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Notes __________________________________ These notes aspire neither to completeness nor to the naming of the first respective orig- inator of a thought or a theory. Since this work is more a research report than an academic treatise, such aspirations would actually be neither required nor useful. However, should we have violated any rights of primogeniture, this did not happen intentionally and we hereby apologize beforehand, and promise to mend our ways. We also would like to express our gratitude in advance for any references, tips, or clues sent to us. For abbreviations of collected editions and lexicons, journals and serials, monographs and terms see Ziegler & Sontheimer (1979). For the Greek authors’ names and titles see Liddell & Scott (1996) and for the Latin ones Glare (1996). The Gospel texts translated into English were quoted on the basis of the King James Ver- sion of 1611. In some cases the Revised Standard Version of 1881 and the New American Bible of 1970 were relied on. These three translations often differ from each other considerably. Although they all, even the Catholic one, make use of the original languages rather than the Vulgate as a basis for translation, they have the tendency to read the text of the New Testament according to the current interpreta- tion and to amalgamate it with the Old, so that in critical points the newer transla- tions are overtly conflicting with the Greek original text, arbitrarily interpreting e. g. thalassa, properly ‘sea’, as lake, Christos, ‘Christ’, as Messiah, adapting the orthog- raphy of the proper names in the New Testament to those in the Old, e.g. Elias to Elijah, etc. For this reason we have prefered to use as a basis the King James Version, which is older but more reliable and closer to the Graeca Veritas. I. Prima Vista 1 According to Lange (1938) this Buca-denarius (collection Mamroth, Berlin- Pankow) represents the definitive Caesar-portrait. The same coin is depicted on the cover of various books, for example in Gelzer (31941) and Vandenberg (1986). A. Alföldi analyzes in the Schweizer Münzblätter 73, 1969, p. 1-7 ‘the earliest type of denarius by L. Buca with the inscription caesar dictator perpetvo’, from which it can be learned that this denarius belongs to one of the earliest types (plate 1, 1-3). Similar features are also found on the Mettius-denarius with caesar dict qvart (B.M.C. 4135, Crawford 480/2a-b); since dict qvart preceded dict per- petvo for some time, this Mettius-type would be the more original (cf. A. Alföldi, ‘Das wahre Gesicht Caesars’, Antike Kunst 2, 1959, p.27 sqq). It can be seen that later dies idealize towards clementia and divus, so that some Buca-denarii (as the denarius depicted here or the one in A. Alföldi, Schweizer Münzblätter 73, l.c. plate i, 3) already show ‘Jesus-like’ features. For the whole of this iconography cf. R. Herbig, ‘Neue Studien zur Ikonographie des Gaius Iulius Caesar’, first published in: Kölner Jahrbuch für Früh- und Vorgeschichte, Berlin, 41959, p.7sqq., and again 360 Notes in: D. Rasmussen ed., Caesar, Darmstadt 1967, with bibliography and many illus- trations. 2 Borda (1957). 3 Vessberg (1941), p.176sq. 4 So Borda, l.c. 5 Cic. Ep. ad fam. 12.3. 6 Erika Simon, Arch. Anz. 1952, 138sqq.; Gymnasium, 64. Jg., 1957, H.4, p.295-9. 7 App. BC 2.147 8 The identification of the Torlonia head as a Caesar-portrait was questioned by Paul Zanker, Arch. Anz. 1981, p.357. He suspects a ‘Caesar-Zeitgesicht’, a ‘time-face of Caesar’, i.e. the portrait of an unknown person amongst the leaders of a provin- cial town, in which ‘the effect of the numerous statues to the honor of the divine dictator are reflected’. He thinks that Erika Simon’s ‘interpretation of it as a pity rousing, posthumous figure, which has found a very positive echo in the newer lit- erature’ is based on ‘empathy’—and rejects it: ‘In spite of great resemblances, main- ly in the details of the nose and the mouth, in the accentuated cheek-bones and the structure of the forehead, the head differs clearly in the proportions and the profile from the authentic figures of Caesar of the Turin type (from Tusculum) and the Pisa- Vatican type.’ However, Zanker’s opinion ‘does not convince’ Erika Simon ‘nor other colleagues either’ with whom she spoke: ‘He makes it too easy for himself, because none of his other “time-faces” is penetrated by this energy, none of the others has these typical Caesarean proportions and the accentuated occiput, where the traces of the (metal) wreath have been convincingly demonstrated. And Zanker also uses the term “time- face” (Zeitgesicht), invented by Bernhard Schweitzer, much too broadly’ (personal communication). Since both archaeologists use the profile as an argument, we place the Torlonia in the middle between some other, authenticated Caesar-profiles: 1. Buca 2. Tusculum 12. Torlonia 18. Uffizi 19. Pisa Apart from the fact that the typical occiput of Caesar seems to be more accentuated than usual and so the neck has become somewhat thicker to accommodate this, we can find no major differences. That the saddle in the middle of the forehead has been rounded and the hair piously covers the bald front in the heads Torlonia, Uffizi and Pisa marks them all three as posthumous. Only the expression of the Torlonia-face is different, more humble, stressed by the inclination of the head. But the same ex- pression and the same inclination of the head are also found in that of the Palazzo degli Uffizi (as well as in the Vatican-type, see chapter 1 ill.9). Anyway, it is not decisive for the economy of our text whether we have here a ‘Cae- sar-face’ or a ‘Caesar time-face’. That is to say, Zanker bases his examination on the bust of M. Holconius Rufus in Pompeii, who was Augusti Caesaris sacerdos accord- ing to the inscription on the base, which, in respect of the supposed time of its ded- ication (between 2/1 bc and 14 ad), still meant sacerdos Divi Iulii and sacerdos Divi Filii at the same time. Mutatis mutandis the face of the deified Caesar would have to Prima Vista 361 rubbed off on the face of his priest (hardly on the face of the priests of his Son of God Augustus, because Zanker holds Caesar’s head in the Torlonia museum to be an ‘image of the late republic’ as the legend on the illustration explains). In the case of the Torlonia head, one would then have to assume that the features of the deified one have completely transfigured those of his priest. If Zanker were right, we would here be looking at the face of Divus Iulius become independent, instead of ‘Caesar’s pietà’: ‘Caesar’s transfiguration’. Our starting point would hardly be altered by this. 9 Dio Cass. HR 44.4.5: kai; ejpiv ge tou' bhvmato" duvo (ajndriavntaı), to;n me;n wJ" tou;" polivta" seswkovto" to;n de; wJ" th;n povlin ejk poliorkiva" ejxh/rhmevnou, meta; tw'n ste- favnwn tw'n ejpi; toi'" toiouvtoi" nenomismevnwn iJdruvsanto. 10 Gel. 5.6.11: civica corona appellatur, quam civis civi, a quo in proelio servatus est, testem vitae salutisque perceptae dat. ea fit e fronde quernea; 5.6.8: obsidionalis est, quam ii qui liberati obsidione sunt dant ei duci qui liberavit. ea corona graminea est, observarique solitum ut fieret e gramine, quod in eo loco gnatum esset, intra quem clausi erant qui obsidebantur. 11 App. BC 3.3.8 12 Cf. Weinstock (1971), p.365. 13 Details cf. Raubitschek (1954), p.65-75; Die Inschriften von Ephesos (The in- scriptions of Ephesos), part II, 1979, nº251. 14 Photography: Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Rome. Cf. F. Chamoux, Fonda- tion Eugène Piot, Monuments et Mémoires 47, 1953, 131sqq. Tab.12. 15 Cf. App. BC 3.3.8-9; Cic. Phil. 1.5. 16 Sometimes also a wreath of myrtle is supposed, cf. L. Cesano, Rendiconti della Pontif. Accad. Rom. Archeol. 23/24, 1947/49, p.146sqq., and Kraft (1969), p.21 and n.78: ‘könnte man sie auch als Myrtenblätter ansprechen—they could be called myrtle-leaves as well’. 17 That the wreath was called etrusca corona is attested to by Tert. coron. 27, and that the instruments which were used in the triumph are of Etruscan origin by App. Pun. 66 (cited after Latte (1960), p.152). Kraft (1969), p.20: ‘On the coins Caesar cer- tainly does not wear a natural wreath of laurel or another wreath of green leaves, but an Etruscan corona aurea (after Dio Cass. HR 44.6.3)’, an Old Etruscan royal crown, which he distinguishes from the corona aurea of Pompeius (after Vell. 2.4.40). In contrast Crawford (1974), I, p.488, n.1 and nº 426.4a, who accepts a ‘golden triumphal wreath’, but not an ‘Old Etruscan royal crown’ (he thinks Cae- sar’s golden triumphal wreath is identical to Pompeius’ corona aurea). Dio Cassius (HR 44.6.3) speaks of a ‘wreath, embroided with gold and decorated with precious jewels’—kai; to;n stevfanon to;n diavliqon kai; diacruson.v 18 Lucius Cornelius Sulla was the leader of the senate party (the optimates), Gaius Marius of the people’s party (the populares). M. Minucius Thermus was an obdu- rate follower of Sulla who in 88 chased Marius, an uncle of Caesar’s, out of Rome. It has not been passed down to us who was saved by Caesar. As at this time only Sullans and optimates held office—and the Marians and populares were either liq- uidated or had to go into hiding—the person saved by Caesar probably was a polit- ical opponent.
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