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Laing, Anna Frances (2015) Territory, Resistance and Struggles for the Plurinational State: the Spatial Politics of the TIPNIS Conflict

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Laing, Anna Frances (2015) Territory, Resistance and Struggles for the Plurinational State: the Spatial Politics of the TIPNIS Conflict Laing, Anna Frances (2015) Territory, resistance and struggles for the plurinational state: the spatial politics of the TIPNIS Conflict. PhD thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5974/ Copyright and moral rights for this thesis are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Glasgow Theses Service http://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Territory, Resistance and Struggles for the Plurinational State: The Spatial Politics of the TIPNIS Conflict Anna Frances Laing Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Geographical and Earth Sciences College of Science and Engineering University of Glasgow January 2015 Marching Towards the Plurinational State: The Intermingling Republican, Highland and Lowland Flags on the Ninth Indigenous March named in ‘Defence of Life and Dignity, Indigenous Territories, Natural Resources, Biodiversity, the Environment, Protected Areas, Compliance with the State Constitution and Respect for Democracy’. Source: Author’s photograph, 02 May 2012. ii ABSTRACT This thesis provides an analytical framework for understanding the changing relations between the state and left-indigenous movements in Bolivia and Latin America, more generally. Bolivian citizens have been witness to a number of progressive changes since the inauguration of the country’s first indigenous President, Evo Morales, in 2006. The MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo; Movement Towards Socialism) Party administration pushed through a Constituent Assembly process that granted unprecedented indigenous and environmental rights. Fundamentally, the Constitution renamed the Republic the ‘Plurinational State of Bolivia’ in recognition of the nearly two-thirds of the population that identified as indigenous in the 2001 census. Tensions between the state and social movements remain, however, with many questioning the government’s national development model based on environmentally degrading neo-extractivism and infrastructural projects, which often take place within collectively titled indigenous territories. Through a nine month period of extensive ethnographic research I explored a conflict that emerged in 2011 when the MAS government announced plans to build a road through a national park and legally recognised indigenous territory located in the Amazon Basin, known more commonly as the TIPNIS (Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure; Isiboro Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park). Expanding on the theoretical traditions of the geographies of social movements literature alongside postcolonial studies, I present a new framework for understanding social mobilisation. Specifically, I contend that the practices of contentious politics are generative of emerging spatio-political imaginaries. By locating myself amongst the daily geographies of movement/solidarity building, I engage with the ways in which a self-defined ‘indigenous movement’, and urban solidarity networks broadly associated with the ‘left’, re-articulated notions of territoriality, the nation-state, democracy and development during the TIPNIS conflict. Fundamentally then, this thesis highlights the contingent nature of state-social movement dynamics and political identity formation, more broadly. iii CONTENTS List of Maps, Tables and Figures vi Acknowledgements vii Author’s Declaration ix List of Frequently Used Acronyms x Glossary of Frequently Used Spanish Terms xiii I Introduction 1 1.1 The MAS Administration 1.2 Conflicting Resource Sovereignties in Bolivia 1.3 Legal Framework and Background to the TIPNIS 1.4 The Villa Tunari - San Ignacio de Moxos Road 1.5 The TIPNIS Conflict 1.6 (Re)territorialising Latin America 1.7 Mapping Out the Thesis II The History of Left-Indigenous Politics in Bolivia 28 2.1 Spanish Colonialism and the Struggle for Independence 2.2 The Consolidation of the Republic: 1825 to 1952 2.3 Post-Revolutionary Politics After 1952 2.4 Military Dictatorships: 1964 to 1982 2.5 Neoliberal Hegemony & Counterhegemonic Resistance: 1982 to 2005 2.6 Conclusion III A Multiple Relationalities Approach to Social Movement Studies and 52 Postcolonial Theory 3.1 Traditional Perspectives in Social Movement Studies 3.2 Social Movement Studies in Latin America 3.3 Subaltern Epistemologies at the Borders of (Post)Colonial Difference 3.4 Operationalising a Multiple Relationalities Approach 3.5 Conclusion IV Methodology: Politics of Research, Critical Ethnography and Multiple 85 Positionalities 4.1 Politics of Researching and Representing Indigenous Peoples 4.2 The Critical Ethnographic Method 4.3 Multiple Positionalities and The Ethics of Research 4.4 Politics of Language Interpretation and Translation 4.5 Conclusion iv V Re-working Relations Between the State and Indigenous Movements 116 5.1 State-Civil Society Relations in Bolivia 5.2 Entanglements of Power 5.3 Shifting State-Indigenous Movement Relations: The Unity Pact 5.4 Re-articulating Indigeneity as Anti-Imperialism and National Patriotism 5.5 Developmentalism and a Politics of Race and Gender 5.6 The Appropriation and Control of ‘Public’ Spaces 5.7 Mobilisation of Social Movement Strategies by the MAS 5.8 Rupturing the ‘Estructura Orgánica’ of CIDOB 5.9 Reworking the State from Within: Constructing a New Political Instrument 5.10 Conclusion VI Negotiating Identity Politics of Lowland Indigeneity 167 6.1 Shifting Articulations of the Lowland Indigenous Movement 6.2 Multiple Meanings of Ethnicity in an ‘Indigenous State’ 6.3 Cultural Politics of Indigeneity: Learning to be an Indian 6.4 Re-articulations of Long Memories of Struggle: the Loma Santa to the Casa Grande 6.5 The Geopoetics of Resistance 6.6 Protest Marches as Subaltern Counterpublic Spheres 6.7 The Problems of Identifying under a Single Indigenous Label 6.8 Conclusion VII Left-Indigenous Solidarity Networks: Recovering the Proceso de Cambio 218 7.1 Opening Up Politics as Practice 7.2 Urban Solidarity Networks 7.3 Convergence Spaces in the TIPNIS Conflict 7.4 The Virtual Spaces of Social Media Networking 7.5 International Solidarity 7.6 The Enabling Potential of ‘Spaces of Encounter’ 7.7 Conclusion VIII Conclusion: Re-territorialising the Plurinational State 258 8.1 Rethinking the Binary between the State and Civil Society 8.2 Re-conceptualising Subaltern Identities 8.3 Re-constructing Political Identities in Solidarity/Movement Building 8.4 (Re)territorialising Latin America Appendices 272 References 286 v LIST OF MAPS, TABLES AND FIGURES Maps 1 Route of the Proposed Road through the TIPNIS 12 2 Route of the Indigenous Marches in Defence of the TIPNIS 18 3 Topographic Map of Bolivia 29 Tables 1 A Summary of the Demands and Achievements of the Nine Historic Indigenous Marches of Lowland Bolivia 42 2 Platform of the Demands of the Eighth and Ninth Marches 171 Figures 1 La gringuita antropóloga 106 2 Poster at a Pro-Government Rally in Cochabamba 137 3 Graffiti in Cochabamba 141 4 Police Escort Through San Ignacio de Moxos 148 5 Graffiti in San Ignacio de Moxos 149 6 Pro-Road Caravan to the TIPNIS 154 7 Coca Leaves in Polygon 7 155 8 Pro-Government Concentration in Cochabamba 156 9 ‘Evotar’: Poster on a Protest March in Cochabamba 181 10 The Organisational Structure of CIDOB 183 11 Religious Mascots 199 12 Anthem of the Eighth and Ninth Marches ‘Coraje’ by Luis Rico 205 13 Flags of the Ninth March 208 14 Representatives of CONAMAQ on the Ninth March 210 15 Banners of Indigenous Organisations at Entre Ríos near Caranavi 211 16 The Eighth March in La Paz 221 17 The Logo of the Cochabamba Campaña 226 18 Spoilt Vote in the Judicial Elections 229 19 The Vigil in Plaza San Francisco, La Paz 231 20 Entries for the FOBOMADE Poster Competition, Cochabamba 240 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Researching and writing this thesis has been an emotional rollercoaster. In particular, my time in Bolivia was both the greatest source of trepidation and full of wonderful and inspiring moments of courage, determination and hope. At times, I felt utterly bewildered by Bolivian politics and at others I felt a clarity that profoundly changed who I am and how I think. I am eternally grateful to the many people who have helped me through this process. First, I must thank the University of Glasgow for funding this project through a College of Science and Engineering Scholarship and a Mobility Scholarship Award. Long lasting gratitude goes to my supervisors Dr. David Featherstone and Prof. Paul Routledge for all their time, energy, support, insightful comments and critical questions. Thank you for not saying “no” when I wanted to go to Bolivia despite my complete lack of Spanish or experience of Latin America. I would like to show my appreciation to the School of Geographical and Earth Sciences for their administrative support, conference and photography exhibition funding and for granting invaluable teaching opportunities. Thanks also go to my fellow postgraduate students who made my time in Glasgow much more enjoyable, particularly Kim Ross, Emma Laurie, Johnnie Crossan and Andy Singleton. I will especially miss my office mates Trish Campbell and Hazel Morrison for their valiant efforts in putting up with my sullen teenage attitude to social interaction in those darker PhD moments. I also owe a debt of gratitude to Flavia Velásquez for checking the accuracy of my Spanish translations. There are a number of people in Bolivia who are owed special thanks. Firstly, to Maggie for helping me find a place to stay in Bolivia and for offering me much needed cups of British tea. Thanks also to Pablo Regalsky, Sarela Paz, Tomás Huanca and Carlos Crespo who at different times all offered me important insights to the research process and context of Bolivia’s struggles. All of you helped steer my thought process for which I am forever indebted.
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