Liberalia Tu Accusas ! Restituting the Ancient Date of Caesar’S Funus*
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On the Months (De Mensibus) (Lewiston, 2013)
John Lydus On the Months (De mensibus) Translated with introduction and annotations by Mischa Hooker 2nd edition (2017) ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations .......................................................................................... iv Introduction .............................................................................................. v On the Months: Book 1 ............................................................................... 1 On the Months: Book 2 ............................................................................ 17 On the Months: Book 3 ............................................................................ 33 On the Months: Book 4 January ......................................................................................... 55 February ....................................................................................... 76 March ............................................................................................. 85 April ............................................................................................ 109 May ............................................................................................. 123 June ............................................................................................ 134 July ............................................................................................. 140 August ........................................................................................ 147 September ................................................................................ -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th. -
The Argei: Sex, War, and Crucifixion in Rome
THE ARGEI: SEX, WAR, AND CRUCIFIXION IN ROME AND THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST Kristan Foust Ewin, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2012 APPROVED: Christopher J. Fuhrmann, Major Professor Ken Johnson, Committee Member Walt Roberts, Committee Member Richard B. McCaslin, Chair of the Department of History James D. Meernik, Acting Dean of the Toulouse Graduate School Ewin, Kristan Foust. The Argei: Sex, War, and Crucifixion in Rome and the Ancient Near East. Master of Arts (History), May 2012, 119 pp., 2 tables, 18 illustrations, bibliography, 150 titles. The purpose of the Roman Argei ceremony, during which the Vestal Virgins harvested made and paraded rush puppets only to throw them into the Tiber, is widely debated. Modern historians supply three main reasons for the purpose of the Argei: an agrarian act, a scapegoat, and finally as an offering averting deceased spirits or Lares. I suggest that the ceremony also related to war and the spectacle of displaying war casualties. I compare the ancient Near East and Rome and connect the element of war and husbandry and claim that the Argei paralleled the sacred marriage. In addition to an agricultural and purification rite, these rituals may have served as sympathetic magic for pre- and inter-war periods. As of yet, no author has proposed the Argei as a ceremony related to war. By looking at the Argei holistically I open the door for a new direction of inquiry on the Argei ceremony, fertility cults in the Near East and in Rome, and on the execution of war criminals. -
General Index
GENERAL INDEX Absyrtus 34 7 Allecto 106, 109 Achates 180 Allius (in Catullus) 107-8 Achelous 288, 292, 301 Alpheus 284 Achilles 128, 249, 288-89 + n. 53, Althea 291 289, 317' 322, 394-96 Amata 106-7, 109 Acmon 322 Amor(es) 242, 405 Acoetes 265-66, 292 see also Cupid Acontius 137-38 Amphimedon 241 Acrisius 289 anachronisms 280, 316, 320, 377, Actaeon 262-64, 379-80, 433 422 Actium, battle of 204 Romanizing 306, 315, 325 Adonis 286, 377 analepsis see flashback adynaton/ a 342, 365-66, 374 Ancaeus 377 Aeacus 284 Anchises 179, 223 Aeneas 128, 206, 312, 326, 437 ancile 224-25, 230 apotheosis of 199-200, 311-12, Andromeda 240-42, 244, 289 321-27, 329 Anna (sister of Dido) 180-81 in Fasti 179-80, 182, 203, 212, Anna Perenna 172, 183, 198, 214, 230 213 n. 43, 397 in Met. 309-12, 322-24, 326-27 identified with Anna, sister of Dido Virgil's 128, 179-80, 207, 240-42, 180 244-45, 249, 263, 289, 396 Antimachus 50 Aesacus 307, 318-19, 326 Antinous 242 Aeschylus 130, 259, 267 Antony, Marc (Marcus Antonius) 8, see also tragedy, Greek 197 n. 2, 206 Aesculapius 173-74 Aphrodite 173, 212 Aetas Ovidiana 413, 422 see also Venus see also Ovid, medieval reception of; Apollo 11-12, 47, 67, 84, 163, Ovid, works of, s.v. transmission 177-78, 184, 186, 230, 376, 437 Aethion 241 Callimachean 28, 175 aetiology 174-75, 178, 193-95, oracle of, at Delos 263 208-9, 213, 248, 252, 257, 274, oracle of, at Delphi 240, 250, 253, 276-77, 318-19, 324, 326, 398 263 see also 'aition' in Met. -
Introduction. Dionysus in Rome: Accommodation and Resistance
Fiachra Mac Góráin Introduction. Dionysus in Rome: accommodation and resistance Abstract: This introductory chapter provides a wide-angle history of the presence of Dionysus/Bacchus/Liber on Italian soil from the archaic to the early Christian periods, covering archaeological and literary sources. In parallel, it surveys the main scholarly trends on the Italian versions of Dionysus, and emplots the con- tributions to this volume in a history of scholarship. The main focus of the chap- ter, which is programmatic for the volume, is the interface of Greek and Roman cultures, and whether it is possible to identify and define (an) Italian version(s) of Dionysus. It posits two aspects to the Romans’ reception of Bacchus, which may be termed ‘accommodation’ and ‘resistance’. The interplay between these two levels of response will inform an analytic narrative that assesses the relation- ship between the Greek Dionysus and the Roman Liber, embracing interpretatio and religious polymorphism, and addressing some of the most important Diony- sian manifestations in Roman culture: the founding of the temple of Ceres, Liber and Libera; the Bacchanalia; the Liberalia; Roman leaders’ uses of Dionysus; the poets’ references to Bacchus; and a brief glance at the Bacchic-Christian inter- face. As ‘our oldest living symbol’,1 Dionysus/Bacchus has evolved over many different forms. Until relatively recently, scholars believed that he was an import from the East, and a late addition to the Greek pantheon. Rohde, Nilsson, Wilamowitz and Otto all subscribed to different versions of the Nietzschean myth that an ecstatic Dionysus cult was assimilated from Thrace and tamed by the influence of Apollo.2 This view was based on the god’s slight role in the Homeric poems, coupled with For discussion of Dionysus in Rome and bibliographical advice, I wish to thank Clifford Ando, Andreas Bendlin, Tom Carpenter, Michael Crawford, Elena Giusti, Dan Hogg, Duncan MacRae, John North, Donncha O’Rourke, Richard Seaford, and Peter Wiseman. -
PDF of the Notes
Notes __________________________________ These notes aspire neither to completeness nor to the naming of the first respective orig- inator of a thought or a theory. Since this work is more a research report than an academic treatise, such aspirations would actually be neither required nor useful. However, should we have violated any rights of primogeniture, this did not happen intentionally and we hereby apologize beforehand, and promise to mend our ways. We also would like to express our gratitude in advance for any references, tips, or clues sent to us. For abbreviations of collected editions and lexicons, journals and serials, monographs and terms see Ziegler & Sontheimer (1979). For the Greek authors’ names and titles see Liddell & Scott (1996) and for the Latin ones Glare (1996). The Gospel texts translated into English were quoted on the basis of the King James Ver- sion of 1611. In some cases the Revised Standard Version of 1881 and the New American Bible of 1970 were relied on. These three translations often differ from each other considerably. Although they all, even the Catholic one, make use of the original languages rather than the Vulgate as a basis for translation, they have the tendency to read the text of the New Testament according to the current interpreta- tion and to amalgamate it with the Old, so that in critical points the newer transla- tions are overtly conflicting with the Greek original text, arbitrarily interpreting e. g. thalassa, properly ‘sea’, as lake, Christos, ‘Christ’, as Messiah, adapting the orthog- raphy of the proper names in the New Testament to those in the Old, e.g. -
Mediaeval Holidays
Mediaeval Holidays by Mark D F Shirley The copyright of this article remains with the original author. Articles may be copied or distributed freely for personal non-profit use, provided that the author is properly credited. Here is a list of holidays celebrated in mediaeval times. Most of these are from the Western Rite (a.k.a. the Roman Catholic Church). In addition to the Catholic ceremonies listed here, there would be a number of festivals celebrating the feast days of locally popular saints, as well as fairs, which would have been held in various locations throughout the year, particularly in summer. Vigils were held on the eves of the feasts of the Apostles except for Philip, James, and John I have also included some of the more popular Ancient Roman festivals, which may be of interest to magi. For example: a magus conducting a ritual spell designed to raise the shade of a dead Roman might only have luck during the Lemuria, the festivals in May when the Roman dead walked. A Merinita magus trained in a strict Roman tradition might use spells to increase the fertility of the land on the 15th February, the Lupercalia. At the option of the storyguide, spells might be more effective at these times. Birthdays would not be celebrated by mediaeval people. Instead, their saint day - that is, the feast day of the saint that they are named after - would have greater importance to them. Magi might well have a celebration on the day that they passed their Apprentice's Gauntlet. This list also includes the equinoxes and solstices, which would be of more importance to magi and astrologers than to commoners. -
Liberty and the People in Republican Rome Elaine Fantham Princeton University
Liberty and the people in republican Rome Elaine Fantham Princeton University Why have I chosen to use our time together today on the theme of popular liberty at Rome? Certainly recent events have brought strongly to our minds the conflict between the values of liberty and security, but I do want to leave our present century behind, while concentrating on a value perhaps more talked about by politicians than interpreted. Many of us have at some time read and admired the monograph by Chaim Wirszubski, in which he carefully distinguished what the senatorial class meant by their own political liberty— freedom to govern—and that of the people, whose active exercise of liberty consisted largely in freedom to pass the laws recommended by their senatorial betters and to elect the magistrates whom the same elite governing class had kindly offered them. Instead I want to consider the personal liberty or free condition of the (adult male)Roman citizen, the man in the vicus: how it differed from that of non-citizens and slaves, and how he experienced the burdens and rights of citizenship. I have found one of the best guides is Claude Nicolet's le Métier de Citoyen, not least because Nicolet pays far more attention to the early and middle republic than most historians. But even Nicolet plays down the other aspects of citizenship when he discusses its implications in order to explain the half-way status Rome granted to the people of Caere, that is Roman citizenship without voting power. For myself I doubt that the power to vote, not just in elections but for legislation and in major popular trials, meant much to the average citizen: even if he lived near enough to come to the Comitium or the Campus, and could afford to leave his business untended, he would be voting in a mass unit which carried less weight than the many units of the elite knights and first class, a unit which might not even be called to vote if a majority had already been reached. -
The Mosaic of Neptune and the Seasons from La Chebba Is of Interest Not Only Because of Its Fine Workmanship but Also for Its Unique Combination of Familiar Motifs
THE MOSAIC OF NEPTUNE AND THE SEASONS FRO:M LA CHEBBA THE, MOSAIC OF NEPTUNE AND THE SEASONS FR01VI LA CHEBBA by GIFTY AKO-ADOUNVO SUQmitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Gifty Ako-Adounvo, April 1991. MASTER OF ARmS McMASTER UNIVERSIT}: (Classical Studies) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Mosaic of Neptun1e and the Seasons from La Chebba. AUTHOR: Gifty Ako-Adounvo, B.A. (Hons.) (University of Ghana). SUPERVISOR: Rrofessor KM.D. Dunbabin NUMBER OF PA@ES: xiii,. 1 ~,2 11 ABSTRACT This thesis analyses the Roman mosaic of Neptune and the Seasons from La Chebba in Nortk Africa (Africa Proconsularis). The mosaic was exeavated in 1902 in a seaside', villa at La Chebba which is about 10 km. south of El Alia. The mosaic has rec~ived but brief mention in publications since the beginning of the century, in s}i>ite, of its fascinating subject matter. Chapter 1 gives a detailed description of the mosaic, which depicts in a central medallion, Neptune standing in a frontal chariot attended by two members of the marine thiasos. ]:;'our female Seasons appear iin the corner diagonals of the pa"fvement. They are flanked by seasonal animals and little scenes of seasonal activity. These seasonal vignettes and the combination of Neptune with Seasqns are unique features of this mosaic. Chapter 2 deals with the subject of the "triumph"; its modern art historical terminology, its symbolism, and the iconography of Neptune's "triumph". Some very interesting parallels appear. -
Dr. Wissowa on the Argei
The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Dr. Wissowa on the Argei W. Warde Fowler The Classical Review / Volume 16 / Issue 02 / March 1902, pp 115 - 119 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00205519, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00205519 How to cite this article: W. Warde Fowler (1902). Dr. Wissowa on the Argei. The Classical Review, 16, pp 115-119 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00205519 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 128.122.253.228 on 12 Apr 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. 115 the deflecting force of cognate words which berg's recension j it is certainly in dis- hegan with pot- succeeded finally in detach- agreement with the usage of Celsus as ing potus from the now isolated bibo, and already pointed out. The second is Valerius made it possible on the one hand for the Maximus 2. 4. 5 ' calefactamque aquam prodigious bibitus to spring up, and on the pueris bibendam dedit qua potata' e.q.s. other for Priscian to declare that the par- Here there is very good MS. authority for ticiple of poto was potus. pota. Valerius uses potauit in its proper To sum up : potum, potus, polurus, is for sense at 3, 6. 6. In Pliny N.H. 20. 136 classical Latin the proper supine and par- ' ad crapulae grauedines decocuntur folia ticiples of bibo (and of poto if used in the poturis' (potaluris E, d) either variant is simple sense of drinking) ; potatum, potatus, correct as Latin. -
The Other Greeks: Metaphors and Ironies of Hellenism in Livy’S Fourth Decade
THE OTHER GREEKS: METAPHORS AND IRONIES OF HELLENISM IN LIVY’S FOURTH DECADE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Douglas S. Freeble * * * * The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Professor Erik Gunderson, Adviser Approved by Professor Kirk Freudenburg, Co-Adviser ___________________________ Professor Sarah Iles Johnston Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Douglas Freeble 2004 ABSTRACT Already in the Praefatio of Livy’s work the metaphor of the importation of foreign influence is apparent. Livy chooses the annalistic narrative style as the most Roman form possible and a self -construction as an author who valorizes traditional Roman values. These authorial decisions on the modality of the narrative are intimately linked to tropology and the manufacturing of the metaphors and ironies that frame Livy’s text in books 31-45. Roman control in Thessaly is asserted by manufacturing communities in its image. These collapse miserably when the guiding Roman metaphors are questioned. The failure of Roman institutions is depicted as evidence of the restless nature of the Thessalians. A representative image of Thessaly is given in the character of Theoxena, a Thessalian exile who kills herself at a festival of Aeneas. Her story allows Romans to form an emotional bond with the Thessalians, although it maintains their essential alterity. The Galatian campaign of Manlius Vulso shows the dangers of Rome’s encounter with Hellenism. The Galatians are presented as Gallic-Greek hybrids who are no longer the great Gallic warriors of the past. -
Naked Power: the Phallus As an Apotropaic Symbol in the Images and Texts of Roman Italy
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2005-6: Word Penn Humanities Forum Undergraduate & Image Research Fellows 4-1-2006 Naked Power: The Phallus as an Apotropaic Symbol in the Images and Texts of Roman Italy Claudia Moser University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2006 Part of the Classics Commons Moser, Claudia, "Naked Power: The Phallus as an Apotropaic Symbol in the Images and Texts of Roman Italy" (2006). Undergraduate Humanities Forum 2005-6: Word & Image. 11. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2006/11 2005-2006 Penn Humanities Forum on Word & Image, Undergraduate Mellon Research Fellows. URL: http://humanities.sas.upenn.edu/05-06/mellon_uhf.shtml This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/uhf_2006/11 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Naked Power: The Phallus as an Apotropaic Symbol in the Images and Texts of Roman Italy Abstract Representations of the phallus abound in both the art and the literature of the first-century A.D. Roman world. On frescoes in both private homes and public buildings, on amulets, statues, etchings, tripods, drinking cups and vases, exaggerated phallic images, these purportedly apotropaic symbols protect the inhabitant, the passerby, the wearer, the user from outside evil. The contemporary Latin literature, Roman satire and elegy in particular (Catullus, Martial, Juvenal, Horace, Tibullus), and the Priapea, a collection of poems about the phallic god Priapus, offer descriptions of the phallus and its functions that both coincide with and differ from the material examples. This paper will investigate these correspondences and discrepancies between verbal and artistic representation, and, in particular, what these similarities and inconsistencies reveal about the public function of this private imagery in the contemporary culture of ancient Roman Italy.