The Integration of Myth and Ritual in South-Central California: the Northern Complex
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UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology Title The Integration of Myth and Ritual in South-Central California: The Northern Complex Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5sb5h172 Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 5(2) Authors Hudson, Travis Blackburn, Thomas Publication Date 1978-12-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Integration of Myth and Ritual in South-Central California: The "Northern Complex" TRAVIS HUDSON THOMAS BLACKBURN HERE can be little doubt that rehgious prerequisite to the achievement of this goal Tbeliefs (and the ritual practices associated must be a general overview of the ideological with them) constituted exceptionally impor bases (i.e., ritual practices and mythological tant elements in the daily lives of the native beliefs) which served as the primary rationale peoples of south-central Cahfomia. Complex for ceremonial interaction. We hope that the mythologies, elaborate cosmographies, and present paper wUl serve as an initial step interlocking belief systems served to link both toward the ultimate achievement of just such the individual and the community with the an overview. realm of the sacred, and in turn were given Previous efforts to develop the kind of dramatic expression (in both concrete and general synthesis just described have encoun abstract form) by shamans, priests, and var tered serious—and often insurmountable— ious other rituahsts. The primary setting for obstacles in the form of the extant data. The these community-oriented religious activities information available for certain ethnic groups was the "fiesta," a complex of events which (such as the Juaneno, Luiseno, and Cahuilla), also constituted an important medium for while often relatively detailed, has also fre significant social, political, economic, and aes quently been suspect or difficult to use as a thetic interaction (Blackburn 1974; Bean consequence of distortions or reinterpreta- 1972). These ceremonial occasions appear in tions; an example would be the two different fact to have drawn many different commun versions of the Boscana manuscript (Kroeber ities into a coherent yet flexible network of 1959:282-293). In addifion, for a number of interacting subsystems that transcended nor key groups the data have been either rather mal ethnic, pohtical, and hnguistic boundaries. fragmentary (as in the case of the Serrano, It seems clear to us that a reconstruction of this Gabrielino, and Fernandeno) or almost totally system, involving both a deUmitation of the nonexistent (as in the case of the Chumash, constituent components and a description of Tataviam, and Kitanemuk). As a consequence, their integration, should be a major goal for many more questions regarding ideological future ethnohistoric research in the region; systems in south-central Cahfornia have been however, it seems equally clear that a necessary raised in the past than have ever been answer- 225 226 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY ed, and those few societies that have been be described in greater detaU, and a better adequately described stiU seem to float hke understanding of the integration of social and disconnected islands in a murky sea of ethno religious behavior may yet be forthcoming for graphic speculation. the area as a whole. The primary function of In 1925, in conjunction with a brief sum the present paper is simply to integrate the mary of Gabriehno and Fernandeno religion, various data now available on Kroeber's A.L. Kroeber pieced together scattered and "northem complex," in order to add a httle fragmentary data to sketch the bare outlines of ethnographic flesh to his skeletal outline. In a major mythological system in south-central addition, some brief general comparisons wiU California involving an apparent pantheon of be drawn between the "northern" and "south six or seven "gods" (1925:622-624). With con em" complexes, and between Cahfomia ideo siderable foresight, he suggested that these logical and social stmctures. However, no real deities were in part female and were more or attempt has been made to create a definitive less associated with the Datura cult; of equal overview at this time, although we do hope that interest was his discovery that many (if not aU) this paper wiU eventuaUy aid others in achiev of the deities on his list were also recognized ing that goal at some future date. among the southem Yokuts and possibly the Serrano. However, none of these supernatural KROEBER'S "NORTHERN COMPLEX" beings was clearly recognizable on lists of Kroeber presented his data concerning the deities collected from ethnic groups south or "northem complex" in a table with a lengthy east of the Gabrielino, even though some of caption (1925:623); that table is reproduced these groups were (like the Gabriehno) partici here as Table 1. Since Kroeber did not cite his pants in the Chingichnich cult. Although sources of information for the data which he Kroeber clearly grasped the significance of this included in the table, a general review of both "northem complex," and realized that its rela sources and data is necessary here. We wiU tionship to the "southem" Chingichnich com begin with the Gabriehno. plex warranted a great deal more research, he The hst of Gabrielino deities was extracted was unable to pursue the topic further in the from Hugo Reid's letters of 1852 (see Heizer absence of relevant data. AU he could do was 1968:52-54, and notes 100-101).' Chukit (a call attention to his discoveries and hope that female being) and her four unnamed brothers more information would be forthcoming. are mentioned in a myth; Chukit is "enamored New data have appeared. Within the last of the lightning, after expressing a desire to fifteen years major syntheses devoted particu possess it." She becomes pregnant, and her larly to ideology have been produced for such brothers (with the eldest taking the most active native southern Cahfomia groups as the role) attempt to discover which of them is Luiseno (White 1963), Cahuilla (Bean 1972), responsible. She teUs them that it was hght and Chumash (Blackburn 1974, 1975; Hudson ning. Subsequently she gives birth to a male et al. 1977; Hudson and Underhay 1978). In child named Mactutu, who utters his first addition, a great deal of material relevant to sentence when the navel cord is cut. As the "northem complex" has recently been Mactutu matures into manhood he becomes discovered among the unpubhshed ethno wiser and wiser, arguing with the elders and graphic notes of John P. Harrington, especial seers (pulum) on various subjects. "After gain ly those collected from southern Yokuts and ing a victory he always told them it was useless Kitanemuk consultants around 1917. As a to dispute with him, as he was the Son of God." consequence, the "northern complex" can now The chiefs and wise men finally decide to kiU THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX" 227 Table 1 THE "NORTHERN COMPLEX" PANTHEON according to Kroeber (1925:623) YOKUTS. YOKUTS. FERNANDEftO. In fixed order GABRIEUNO. SERR.\NO. of Jimson In fixed order of "Gods" in order weed prayers. other prayers. of mention. TiiuBhiut Tiiiiehiut Pamashiut.. Pamashiut Yohahait Yohahait. ... Echepat 5. luichepet.. Pitsuriut 4. Pichurut... Tsukit 3. Chukit Chukit (in myth, sis ter of 4 brothers). Six stones at Ukat rtheir 1. Ukat NanamiiYiat, sister). Little Bear 2. Tamur Tomar (title of oldest Valley, were son of chief). "gods." 6. Manisar Manisar (title of old (wife of est daughter of 5). chief). FORMULA: 7 Yokuts (-t, prayers) —3 Yokuts (-t, Jimson weed)+2 Gabrielino (-r, chiefs) =6 Fernandefio (-t, -r, gods) =6 Serrano (V). him by buming him alive and dissipating his The world was at one time in a state of ashes so that he could not ascend into the sky. chaos, until God gave it its present forma Kroeber also beheved that two terms men tion; fixing it on the shoulders of Seven tioned elsewhere in Reid's account were actual Giants, made expressly for this end. They ly the names of additional Gabriehno deities; have their names, and when they move these terms were Tomear and Manisar, which themselves, an earthquake is the conse quence [Heizer 1968:19]. according to Reid were titles given to a chiefs eldest son and daughter (Heizer 1968:9). Kroeber thus apparently assumed that Reid's Kroeber apparently believed them to be the "Seven Giants" were equivalent to the "deities" names of members of the pantheon because of mentioned in the San Fernando list: Veat, their presence on a list of five "gods" and one Taimur, Chuquit, Pichurut, and luichepet "goddess" stemming from the 1811 "Interroga- (husband of the "goddess" Manisar—she who torio" sent to Mission San Fernando, and gives them their seeds). In a footnote Kroeber because of the following statement made by pointed out that some of the speUings were Reid: unclear in the original manuscript; thus Chu- 228 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY quit might also be read as Chuguit or Chugerit, Chingichnich complex. Merriam states that while luichepet could be Inichept or even To-me-arr' (-Tomiar) was a title given to Quichepet (1908a: 14). As shown in Table I, someone from a prominent village who acted Kroeber eventuaUy used Ukat for Veat (a as a captain during the Gabriehno Mourning possible error that will be discussed later), Ceremony (1955:77); the individual selected Tamur for Taimur, and Chukit for Chuquit, had to have lost a close relative in order to hold and left the remaining names unchanged. this temporary position. The title of this office Engelhardt (1927:29) and Geiger and Meighan is almost certainly equivalent to Reid's Tomear, (1976:58, 158), who also worked with the a term which according to Reid was applied to original document, spelled these same names the chiefs eldest son.