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Some Aspects of Kitanemuk Prehistory

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Some Aspects of Kitanemuk Prehistory UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Title Some Aspects of Kitanemuk Prehistory Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3mm1r5kt Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 2(2) ISSN 0191-3557 Author Sutton, Mark Q Publication Date 1980-12-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 214-225(1980). Some Aspects of Kitanemuk Prehistory MARK Q. SUTTON HE Kitanemuk are one of the lesser tern, economy, and social organization of the Tknown native groups in California. The valley inhabitants took place at that time. The Kitanemuk spoke a Serran language of the post 300 B.P. population ofthe valley repre­ Takic family (Bright 1975) and inhabited sent the ethnographically documented Kitane­ and/or claimed portions of the Tehachapi muk. It would appear, however, that the pre- Mountains and the southwesternmost portion 300 B.P. populations, were quite different of the Mojave Desert (Antelope Valley) during culturally. The extant archaeological data the proto-historic period. seem to be substantial enough to distinguish Relatively little ethnographic and archaeo­ this cultural change and to suggest economic, logical data on the Kitanemuk are available for socio-political, and territorial changes during study. The ethnographic data (cf. Harrington's the late prehistoric period. Comparisons Kitanemuk notes) were gathered fairly late, between the ethnographic Kitanemuk and the represent a shallow time depth, and pertain archaeological record from the Antelope mainly to the Tehachapi Mountains. The Valley support this hypothesis and are dis­ archaeological data are limited, primarily from cussed below. Antelope Valley, and mostly unpublished. The late prehistoric period archaeological remains ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA (after 2200 B.P.) from the Antelope Valley The primary ethnographic data on the have generally been attributed to Shoshonean Kitanemuk were obtained by J. P. Harrington (Kitanemuk) populations (Robinson 1977). in 1917. At this time Harrington was only able This is in basic agreement with Wallace (1962: to interview a few survivors. Harrington's 178) that most, if not all, ofthe late prehistoric Kitanemuk notes have never been fully synthe­ period remains in the desert are attributable to sized or published, but have been used by vari­ the recent Shoshonean speakers, and that "the ous researchers as a data source (cL Blackburn late pattern of life persisted into the historic and Bean 1978). Kroeber's (1925) chapter on period without appreciable change." the Kitanemuk is brief but helpful. A small It has been suggested that the Antelope quantity of other ethnographic data on the Valley was virtually abandoned approximately Kitanemuk are available (cf. Kroeber 1907; 300 years ago (Sutton 1979fl), and that sub­ Harrington 1942; Strong 1929). stantial changes in territory, settlement pat- One of the main thrusts of this paper is a Mark Sutton, U.S. Bureau of Land Management, 831 Barstow discussion of changes in Kitanemuk territory Road, Barstow, CA 92311. over time. It is important, therefore, to gain an [214] ASPECTS OF KITANEMUK PREHISTORY 215 understanding of what territory the ethno­ mountains were the primary occupation area graphic Kitanemuk claimed. Kroeber (1925: and that the desert was utilized on a seasonal 611) stated that the Kitanemuk lived ". on basis only. This agreement rests, perhaps, the upper Tejon and Paso creeks . held the upon the traditional assumption that desert streams on the rear side of the Tehachapis . areas have little to offer and are incapable of the small creeks draining the northern slope of supporting large populations (cL Wallace the Liebre and Sawmill range, with the Ante­ 1962, Steward 1938). lope Valley and the westernmost end of the The settlement pattern of the precontact Mojave Desert . ." He also reported that the Kitanemuk is very poorly understood. As extent of the Kitanemuk territorial claims in noted above, the ethnographic villages the desert were uncertain and that "the popu­ identified by Kroeber (1925) and Blackburn lation perhaps resided more largely in the and Bean (1978) are located in the Tehachapis. smaller San Joaquin portion ofthe Kitanemuk Neither author identified any villages in the area" (Kroeber 1925:611-6I2). The village and Antelope Valley. The Kitanemuk may have place names listed by Kroeber (1925) are in the been living at La Liebre and Tejon Ranch foothills of the San Joaquin Valley. during the historic period (Johnson 1978), Blackburn and Bean (1978) delineate Kitan­ although the Tataviam may have been at La emuk territory in general agreement with Liebre (King, Smith, and King 1974). It is Kroeber (1925). According to Blackburn and unclear if these were precontact settlement Bean (1978:564) "The Kitanemuk were a small areas. group located primarily in the Tehachapi Kitanemuk subsistence patterns are also Mountains at the southern edge of the San poorly known. Blackburn and Bean (1978:564) Joaquin Valley .... The Kitanemuk were stated that the "general ecological adaptation thus primarily mountain dwellers, although and subsistence technology of the Kitanemuk during cooler seasons of the year, they did differed little from that of their neighbors to range into the arid lowlands to the south." The the north (Yokuts) or west (Chumash) . ." 'arid lowlands' to the south would be the Ante­ This would seem to indicate (following the lope Valley. As in Kroeber (1925), the known Yokuts example; Wallace 1978) that the villages shown by Blackburn and Bean (1978: Kitanemuk economy emphasized fishing, fig. 1) are all located in the Tehachapis. hunting of waterfowl, and the collection of The major point of variance between various roots and seeds. Little emphasis would Kroeber (1925) and Blackburn and Bean (1978) have been placed on mammals, but rabbits seems to be the extent of Kitanemuk claims in would have been hunted communally. the Antelope Valley. Kroeber (1925) assigns In a general survey of California Indians, almost the entire Antelope Valley to the Kitan­ Beals and Hester (1971) classify the Kitanemuk emuk. Blackburn and Bean (1978) assign the in the "foothill" ecological type and describe Kitanemuk only the northern part of the their general subsistence strategy as gathering valley, although it is clear from their territorial with a minor emphasis on hunting. The settle­ map that this boundary is uncertain. A com­ ment pattern is described as relatively perma­ parison between these territorial assignments nent villages with occupation and resource is shown in Fig. 1. utilization at different locals on a seasonal There is a consensus that the Kitanemuk basis. Beals and Hester (1971:82) go on to state claimed portions ofthe Tehachapi Mountains that "the Kitanemuk did range into the desert and the Mojave Desert. Kroeber (1925) and (Antelope Valley) but had little incentive to do Blackburn and Bean (1978) agree that the so." Schiffman and Garfinkel (1980) stated 216 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY that the acorn was a major staple which Mountains with small seasonal sites located so provided the bulk of the vegetative portion of as to exploit specific resources. The desert area the Kitanemuk diet. They further reported that was clearly considered ephemeral. fish and game were of fairly minor dietary Other aspects of ethnographic Kitanemuk significance. culture important in this study include burial Our composite view of the ethnographic customs and social structure, especially rank­ Kitanemuk subsistence pattern would be an ing and status. Burial customs are briefly men­ economy based primarily on gathering, with tioned by Kroeber (1925) who reported that the importance of fishing and waterfowl hunt­ the Yokuts said that the Kitanemuk interred ing being uncertain. Mammal hunting would corpses. Additional data from Blackburn and have been a minor economic pursuit. The Bean (1978:566) suggest that the Kitanemuk ethnographic Kitanemuk settlement pattern used cemeteries and interred corpses in a tightly would have consisted of a number of semi­ flexed position, the body being "doubled up permanent villages located in the Tehachapi and tied" prior to burial. Blackburn and Bean Fig. 1. Ethnographic Kitanemuk territorial assignments. ASPECTS OF KITANEMUK PREHISTORY 217 (1978:566) stated that the Kitanemuk "carried Air Force Base, and a variety of environmental the body to the cemetery; as they neared it, one impact reports. of them cried out to warn the dead of their For this study, the relevant archaeological arrival." This seems to imply that the cemetery data include settlement patterns and a compar­ was located some distance from the village. ison of archaeological traits with the ethno­ Ceremonial cannibalism was also practiced graphic data. Mortuary data, especially loca­ by the ethnographic Kitanemuk. At the grave, tion and content of cemeteries, are very the skull ofthe corpse was broken open with a important. stone ". each mourner (receiving) a tiny por­ The majority of known archaeological tion of the brain to eat" (Blackburn and Bean remains in the Antelope Valley appear to date 1978:566). Grave offerings were interred with earlier than 300 B.P. (Sutton 1979a) and the body. A grave pole was erected at the head include at least three major villages and of a chiefs grave (Blackburn and Bean 1978). numerous special purpose sites. Since no his­ The pole, about 20 feet long and six inches in toric materials have been found at the large diameter, was obtained from the mountains villages, it would be reasonable to assume that and erected at the grave after several cere­ 300 B.P. could represent a terminal date of monies. C. H. Merriam (1955:77-86) described major valley occupation. For the purpose of a similar ceremony among the Gabrielinos and this paper, our discussion will be confined to Serrano about 1906. those sites which were occupied during the late The data on ethnographic Kitanemuk prehistoric period, between 2200 and 300 B.P. social organization are scant.
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