American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 6; June 2012

Political Intolerance, Diversity and Democracy: Youth Violence in Urban,

Obediah Dodo Lecturer Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) P. Bag 1020 Bindura, Zimbabwe & Collen Musorowegomo Peace and Governance Masters‟ Student at BUSE

Abstract

Following political violence that was witnessed in Bindura constituency urban area during election periods between 1999 and 2011, a research was conducted to assess and evaluate the level of youth participation in the violence. The research, guided by the Culture of Violence theory by Wolfgang and Ferracuti and the Youth Bulge theory by Gunnar Heinsohn, sampled 243 respondents from various stakeholders. The research was conducted between August 2011 and January 2012. After a critical analysis and evaluation of all the information, the research did establish that indeed, the youth played some role in all the violence over the period. The research also noted that to some extent, youth participation was due to idleness, poverty and adult influence. (117)

Key words: Youth, Democracy, Violence, Tolerance, Diversity.

Introduction

Zimbabwe attained its independence through a protracted liberation struggle that claimed thousands of lives. Ever since the independence in 1980, the country has had timely elections that have however been characterised by violence and bloodshed. In all these cases of violence and bloodshed, on the front line were the youth who have been described as vanguards of their political parties. It is therefore the intention of this paper to critically evaluate the role that these youth have played in Zimbabwe‟s violence with particular focus on the Bindura urban constituency between 1999 and 2011.

Background

Bindura urban is the town of Bindura district, the provincial capital for Mashonaland Central province. It attained a town status in 1999 and has four residential suburbs; Chipadze, Chipindura, Chiwaridzo, Chiwaridzo Phase 2 and the low density called Claverhill. It is mainly a mining town with two of the biggest mines in the country; Ashanti Goldfields and Trojan Nickel mine. The town has 7 primary schools and 3 High schools. The town has an estimated population of 150 000 and the Council is run by 12 councilors all from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) and three special interest councilors from ZANU PF and the legislative post is presently vacant following the death of former parliamentarian in 2010.

In 1999 when MDC was introduced on the political scene, there was serious animosity between Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and MDC as the two parties fought for membership. Apparently, ZANU PF had dominated the arena for too long that it could not imagine seeing an opposition party claiming any part of the niche. Meanwhile, MDC also wanted to register its presence and enlarge its membership base ahead of ZANU PF. The other area of clash was witnessed in the areas of ideology. While ZANU PF was a nationalist revolutionary party that had waged the liberation struggle, MDC was a labour and contemporary movement that wanted to change systems of governance and leadership. As a result, the two parties physically clashed.

In Bindura, the clashes have been serious and fatal such that lives have been lost. Traditionally, Bindura has been considered the back-borne and one of the strong-holds of ZANU PF and as such, its leadership has not allowed any other party to make any in-roads.

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This belief, on the part of ZANU PF has therefore motivated its youth to engage in violence against other contestants each time there are elections; 2000 Parliamentary, 2001 Bindura Parliamentary by-election, 2002 Presidential, 2003 Local Government, 2005 Senatorial, 2006 General and the 2008 Harmonised elections.

Delimitation

The research was conducted in Bindura Urban area; Trojan Mine to the south, to the east, there is Chiwaridzo, Chiwaridzo phase 2, Aerodrome, Chipadze, Ran Mine and Chipindura. To the west is Batanai, Zororo Park and Coach-House Inn while to the north is the low-density, Mt Darwin Road flats, Bindura University new site and Shashi and the Bindura Central Business District.

Research Problem

In the post-independence political history of Zimbabwe, Bindura district has been the hub of political violence. It has been considered the strongest base of ZANU PF considering its traditional strength, support and the numbers of leadership in the top echelons of ZANU PF. It is one district where political opponents are murdered, independent press banned, opposition political parties banned and high polarization levels. Perpetrators of violence are selectively arrested depending on one‟s political party.

Objectives

 To critically understand youth involvement in political violence in Bindura urban.  To establish causes of exceptionally high cases of political violence in Bindura.  To craft possible solutions to the problems.

Methodology

The study employed qualitative research design tools (questionnaires, interviews, observation and archival material) to gather and analyse data. Information was sought from 215 questionnaires and 28 interviews from respondents‟ based in Bindura and . All questionnaires had open-ended questions which focused on the following; their understanding of democracy and violence, political parties‟ ideology, motivation for violence and possible solutions. Respondents were sampled from the political parties‟ leadership, the youth, Police, Ministry of Education, Bindura Municipality and ordinary members of the society. The study was conducted between August 2011 and January 2012.

Secondary data was obtained from published research, articles, and official documents such as the constitution and Police records. This is a rich source of both qualitative and quantitative data that provided background information on the constituency and history of political parties and party systems. Party documents such as constitutions, manifestos, and annual reports supplemented data obtained from the structured questionnaires.

Sampling

In selecting respondents, the researchers used purposeful and snowball sampling methods. The purposeful helped in deliberately identifying respondents ideal for specific questions and issues while the snowball helped in that participants in violence and or its management identified some of their colleagues.

Respondents sampled from ZANU PF and MDC-T were as follows; ZANU PF – 50 for questionnaires MDC- 50 for questionnaires The questionnaires were administered as follows; Of the 50 questionnaires, 10 went to the provincial leadership, 10 to the district leadership and 30 to the youth. Male youth got 20 questionnaires mainly because they were the major participants in the violence and female youth got 10 questionnaires because it was assumed they were not really into violence.

ZANU PF- 10 for interviews MDC-T – 10 for interviews Interviewees were selected as follows; 2 provincial leaders, 2 district leaders and 6 youth members distributed as follows; 3 from each of the male and female categories.

Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) – 5 questionnaires. Ministry of Education – 5 questionnaires 135 American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 6; June 2012

Bindura Municipality – 5 questionnaires Ordinary citizens – 100 questionnaires.

ZRP – 2 respondents for interviews Local Government – 2 for interviews Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) – 2 for interviews. Ordinary citizens – 2 for interviews. It was difficult extracting information from CIO respondents especially on issues they considered „sensitive‟. However, the researchers had to employ elicitation method as a last resort to extraction of vital information.

ZANU PF- 2 meetings were covered. MDC-T – 2 meetings were covered. In covering the meetings, the study sought to familiarize with the respective parties‟ policies, manifestoes and hear how the speakers addressed the issues to do with violence and democracy. In total, 215 questionnaires were administered while 28 interviews were conducted giving a total of 243 respondents.

Theoretical Framework

This study was guided by the Youth Bulge theory by Gunnar Heinsohn, which states that an increase in youth who are unemployed and have no guaranteed income creates opportunities for youth violence, (Beehner 2007). The Culture of Violence Theory by Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1967) also compliment the above theory. The theory holds that the open use of violence is a reflection of basic values that stand apart from the dominant and parent culture.

Wolfgang argues that large, complex, and pluralistic societies, develop specialized norms and values through differential associations and organizations that emphasize and justify the use of physical force above and beyond that which is regarded as “normative” of the culture as a whole (DeKeseredy and Perry, 2006). This paper‟s hypothesis is therefore based on the assumption that youth violence is fueled by political parties‟ internal cultures of violence and the obvious divergent ideologies.

Political parties

A political party is defined as an association of people with similar interests and common purposes. Political parties serve to groom and avail potential leadership in any country. Rose (1978) defines a political party as an organization concerned with the expression of popular preference and contesting control of the policy making offices of government. In Zimbabwe, political parties have become popular for furthering economic interests of a particular group through defined policies and laws. They are characterised by a top-down organisational structure where power and decision making is highly centralised. This leaves little room for deliberative decision making processes involving party membership. This rigid organisational structure is in part inherited from the colonial legacy where colonial administrators and political elites dictated to, and made decisions on behalf of the native populations without consultation. In such political formations, debate is stifled and prohibited and autocratic policies and regulations are enforced through covert and overt pressure, and illegal sanctions including suspension and even expulsion from the party. These practices lead to serious limitations on processes of inclusiveness and transparency while breeding oligarchy and compromising intra-party democracy.

Political parties not only provide the means by which citizens can participate in the governance process, but also structure the political landscape to enable competition between varying interests and policy objectives. This characterises the classification of political regimes advanced by Robert Dahl (1971) which categorises democratic processes along the two dimensions of political competition and political participation. Political formations, as forms of social organisation continue to evolve in response to changing socio-economic and political realities. Modernisation theorists such as Samuel Huntington (1968) argue that the significance of political parties goes beyond the mere utilitarian function of contesting and capturing or retaining political power. According to this theory, political parties are necessary and crucial. As such, ZANU PF has mutated and built itself a defensive mechanism from the threat of MDC-T; ideologically and membership-wise, contrary to the competitive model of democracy. Huntington sees political parties as serving “the important function of interest aggregation, channeling disparate social groupings and interests into a common socio-political platform and thus providing a stabilizing effect to an otherwise fractious society” (Manning 2005:717).

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However, proponents of the competitive model of democracy (Schumpeter 1942, Dahl 1956, Downs 1957, Miller 1983 and Sartori 1987), argue that a system of competitive political parties is necessary for effective interest aggregation.

What has generally been experienced in African politics and Zimbabwe in particular, is the ever presence of the threat of internal discord, leadership wrangles; party splits and in some cases open violence that weaken unstable Zimbabwean political parties, compromise their ability to select credible candidates, compete in elections and govern effectively and in some cases leading to the total collapse of political parties. The collapse of the (ZUM), Forum Party of Zimbabwe (FPZ) and the Zimbabwe Union of Democrats (ZUD) amongst others are clear cases in point. Voters tend to have multiple party memberships and party loyalty fluctuates significantly depending on which party is unleashing violence on the voters. This practice of multiple memberships is common in Zimbabwean politics where, upon request of one‟s political party membership card, one produces a membership card that satisfies the needs of the inquirer. This has been necessitated by the level of intolerance within the parties for citizens to follow any party of their choice. This is one trait that has clearly characterised Zimbabwean politics unlike other democracies.

Security Sector

The security sector is made up of the institutions responsible for the security of the country, internal and the perimeter. Ideally, the security sector also involves all the sectors to do with the national security including the Judiciary services, Immigration and border guards amongst others. However, for the purpose of this study, only those institutions that played some role in youth violence that was experienced during the period under review have been selected. These institutions include the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, consisting the Zimbabwe National Army and Air-force of Zimbabwe, the Police force and the Prison Services. There is also the Central Intelligence Organisation which is responsible for the collection of security intelligence.

Social Economics

The gap between the rich and the poor is increasing largely due to an unstable economy, inequitable distribution of resources, corruption and unemployment. While this phenomenon is common, even in healthy and powerful economies; and liberal democracies, there is need for the government to put in place deliberate measures aimed at rectifying the disparities. Failure to address these ills and disparities, especially those that affect the youth opens wide opportunities for youth delinquency and can instigate violence which undermines the legitimacy of democratic institutions and those in power. There was a time in 2009 when relations between the MDC-T and ZANU-PF reached pitched levels in Bindura after the MDC-led Municipality had recruited 56 Municipal policemen from the civilian population instead of graduates of the National Youth Service as per recommendations from ZANU-PF.

Violence

According to Imbusch (2003), violence is omnipresent and that its ubiquity is independent of a particular cultural area. It is experienced everywhere at national and international level. Azar (1990) argues that, in many multi- ethnic societies, possibilities of states emerging dominated by a single communal group are high, and that this communal group ignores the needs of other communal groups, thereby breeding frustration and polarisation. In terms of human needs, Azar (1990) argues that all individuals need attention and the satisfaction of their needs and wants as needs deprivation leads to increasing grievances, which individuals express collectively through violence like what was experienced during a „wind of change‟ that swept through the Arab region from 2010.

Violence that was experienced in Zimbabwe led to the formation of a welfare civic organisation called Survivors‟ Summit that was established by victims of political violence and politically-motivated violence in Zimbabwe; with permanent injuries, victims of rape, relatives of those who disappeared, widows and widowers of political violence, and those who were unlawfully detained several times. It seeks to secure compensation for the injuries and disabilities incurred.

Results

After a thorough process of interviews and observations of the goings on at political bases, meetings and in the areas where these youth lived, the results were processed and produced in the form of charts, tables and simple narratives. Fig. 3 titled Base Structure below presents ZANU PF base leadership in Bindura, base centres, population and surrounding remarks in respect of the period in question. 137 American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 6; June 2012

The statistics supplied by respondents indicate that a total of 531 youth were necessarily resident at the bases at any given point of the period. It must be noted that some of the personalities mentioned in the study are partially identified. This was due to the fact that some of these people are not residents of the areas that they were operating in and that the political parties had not properly planned for such base operation to an extend that no identification particulars were recorded. On the part of MDC-T, identities were deliberately hidden for security reasons.

Fig. 1 ZANU PF Questionnaire Response- Causes

CATEGORY INFLUENCE IDEOLOGY IGNORANCE POLITICAL IDLENESS INCENTIVES TOTAL PRESSURE Provincial 2 4 -- 2 -- 2 10 Leadership District 4 2 2 2 -- -- 10 leadership Youth 6 10 -- 5 1 3 25 ZRP -- 4 ------1 5 Education 1 3 ------1 5 Council 1 2 -- 2 -- -- 5 Ordinary 10 37 -- 15 5 30 97 % 11% 29% 0.93% 12% 2.8% 17% 215

The above Questionnaire Response table presents responses by various stakeholders in respect of the causes to violence in Bindura by ZANU PF youth during the period in question. In summary, out of the 25 youth, 10 respondents indicated that they were motivated into violence by political ideology. Four of the 10 provincial leaders also indicated that youth violence was motivated by ideology. On the part of the ZRP, 4 of the 5 respondents also blamed ideology for youth violence. With regards to the 100 ordinary respondents, 97 responded where 10 cited influence from other youth, 37 cited ideology and 15 attributed political pressure as the reason for youth violence. Still on the same question, 5 respondents cited idleness while 30 respondents cited the availability of incentives like money as some of the major causes of youth violence during the period under review in the sampled district.

The results in the table given above shows that 11% of the total respondents attributed youth violence to influence by other youth members while 29% cited political ideology as a main cause of violence. Ignorance as a cause of youth violence was raised by 0.93% of the respondents while 12% of the respondents cited political pressure. Idleness as a cause of youth violence was cited by 2.8% of the valid respondents while 17% of the respondents raised the issue of incentives that are exposed to the unemployed youth. Of the 215 respondents, 3 did not respond and this translates to 1.4% of the total respondents.

Fig. 2 MDC-T Questionnaire Response- Causes

CATEGORY INFLUENCE IDEOLOGY IGNORANCE POLITICAL IDLENESS INCENTIVES TOTAL PRESSURE Provincial 2 3 1 3 -- 1 10 Leadership District 2 2 -- 4 -- 2 10 leadership Youth 5 12 -- 2 1 5 25 ZRP -- 3 ------2 5 Education 1 3 ------1 5 Council -- 2 -- -- 1 2 5 Ordinary 11 43 -- 8 23 12 97 % 10% 32% 0.5% 8% 12% 12% 215

The above Questionnaire Response table presents responses by stakeholders in respect of the causes of violence in Bindura by MDC-T youth during the period under review. Out of the 25 youth, 12 respondents indicated that they were motivated into violence by political ideology while 5 raised the issues about influence from other youth and abundance of financial and material incentives respectively. Three of the 10 provincial leaders also indicated that youth violence was motivated by ideology while another 3 respondents cited political pressure. On the part of the ZRP, 3 of the 5 respondents also blamed ideology for youth violence. 138 © Centre for Promoting Ideas, USA www.aijcrnet.com

Three respondents from Ministry of Education did indicate that youth violence was largely motivated by political ideology. With regards to the 100 ordinary respondents, 11 cited influence from other youth, and 43 cited ideology as the reasons for youth violence. Still on the same question, 23 respondents cited idleness while 12 respondents cited the availability of incentives like money as some of the major causes of youth violence during the period under review in the sampled district. Three respondents did not respond to the questions that were posed during the study.

The results in the table given above shows that 10% of the total respondents attributed youth violence to influence by other youth members while 32% cited political ideology as a main cause of violence. Ignorance as a cause of youth violence was raised by 0.5% of the respondents while 8% of the respondents cited political pressure. Idleness as a cause of youth violence was cited by 12% of the valid respondents while 12% of the respondents raised the issue of incentives that are exposed to the unemployed youth. Of the 215 respondents in the study, 3 did not respond and this translated to 1.4% of the total respondents.

Fig. 3 Base Structure

SUBURB BASE LEADER MALE FEMALE REMARKS Chipadze Musvosvi Knowledge 52 24 Rwodzi allegedly has a 2002 Street Rwodzi alias (Uncle Dash) pending case for murdering a residence ZANU PF member. Chipadze Kudzanayi Titos 37 20 House owned by Mrs Street Residence Ngapasare, an MDC member who had fled to Harare. Chipadze Tendai Hall Wellington Chitehwe 113 69 Wellington is the son to John Muchavepi Chiwaridzo Chiwaridzo Yona 90 28 Hall Chipadze Long Distance Tafadzwa Dondo alias 85 13 Died soon after the election Bus-terminus (Tiko-tiko) (Late) period. (Musika) TOTAL 377 154 531

The figure above shows the structures of some of the bases that were in Bindura during the period under review. The figure shows the specific base, location, respective leadership, composition of the youth involved classified by sex and some remarks on the base. Of importance to note is that of the 531 youth involved, 154 and 377 were female and male respectively.

John Muchavepi alias Chitehwe was the overall constituency base commander and was based in Chipadze. He is alleged to have murdered a number of political activists including one only identified as Ms Longwe. Longwe was torched to death as her residence in Chipadze. He is also a former war combatant and a beneficiary of the land reform programme. However, Muchavepi and a number of ZANU PF youth eventually got arrested and served over a year in prison for allegedly vandalizing properties in Chipadze.

Fig. 4 below presents personalities from the two participating political formations, who were leaders in respective communities especially in the management and administration of political bases. Of importance is that on the MDC list, there are very few on account of the fact that most had fled the area for security reasons. In fact, MDC- T youth had been overwhelmed by security forces-led ZANU PF youth.

139 American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 6; June 2012

Fig. 4 Violence Main Activists

ZANU PF MDC MAIN REMARKS MAIN ACTORS ACTORS John Muchavepi alias Chucky Muchavepi was the overall constituency commander. All MDC youth were using pseudonyms to hide their identities for security reasons. Martin Mavhangira alias Billa Mavhangira is in the ZANU PF provincial leadership. Shumba (late) alias Mudy Shumba was an employee of ZANU PF. Magaso --- Former official driver to Governor Boda Gezi. Mugarapanyama --- Tafadzwa Dondo --- Wellington Chitehwe --- Son to John Muchavepi Chitehwe. Knowledge Rwodzi --- His participation on the side of ZANU PF was probably compensatory to his past political beliefs and activities. Yona --- A Bindura prominent gold-panner. Titos --- Jonathan Murape --- Matsambira ---

Although MDC had supporters on the ground, almost all had joined ZANU PF ranks and structures as a way of coummaflaging for protection and security from ZANU PF reprisals. The youth would round up all their alleged suspects to the bases where kangaroo courts would be convened. Regardless of the verdict, the suspects would be assaulted and be detained or simply ordered to become part of the base personnel. Amongst some of the responsibilities for such captives were to mete out corporal punishment on other fellow suspects.

Fig. 5 Property Destroyed

Person/property Owner Ward/Area Damage/Remarks Longwe Ms (x2) --- Chipadze The 2 Longwe women were allegedly murdered by political Ward 4 youth for allegedly supporting MDC-T party. One of them was torched till she died in her home. House Councillor Chiwaridzo 2 The property was razed to the ground by suspected political Nyakudya Ward 12 youth for allegedly being a member of the MDC-T. House Chucky‟s Chipadze, Nyati The house was destroyed by suspected political youth for parents road Ward 7 allegedly leading MDC-T youth in the election campaigns. House Longwe Chipadze The house was torched to the ground for being used as a family Ward 4 coordination point for MDC-T programmes. House Billa‟s Chipadze The house was destroyed by suspected political youth for parents Ward 4 allegedly leading MDC-T youth in the election campaigns.

The figure above shows some of the recorded cases of vandalism in the area in question. It was observed that most of the cases involved the destruction of houses and household goods. Most of the destruction took place at the residences of known MDC activists who would have long fled to Harare for refuge. However, it was only at the Longwe family that Ms Longwe was found preparing her meal that she was forced on to the fire and monitored to die by alleged ZANU PF members. According to the ZRP1, most of the criminal cases (assault, arson, rape and kidnap) went unreported as victims feared more reprisals and the fact that during the period, the Police force had been disempowered „technically‟ as they could not handle any case to do with politics.

Fig. 6 Electoral Offences

CASE OFFENDING PARTY TOTAL Unknown ZANU PF MDC-T Public violence 01 50% 01 50% 00 0% 02 Threats of violence/Intimidation 00 00 15 57% 11 43% 26 Electoral Act/POSA 00 00 03 30% 07 70% 10 (Source: ZRP 2011)

1 Interviews and questionnaires by Police respondents. 140 © Centre for Promoting Ideas, USA www.aijcrnet.com

Fig above shows statistics that were officially recorded by the Zimbabwe Republic Police during the period under review. The statistics show that during the entire period of over 2 months, there were 2 cases of violence, 26 cases of intimidation of people by other individuals and 10 cases involving the contravention of Public Order and Security Act (POSA). During the period in question, the Police never received reports concerning murder or arson as depicted in fig. „Property Destroyed‟ above. According to ZRP2 reports, these statistics were normal given the prevailing conditions then; when ZANU PF youth had over-riding power and decision over the Police and the entire constitution.

Interview Results

The study mobilised 28 interviewees from various stakeholders who were interviewed separately. Below is the interviewee distribution table.

Fig. 7 Interviewee Distribution Table

Category Prov. leaders District leaders Youth Total Male Female ZANU PF 2 2 3 3 10 MDC-T 2 2 3 3 10 ZRP 0 2 0 0 2 CIO 0 2 0 0 2 Local Government 0 2 0 0 2 Ordinary Residents 0 2 0 0 2

After interviewing all the 28 interview respondents, the following themes were established; definition of violence, motivation for violence, main perpetrators and people‟s hope for survival. All the respondents concurred that violence is the disturbance that is socially and politically felt in the community. The respondents noted that any of these disturbances could be physical or emotional and had the potential to interrupt development and peace. As such, all cited the following as violence; rape, assault, murder, kidnap, forced attendance to meetings, forced allegiance and or membership, vandalism, verbal abuse and forced subscriptions and or levies. The variables that were raised are what the people actually experienced during the period under review.

On the aspect of motivation for violence, all the 8 provincial and district leaders pointed out that there was a lot of ideology influence at play especially coming from the political songs that were sung at political meetings and or at the bases. The respondents cited a number of songs which they claimed raised people‟s emotions so much so that they, at the end of the day developed a liking for violence or some revenge on their enemies or any one perceived to be crossing their political paths. Some of the songs cited are; „Zvinorema vakomana, Vamwe vakambozama ndokugumira panzira vakomana‟ literally, „It is tough, some have tried it and half-completed the job‟. The song is usually directed at who is said to have joined the liberation struggle in Mozambique in the 1970s only to run away back to Harare after a few weeks allegedly after failing to withstand inhuman conditions that characterised the liberation struggle. „Va Mugabe vanofamba nemamonya‟ literally, „President Mugabe is always accompanied by strong people‟. This song implies that President Mugabe is associated with violence such that wherever he goes, he incites violence. On the MDC-T side, such a song instigated violence, „Shaya dzaMugabe dzandifungisa dhongi rangu rakafa kare‟ literally „President Mugabe‟s jaws remind me of my long dead donkey‟. Whenever members of ZANU PF hear this song, they would want to retaliate arguing that the song insults their party leader.

Youth members from both sides indicated that they are motivated to defend the cause of their parties by their political ideology. ZANU PF youth indicated that they were safeguarding the gains of the hard-earned independence especially land while those from he MDC argued that they wanted to ensure equality, democracy and human rights for all. Respondents from ZRP and Local Government indicated that main motivation for violence was coming from the desire to loot and rape on the part of the youth whilst CIO respondents felt that ZANU PF youth were playing a „patriotic responsibility‟ of ensuring that Zimbabwe‟s independence is jealously protected. Meanwhile, ordinary respondents indicated that the youth simply enjoyed destruction during which, they looted and enriched themselves.

2 See ibid. 141 American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 2 No. 6; June 2012

On the question of main perpetrators of violence, all the political respondents traded accusations as to who initiated, fueled and or nurtured it. However, ZRP respondents had a different view arguing that, while both parties were to blame, it was largely ZANU PF to blame as it had and controlled all the hard power. Besides, ZANU PF violence perpetrators felt and believed that they had all the protection unlike their rivals in the MDC-T formation.

On this aspect of motivation for violence, all the respondents from CIO could not constructively respond as expected. However, ordinary and Local Government respondents felt that both parties were to blame for harbouring violent and destructive behaviours. However, the two sections believed that ZANU PF was transgressing unnecessarily as it felt that it was over-protected by government institutions.

The level of violence that was experienced in the constituency during the period under review had reached unprecedented levels so much so that almost every one had lost hope of survival and development. This was exacerbated by the fact that the economy had long tortured the generality of the populace. The violence that was experienced in Bindura did traumatize residents as some political activists allegedly went missing forever while others were permanently maimed and disabled.

Hope in the ZANU PF circles was at some point seen in the miraculous disappearance of the opposition MDC-T. However, some elements according to the respondents, believed that either supernatural divine or some magic was going to deliver Zimbabwe out of the quagmire. The youth section indicated that they were hopeless and only waited for their leadership to design some solution to the crisis. On the part of MDC-T youth, they believed that probably the international world was going to rescue Zimbabwe as they usually do with the other countries.

Police respondents indicated that they were simply praying that the phase passes so that normalcy could be experienced again without plunging into a civil war or some kind of insurgency. Respondents from CIO also indicated that then, they were not sure of the way forward as the situation was biting every one in some way. The respondents indicated that not every one was supportive of the violence that characterised Bindura then and hoped that Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) was going to intervene before blood was lost.

Ordinary residents and Local Government respondents indicated that all hope had disappeared during the period when innocent civilians were being butchered, maimed and killed by political activists supported by security agents. Respondents indicated that they could only watch their loved ones suffer and dying whilst they could not help. These respondents indicated that their hope now lied in a free and fair plebiscite which, hopefully ushered in democratic governance.

The four political meetings were covered at Bindura Municipality boardroom and Chipadze Tendayi hall respectively for ZANU PF while the MDC-T meetings were held at Coach-house Inn and Mayfair Lodges. At all the meetings, speakers campaigned for political leverage against opponents. However, ZANU PF speakers went a step further vowing never to tolerate the opposition in „their‟ area of governance. It is important to highlight that all MDC-T meetings were held under the cover of darkness fearing for their lives. At these meetings, there was no singing and discussions were always kept short and emphasised on principles of regime change. It was also observed at all the meetings that there was a serious element of mistrust within the attendants. This then raised the people‟s emotions that led to victimization.

Discussion

A critical analysis and evaluation of the information gathered in this research shows that indeed, there was political violence in the constituency under review. The study also confirms that amongst the violence perpetrators were the youth. Actually, it was the youth section of the society that was on the forefront unleashing terror on members of the society and rival political activists. However, these youth were under the direction of some political leadership.

All the respondents did indicate that the youth were the main culprits in unleashing violence and robbing and raping innocent women and girls. It was also revealed that at first, violence was experienced between youth of the two political formations up to a point where those of the MDC-T had literally either fled out of town or gone underground. According to ordinary respondents, the situation was better when the two youth groups (ZANU PF and MDC-T) would fight amongst themselves unlike when the other group was no-longer on the ground and violence was now being directed on innocent civilians. 142 © Centre for Promoting Ideas, USA www.aijcrnet.com

Respondents also confirmed that the youth were all over committing crimes without any arrests. According to respondents, this situation of anarchy whereby the youth could rob, loot, or rape at will also played as a major motivation for continued violence by the largely unemployed youth. It was also revealed that the Police force had been technically rendered irrelevant as the youth militia had become more powerful than the constitution. This situation led to a situation whereby the generality of the society lost confidence in the police service and the constitution in general. The research also established that the participation of youth in these acts of violence was to some extent a means of survival as most of them are not employed and so took advantage of the opportunities at their disposal to enrich themselves and engage in some illegal and criminal escapades.

Recommendations

In view of the gravity of damage and destruction that was witnessed in Bindura during the 2008 crisis, it is recommended that generally, there be some culture of tolerance within the politicians so that democracy prevails. It has been noted that some injustice that is experienced in Zimbabwe has its roots in the policies that are crafted and placed on ignorant citizens. Precisely, the Clemency Order handed down by the President in October 2000, which declared that only those involved in political violence that resulted in murder or rape could be prosecuted worsened the situation in 2008. Criminals and political criminals were cushioned by the belief and knowledge that the government was going to pardon them for any wrong-doing for as long as it was perpetrated in the name of ZANU PF.

In view of the fact that victims refrained from making reports to the police out of fear of further victimization, it is also recommended that all sectors respect the constitution and adhere to it requirements and dictates. Constitutionalism naturally ensured a climate of peaceful political competition as all participants felt protected by law. Closely attached to the question of constitutionalism is the issue about the rule of law. The government is encouraged to ensure that the rule of law is restored, and criminal charges are brought against all alleged perpetrators so that there will not be a criminal cycle in society. Besides, there must be some deliberate policy towards the development of youth both rural and urban. It must be realized that failure to harness the talent and energy in these youth, is to some extent the creation of a pool of insurgents in the society. The youth have the potential to bulge once their needs are not addressed and once that bulging stage is reached, it bears disaster. It is also imperative that the police force be allowed to operate independently for effectiveness and efficiency.

References

Azar E. (1990) The Management of Protracted Social Conflict. Theory and Cases, Aldershot: Dartmouth. DeKeseredy W. and B Perry, (2006) A Critical Perspective on Violence in Advancing Critical Criminology: Theory and Application. Lexington Books. Imbusch J. (2003) „The Concept of Violence‟, in Wilhelm Heitmeyer & John Hagan (eds.), International Handbook of Violence Research, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Publishers, p.4 Dahl, R. (1971) Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition. New Haven, Yale University Press. Huntington, S. P. (1968) Political Order in Changing Societies. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Manning C. (2005) Assessing African Party Systems After the Third Wave, in Party Politics Vol. 11 No. 6 (p707- 727). London, Sage. Sartori, G. (2005) Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis, Colchester, ECPR. Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1967) Culture of Violence Theory. Institution of Human Relations press, NY. Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) (2011) (Unpublished) Situational Reports and Weekly Updates. ZRP, Harare and Bindura. The Effects of Youth Bulge on Civil Conflicts by Beehner L. www.cfr.org/society-and-culture/effects-youth- bulge-civil-conflicts/p13093 Accessed on 01/12/11.

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