The Cultural Significance of Women's Textile Co Operatives in Guatemala
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HECHO A MANO: THE CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMEN’S TEXTILE CO OPERATIVES IN GUATEMALA A* A thesis submitted to the faculty of 'ZQ IB San Francisco State .University M ^ In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Master of Arts In Humanities by Morgan Alex McNees San Francisco, California Summer 2018 Copyright by Morgan Alex McNees 2018 CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL I certify that I have read Hecho a Mano: The Significance o f Women s Textile Cooperatives in Guatemala by Morgan Alex McNees, and that in my opinion this work meets the criteria for approving a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree Master in Humanities at San Francisco State University. Cristina Ruotolo, Ph.D. Professor of Humanities —^ t y i t u A . to Laura Garci'a-Moreno, Ph.D. Professor of Humanities HECHOAMANO: THE CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF WOMEN’S TEXTILE COOPERATIVES IN GUATEMALA Morgan McNees San Francisco, California 2018 After the civil war Mayan women in Guatemala are utilizing their traditional skills, specifically weaving, to rebuild communities and rediscover what it means to be Mayan today. This thesis will explore the impact of the textile market on the social standing of Mayan women and how weaving allows them to be entrepreneurs in their own right. I will also analyze the significance of Mayan textiles as a unifier and symbol of solidarity among the devastated Mayan communities, and the visual narratives depicted in the artwork and their relationship to the preservation of Mayan heritage. This research will focus on several women’s textile cooperatives in Guatemala. I will employ post-colonial feminist theory, in particular Dr. Chandra Mohanty’s, “Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity”. I certify that the abstract is a correct representation of the content of this thesis. Cristina Ruotolo, Ph.D., Chair, Thesis Committee Date ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am indebted to the women of Guatemala who graciously offered their time to this thesis. Thank you to the artisans of Ixoq Ajkeem, B’atx’ib’al, Corazon del Lago, Aj To’ooneel, the women of La Voz coffee house, Museo Ixkik’ del Traje Maya, The Pixan Collective, the brave women of Trama Textiles and Flavio and Cheny. This work would not have been possible without their contributions. I would also like to thank my mother, for in spiring this work with her case study on the education of Mayan girls in 1994, and her tireless efforts to show me the world. Finally, thank you to the wonderful professors at San Francisco State University: Laura Garda-Moreno, Christina Ruotolo, Volker Langbehn, and Dane Johnson. Your guidance has been the highlight of my educational experience. This thesis is dedicated to my three boys, Nikko, Skeeter and Zippy, who sac rificed countless trips to the dog park over the past year and kept me company while writ- v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... iv Acknowledgements........................................................................................................................v List of Figures.............................................................................................................................. vii Introduction..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1 The Emerging Woman.............................................................................................10 Chapter 2: Symbolism in Santa Catarina Palopo.....................................................................13 Chapter 3: Case Studies..............................................................................................................22 Conclusion: Fair Trade Practices and Projections for the Future.........................................33 Works Cited..................................................................................................................................37 Recommended Readings 39 LIST OF FIGURES Figures Page 1. Map of Guatemala.............................................................................................................9 2. Huipil 1 .......... 17 3. Huipil 2 ............................................................................................................................ 18 4. Figures..............................................................................................................................20 5 • S anta Catarina Palopo Building.................................................................................... 21 6. Jaspe knot tying................................................................................................................24 7. Corazon del Lago Weaver.............................................................................................. 24 1 Introduction: Women's Roles in Guatemala The goddess of the moon and creation, Ix'Chel, overturned her womb-jar and al lowed its rivers to flow through the land, blessing all women with the same creativity she possessed. The Mayan people know and celebrate Ix’Chel as the mother goddess of mid wifery, weaving, and the earth. Sometimes called grandmother by those who seek her aid, she represents all stages of a woman’s life: virgin, mother, and crone.1 She also repre sents an experience known to many women living in Guatemala today, stuck between the need to care for their families and the struggles of a poverty-stricken life, and just like the goddess who surrendered to a life on earth helping her children, many have chosen to em ploy their traditional skills as a means of survival. In the early 16th century, Guatemala existed as a collection of twenty-three Ma yan tribes. The major groups discussed in this thesis are the K’iche and Mam who live in and around present-day Quetzaltenango, and the Tz’utujil people in the Lake Atftlan re gion. (Figure 1) Each indigenous group curated unique textile designs for their commu nity depicting local lore and history. Travelers could identify a stranger by their tipica2 and the narratives depicted on their traje3. After the settlement of Spanish colonizers, these communities, specifically men, were pressured to abandon their traditional dress in 'Tohveri, Pia. Weaving With The Maya: Innovation and Tradition in Guatemala. (T*ia Tohveri. 2012), 9 2Tipica: Traditional Mayan weavings and patterns 3 Traje: Traditional Mayan clothing 2 favor of European styles. Mayan traditions continued to be threatened as western ideals shaped the region into a single country, dominated by the brutal conqueror, Alvarado. In 1821 Guatemalans finally won their independence from Spain, but not before the local economies and communities had been irrevocably damaged. Because of the influx of white Europeans, indigenous Mayans had become a social minority in their own country, despite being a much larger population. Though independence may seem like an accom plishment for the Mayan people, it was actually the contrary. The Guatemalans who ben- efitted from independence were the members of the wealthy land-owning class, many of whom were descended from the original Spanish settlers. This small mixed-race popula tion separated from Spain and claimed leadership of Guatemala. Mayans forcibly re mained the lowest social class.4 Throughout the decades, settlers had claimed land for themselves and forced na tives off family farms which they had relied on for generations to grow corn, a diet staple. Mayan men resorted to working on the “fincas” or fruit and coffee estates created by set tlers, for menial wages in order to support their families who were now living in poverty. The pressures of food insecurity coupled with a degrading existence drove many to drink their salaries away. The spike in alcoholism in Mayan communities led to an equal in crease in marital abuse. Unlike their ancestor, the goddess Ix’Chel, the women had no where to go and remained with their husbands and communities. 4 Carey, David Jr.. Engendering Mayan History: Kaqchikel Women as Agents and Con duits o f the Past, 1875-1970. (Ho ut ledge. New York, New York. 2006) 3 La Violencia and Emerging Feminism The purpose of this thesis is to examine women’s textile cooperatives as a post colonial feminist response to the recent conflict in Guatemala. “La Violencia”5, the Gua temalan Civil war, which spanned from 1960 to 1996. By. the mid-20th century, Guate mala was still a region of extreme wealth inequality. Almost half the land was used for farming but owned by just 20 percent of Guatemalas, none of whom were indigenous Mayans.6 Until the election of 1950 and the presidency of Jacobo Arbenz, Mayans had suffered under numerous dictatorships that advocated for the wealthiest Guatemalans and plantation owners. Arbenz was a liberal. However, this was a period of Communist rheto ric and intense fear from western nations. With the aid of the United States CIA Arbenz was overthrown as a suspected Communist. Because he supported the working class of Guatemala, Mayans became suspected Communists as well. By 1980 the Guatemalan army had almost full control over the government, under the leadership of Efrain Rios Montt’s military dictatorship, and a scorched earth and ethnic cleansing policy was insti tuted. By 1996 over 200,000 Mayans and sympathizers were disappeared or murdered. Though the United Nations officiated a peace accord and ended the sanctioned