) often is mentioned as the place direction of movements. where Coyote and Wolf lived and is a starting Reference to Natural Events. If Numic point for many adventures and stories (see Laird peoples recently had spread from eastern 122 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

California, one might expect some "ties" to the The Sai-i usually are identified as Achumawi, homeland in the form of the retention of place- speaking a Hokan language (e.g., Lowie 1924: names for former important sites or landmarks, 242; Loud 1929:162; Steward 1938:271, 1941: and retention of the names of "sacred" areas. 440-441). In the tale of "The Giant" (Lowie In the case of the Northern Paiute, 1924:241), an "old giant from Pitt River" used presumably having come from the Owens Valley to come into Nevada and created problems area, references to volcanism (since the area among the Paviotso, who, in turn, "all got was active within the last 1500 years) might be together and shot him." expected to be present. No references to such Loud (1929) reported that archaeological events were found in the oral tradition of the materials of which the Northern Paiute denied Owens Valley Paiute or Northern Paiute. This knowledge were attributed to the "Pit River." could indicate, among other things, that either This ethnic assignment was apparently wide­ volcanism in eastern California occurred too spread and included sites other than Lovelock long ago to have been retained in Northern Cave (Loud and Harrington 1929: Plate 68; Nos. Paiute oral tradition or that the Northern Paiute 10 and 11). Loud (1929:162) believed that this did not come from that area. identification was the Northern Paiute attempt to explain the archaeological record. Heizer Ethnobiological Inferences (1966:245) believed that the tradition could have One indication that the Northern Paiute of been based on historical events but was noncom­ Oregon had recently moved into that area is the mittal. If based on an actual event, this retention of references to pine nuts in their oral tradition could record the movement of a North­ tradition (Kelly 1938:401-402), a point also ern Paiute group into the Humboldt Sink (from noted by Nichols (1981:10). This assumes, which direction is not stated), actively replacing however, that the pine nuts under consideration an existing group through warfare. are those of pinyon (Pinus monophylla) and not There is an interesting passage in J. P. that of another edible species. Harrington's Great Basin ethnographic notes (Harrington 1986:R1. 171, Frs. 640-647) that Myth as History mimics the Hopkins' (1883) account of the Sai-i Perhaps one of the best known Great Basin conflict. The passage, "Science Verifies Indian myths is a Northern Paiute tale about the Sai-i, Tradition," is rather detailed, and deals with an apparent pre-Northem Paiute people in­ some of the archaeological materials recovered habiting the Humboldt Sink area of western from Lovelock Cave. One is left with the Nevada. Hopkins (1883:72-75) related a tale in impression that a newspaper reporter either which the Northern Paiute killed the Sai-i, the interviewed Harrington or corresponded with last battle apparently being fought at Lovelock him, wrote an article, and sent Harrington a Cave. In a version of a Paviotso origin of copy for his files, and that copy got incor­ humans myth, the people porated into Harrington's notes. who went to Lovelocks were a different tribe, The presence of Penutian groups in the but the Paviotso were stronger and repelled western Great Basin has been postulated (Hattori them. The enemy lived in a hole [Lovelock 1982; Aikens and Witherspoon 1986). If the Cave?]. The Paviotso made a fire in the hole Northern Paiute identification of the Sai-i as and killed most of them easily. Very few Achumawi (a Hokan group) is correct, it may escaped and live in Califomia. This hostile people were called Sai'ra'qa". The people now be that the Califomian groups postulated by at Lovelocks are all Paviotso [Lowie 1924:205]. Hattori (1982) were linguistically Hokan and not THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 123

Penutian. This is supported by the creation of Paviotso were south of the area with hostile "Pit Rivers" Indians in at least one Northern groups to their north. Paiute origin of humans tale (Kelly 1938:368). The Owens Valley tale of "Wi'nudumuh"" A "big cave near Humboldt" (possibly (Steward 1936:373) may record a battle between Lovelock Cave?) was noted in several versions the Owens Valley Paiute and "Diggers" of the Northern Paiute "Coyote and Wolf" tale (Yokuts?). The Paiute were defeated and driven (Kelly 1938:378-386). Wolf kept all of the "toward the east." A Mono Lake Paiute tale animals penned up in the cave, ensuring himself also mentioned the "Diggers" killing the successful hunting. A similar tale is present people, usually as the result of gambling among the Owens Valley Paiute where Wolf (Steward 1936:429). These "Diggers" were kept deer in a cave on the eastern side of the called So'qo", and were reported to have lived Sierra Nevada (Steward 1936:372). in the Coast Range (Steward 1936:430). In the Paviotso tale of "Crane" (Lowie The possibility that Numic peoples (South­ 1924:235-236), Crane and Frog were both ern Paiute) had displaced Pueblo (or Fremont) chiefs (of the Paviotso?) and were going to have groups and that such an event might be reflected a fight (with other non-Paviotso?). They set out in oral tradition was examined by Pendergast (from where was not stated) and camped at Po and Meighan (1959). They looked at the issue gwaha'bin (Lowie 1924:235). A person sent from several aspects, including material culture, from the camp to get fish went to several places physical appearance, and current relationships including a lake (possibly Walker Lake since between the two groups (also see Fowler and Walker River is mentioned later in the same Fowler 1981:138; Ambler and Sutton 1989). tale), where there already were fishermen Pendergast and Meighan (1959:128) concluded present, presumably of a different tribe. The that the Southem Paiute had contacted the person was attacked by the fishermen but Pueblo groups, called Mukwitch, some 800 escaped and returned to Crane's camp with few years ago and that historical data were pre­ fish. Crane and his people then set out to served in the oral tradition of the Southern avenge the attack and moved "far above [to the Paiute. north of?] the enemy" (Lowie 1924:235). In the Moapa story "The Creation of The Crane attacked, but did not kill, the enemy. Indians," it was noted that the "M"'qwits tribe used to live here [Moapa, Virgin River area] Then Crane's people started towards this valley and moved away a long time ago" (Lowie [possibly the Carson Sink area, as the informant lived in Fallon] from the south. They camped 1924:159). This may be a reference to the on this side of Walker River by Allen Spring Virgin Anasazi, the Mukwitch. (0"ra"'to"m"-ba'", Warm Water) [south of Lowie (1924) had noted several instances of Fallon] [Lowie 1924:236]. hostility toward Pueblo groups recorded in Another battle with another tribe was reported Numa oral tradition. In one Southern Ute later in the same story (Lowie 1924:236); story, a Pueblo Indian was killed and thrown Sinclair Lake (location unknown) was noted in out "like a dog" (Lowie 1924:82), and in a that portion of the story. Southern Paiute story it was noted that enemies This tale may record a movement of Pavi­ of the Southern Paiute were located south of the otso into the Walker River/Carson Sink area Colorado River (Lowie 1924:96-97). from the south, although there is no mention of In the Shivwits story of "The Sky displacing the other peoples. However, it seems Brothers," the two brothers are told that Moon fairly clear that at the time of the tale, the was killing the Moapa (Lowie 1924:156). The 124 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY two brothers went to find Moon, so they could sumably) former territories, reference to natural kill him. They succeeded in doing this and events, and ethnobiological data, all of which revived the dead Moapa (Lowie 1924:157). are intermingled. The latter three categories This may be an example of some military (placenames and/or sacred areas, natural events, cooperation between bands of Southern Paiute, and ethnobiological data) provide little support such as apparently happened between the Las that the subject populations had come from Vegas band and the Chemehuevi (Kroeber other places. 1959:262). However, the former two categories, origin Discussion. The best, but not unequivocal, myth and population movements, suggest that data on "myth as history" is the Northern the general tenet (e.g., homeland, direction, and Paiute tale of invading the Humboldt Sink area. timing) of the Lamb hypothesis is correct. There are similar hints from other groups but Several of the tales are quite specific regarding they do not form such convincing arguments. the direction the original people came from, where they were placed, in what order, and who CONCLUSIONS they became: the Northern Paiute and Bannock moving north; the Shoshoni from the south In the over 30 years since its proposal, the moving north into Idaho; the Southem Paiute Numic Spread hypothesis of Lamb has been the from the west moving east into Utah. subject of a great deal of interest and debate. The data on population movements (Fig. 2) Several alternative ideas, including the in situ are quite consistent in the directions assumed and the Aikens and Witherspoon hypotheses, under the Lamb hypothesis. The Ute/Southern have been proposed. While data have been Paiute mythological characters consistendy offered in support of the various hypotheses, the moved east, the Western Shoshoni north or east, historical linguistic data seemed difficult to and the Northern Paiute to the north. Other explain in a way other than the Lamb hypo­ directions are only occasionally mentioned. thesis, and the archaeological data were con­ The data from the oral tradition appear to fusing. The Numic Spread concept remained form a plausible line of evidence that Numic nebulous, seemingly beyond the realm of populations did move north and east from the testing. southwestern Great Basin. The extant indica­ Viewed individually, the lines of evidence tions of direction of movements are quite heretofore offered in support of the various consistent with the directions postulated by hypotheses generated to explain the distribution Lamb. Such population movements would of the Numic languages in the Great Basin are likely have taken place fairly late in time for not compelling. The archaeological data have these indications to still be present in the oral been used to support several different hypo­ tradition. There are very few oral tradition data theses but do not exclude other explanations. to support either of the two competing hypo­ The ethnobiological data are meager but tend to theses. support the Lamb hypothesis (e.g.. Fowler 1972, 1983). The ethnohistoric evidence ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS (Sutton 1986) also supports the Lamb hypothesis This paper is a revised version of a paper but remains controversial. presented at the 1990 Great Basin Anthropological A number of aspects of oral tradition are Conference. I thank L. Daniel Myers for the op­ portunity to present the paper in his symposium and reviewed here. These include origin myth, his encouragement to submit it for publication. I evidence of population movements, retention of appreciate the comments of the reviewers and the placenames and/or sacred areas from (pre­ patience of Joel Janetski in preparing the paper for THE NUMIC EXPANSION IN ORAL TRADITION 125

Fig. 2. Direction of movements as indicated by oral tradition.

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