Zimbabwe: a Strategy of Tension
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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
Get Statement
Debating Zimbabwe’s Land Reform IAN SCOONES This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivs 3.0 Unported License. Correct citation: Scoones, I. (2014). Debating Zimbabwe’s Land Reform. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Photo credits: Photography is by B.Z. Mavedzenge. Front cover: Ruchanyu garden. Back cover: Rwafa maize crop ISBN: 978-1-4936-8062-7 iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword vii About the author x Acronyms xi Section A: Agricultural and livestock production 1 1 Small farms, big farms 4 2 The golden leaf: boom time in Zimbabwe 9 3 The sweet smell of success: the revival of Zimbabwe’s 12 sugar industry 4 Farming under contract 17 5 Zimbabwe’s beef industry 21 6 Zimbabwe’s poultry industry: rapid recovery, but major 24 challenges 7 Mechanising Zimbabwean agriculture 27 8 Appropriate technologies? 30 Section B: The economy 33 9 Resource nationalism’: a risk to economic recovery? 36 10 Growth in jeopardy? Re!ections on Zimbabwe’s 2013 39 budget statement 11 An unbalanced economy 41 12 The new farm workers: Changing agrarian labour 44 dynamics 13 Transforming Zimbabwe’s agrarian economy 48 14 Credit and "nance 53 15 The whites who stayed in agriculture 55 iv Section C: Political dimensions 58 16 Robert Mugabe… what happened? 61 17 Missing politics? 65 18 Class and rural di#erentiation after land reform 71 19 Know your constituency: a challenge for all of 73 Zimbabwe’s political parties 20 Transforming the state: building security from below 77 21 Why nations fail: perspectives on Zimbabwe 81 -
From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.Pdf
THE S.A. ' "!T1!TE OF INTERNATIONAL AFi -! NOT "(C :.-_ .^ FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE Ah Analysis of the 1980 Elections and an Assessment of the Prospects Martyn Gregory OCCASIONAL. PAPER GELEEIMTHEIOSPUBUKASIE DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT MN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Martyn Gregory* the author of this report, is a postgraduate research student,at Leicester University in Britain, working on # : thesis, entitled "International Politics of the Conflict in Rhodesia". He recently spent two months in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, : during the pre- and post-election period, as a Research Associate at the University of Rhodesia (now the University of Zimbabwe). He travelled widely throughout the country and interviewed many politicians, officials and military personnel. He also spent two weeks with the South African Institute of International Affairs at Smuts House in Johannesburg. The author would like to thank both, the University of Zimbabwe and the Institute for assistance in the preparation of this report, as well as the British Social Science Research Council which financed his visit to Rhodesia* The Institute wishes to express its appreciation to Martyn Gregory for his co-operation and his willingness to prepare this detailed report on the Zimbabwe elections and their implications for publication by the Institute. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this report are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE: an analysis of the 1980 elections and an assessment of the prospects Martyn Gregory Contents Introduction .'. Page 1 Paving the way to Lancaster House .... 1 The Ceasefire Arrangement 3 Organization of the Elections (i) Election Machinery 5 (i i) Voting Systems 6 The White Election 6 The Black Election (i) Contesting Parties 7 (ii) Manifestos and the Issues . -
Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment Of
Statutory Instrument 167 of 2020. Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 S.I. 167 of 2020 [CAP. 10:14 Names (Alteration) (Amendment of Schedule) Notice, 2020 City/Town Old Name New Name Hellet Street Shuvai Mahofa Street IT is hereby notifi ed that the Minister of Local Government, Hughes Street Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa Public Works and National Housing has, in terms of section 4(1) of the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14], made the following Mutare Aerodrome Road Kumbirai Kangai Road notice:— First Street Maurice Nyagumbo Street Edgar Peacock Road Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 1. This notice may Be cited as the Names (Alteration)(Amendment Second Street Moven Mahachi Street of Schedule) Notice, 2020. Jelf Road Edgar Tekere Road 2. The Schedule to the Names (Alteration) Act [Chapter 10:14] is amended in Part VII by the repeal of certain names of roads and substitution of the following— “PART VII ROADS, SQUARES, BUILDINGS, ETC., IN URBAN AREAS City/Town Old Name New Name Bulawayo 9th Avenue Simon Muzenda Avenue 12th Avenue Joseph Msika Avenue 6th Avenue up to end of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 6th Avenue Extension Way 8th Avenue Liberation Legacy Avenue 3rd Avenue Nelson Kutshwekhaya (N.K.) Ndlovu Avenue 4th Avenue through to 7th John Landa Avenue Street up to King George 5th Avenue Maria Msika Avenue 1st Avenue Lazarus Nkala Avenue 10th Avenue Nikita Mangena Avenue 11th Avenue Daniel Madzimbamuto Avenue 13th Avenue to include Clement Muchachi Road Anthony Taylor Ave 14th Avenue George Nyandoro Avenue Connaught Avenue Cephas Cele Avenue Cecil Avenue continuing Albert Nxele Way up to Wellington Road Fife Street and Queens Queen Lozikeyi Street Supplement to the Zimbabwean Government Gazette dated the 17th July, 2020. -
Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: a Case of the Chronicle in Zimbabwe
African Journalism Studies ISSN: 2374-3670 (Print) 2374-3689 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/recq21 Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe Wallace Chuma, Mbongeni J. Msimanga & Lungile A. Tshuma To cite this article: Wallace Chuma, Mbongeni J. Msimanga & Lungile A. Tshuma (2020): Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of TheChronicle in Zimbabwe, African Journalism Studies, DOI: 10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 Published online: 19 Mar 2020. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=recq21 AFRICAN JOURNALISM STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564 Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe Wallace Chumaa, Mbongeni J. Msimangab and Lungile A. Tshumac aCentre for Film & Media Studies, University of Cape Town, South Africa; bDepartment of Communication Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa; cDepartment of Journalism, Film & Television Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper is a critical exploration of the emergence and Factional journalism; manifestations of a phenomenon we refer to as “factional” or succession politics; agency; “succession” journalism within the state media in the context of hegemony the tussle over the succession of the late former Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe. Using the state-controlled Chronicle daily newspaper as a case study, we seek to examine the role and influence of editors and journalists in the negotiation of power in the context of reporting a contested succession of Mugabe in 2016. -
Dissertation Introduction How Would You Feel As a Journalist If The
Dissertation Introduction How would you feel as a journalist if the president of your country says you and the publication you work for are “sell outs”? You are called sell outs because your reports carry views by people that differ from those of the President. This is not an imaginary picture but politicians in Zimbabwe and I should hasten to add others throughout the world now use such contemptuous and sometimes blackmailing language in their quest to control what journalists write about their governments, leaders, and even about the conduct of the country’s military establishment. The common way used to control or even admonish journalists who write what the government does not want the public to hear is to appeal to their “patriotic” feelings. In a way this is some form of intimidation. In Zimbabwe the government of President Robert Mugabe refers to all journalists working in the independent media as puppets of western government. They are deemed and labelled unpatriotic because they give discerning citizens a platform to be heard and do not pander to the whims of the establishment. In the United States the media there is partially blamed for singing to war with the government of President Bush, Doyle (2004). The US media is accused of being “too trusting of the establishment hand that feeds them - especially on stories of international peace and security. We saw this in their limp-wristed coverage of dirty wars of the CIA in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Despite their great merits, the U.S. media largely failed in their responsibility to explain the true nature of George Bush’s military adventurism in Iraq.” Doyle. -
The Politics of Writing 'Democratic' Narratives in Zimbabwe
Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Walter Kudzai Barure & Irikidzayi Manase Different narration, same history: The politics of writing ‘democratic’ narratives in Zimbabwe Over the past five decades, Zimbabwe’s political trajectories were characterised by a historiographic revision and deconstruction that revealed varying ideological perceptions and positions of political actors. This article reconsiders the current shifts in the Zimbabwean historiography and focuses on the politics of positioning the self in the national narrative. The article analyses three Zimbabwean political autobiographies written by political actors from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), particularly Michael Auret’s From Liberator to Dictator: An Insider’s Account of Robert Mugabe’s Descent into Tyranny (2009), Morgan Tsvangirai’s At the Deep End (2011), and David Coltart’s The Struggle Continues: 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016). It also discusses how writing in Zimbabwe is a contested terrain that is bifurcated between oppositional and dominant imaginaries of politics, the revolutionary tradition, and past performances of power. Keywords: history, narratives, oppositional and dominant imaginaries, political autobiographies, Zimbabwe. Introduction This article considers how oppositional narratives answer back to patriotic narratives’ denigration of opposition and civic discourses, and their exclusion of the citizenship of minorities such as white Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe- an letters have witnessed the rise of a body of writings, produced by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and other political and human rights actors, termed ‘democratic’ narratives, which contest patri- otic narratives that were constructed using a singular version of history (see Ranger who defines patriotic history as a monolithic version of history that supports the performance of power by ZANU-PF political actors). -
Situation Report C U R I T Y
Institute for Security Studies T E F O U R T I T S S E N I I D U S T E S Situation Report C U R I T Y Date Issued: 3 May 2004 Author: Chris Maroleng1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic Change: Briefing notes Introduction Since attaining its independence from Britain in 1980, Zimbabwe has been ruled by one party, the Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), led by the president, Robert Mugabe. Even though this country is considered a de jure democracy, credible opposition to ZANU-PF did not begin to emerge until the early 1990s, in a context of growing poverty and unemployment. The nationalist project represented by ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe has failed to provide the broad masses of its people with either human security or social peace. This deficiency is well treated by Patrick Bond and Masimba Manyanya in their most recent, comprehensive book, Zimbabwe’s plunge: Exhausted nationalism, neoliberalism, and the search for social justice, in which they observe that two decades after independence, fatigue associated with the ruling ZANU-PF’s misgovernment and economic mismanagement has clearly reached its nadir.2 The fact that Zimbabwe has reached a breaking point is also implied by Amanda Hammar and Brian Raftopoulos in their recent publication, Unfinished business: Rethinking land, state and citizenship in Zimbabwe. These authors note that the dramatic changes in Zimbabwe’s economic, political and social landscape since early 2000 have come to be known as the “Zimbabwe Crisis”.3 The steady decline in living standards throughout the 1990s is identified generally as one of the main reasons for the growing dissatisfaction with the government that in September 1999 galvanised civic groups and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) into forming a political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), currently led by Morgan Tsvangirai. -
An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986
Representing Conflict: An Analysis of The Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Rhodes University By Phillip Santos Supervisor: Professor Lynette Steenveld October 2011 Acknowledgements I am forever in the debt of my very critical, incisive, and insightful supervisor Professor Lynette Steenveld whose encyclopaedic knowledge of social theory, generous advice, and guidance gave me more tban a fair share of epiphanic moments. I certainly would not have made it this far without the love and unstinting support of my dear wife Ellen, and daughter, . Thandiswa. For unparalleled teamwork and dependable friendship, thank you Sharon. My friends Stanley, Jolly, Sthembiso, Ntombomzi and Carolyne, tbank you for all the critical conversations and for keeping me sane throughout those tumultuous moments. I also owe particular debt of gratitude to tbe Journalism Department and UNESCO for enabling my studies at Rhodes University. Abstract This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the ro les, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. -
Report Was Written by Scott Long, Consultant to Human Rights Watch and Former Program Director of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission
MORE THAN A NAME State-Sponsored Homophobia and Its Consequences in Southern Africa I wanted to speak to my president face to face one day and tell him, I am here. I wanted to say to him: I am not a word, I am not those things you call me. I wanted to say to him: I am more than a name. ⎯Francis Yabe Chisambisha, Zambian activist, interviewed in 2001. Human Rights Watch and The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission Copyright © 2003 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-286-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2003102060 Cover photograph: Cover design by Addresses for Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10118-3299 Tel: (212) 290-4700, Fax: (212) 736-1300, E-mail: [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500, Washington, DC 20009 Tel: (202) 612-4321, Fax: (202) 612-4333, E-mail: [email protected] 33 Islington High Street, N1 9LH London, UK Tel: (44 20) 7713 1995, Fax: (44 20) 7713 1800, E-mail: [email protected] 15 Rue Van Campenhout, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Tel: (32 2) 732-2009, Fax: (32 2) 732-0471, E-mail: [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org Listserv address: To subscribe to the list, send an e-mail message to hrw-news-subscribe @igc.topica.com with “subscribe hrw-news” in the body of the message (leave the subject line blank). Addresses for IGLHRC 1375 Sutter Street, Suite 222, San Francisco, CA 94109 Tel: (415) 561-0633, Fax: (415) 561-0619, E-mail: [email protected] IGLHRC, c/o HRW 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10118-3299 Tel: (212) 216-1814, Fax: (212) 216-1876, E-mail: [email protected] Roma 1 Mezzanine, (entrada por Versalles 63) Col. -
Elections in Zimbabwe: the ZANU (PF) Hegemony and Its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe*
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr.j. polit. sci. (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 122-139 Elections in Zimbabwe: The ZANU (PF) Hegemony and its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe* Abstract This contribution seeks to explain the ruling ZANU (PF) party's electoral hege- mony by outlining and analysing Zimbabwe 'sfive general elections since 1979 and the two presidential elections since 1990. In this regard, the paper argues that the ruling party is experiencing a gradual decline in elite cohesion which is manifested in the electoral challenge of independent candidates coming from the ruling party itself. This phenomenon of independent candidates could have far-reaching consequences in overcoming the present state of weak political opposition in Zimbabwe. The paper therefore suggests a scenario in which a viable opposition could come from a splinter group inside the ruling ZANU (PF) itself not unlike the major ZAPU/ZANU split of 1963. Introduction Observers of the Zimbabwe political scene are likely to assume that Zimbabwe was, until the 1990s, a one-party state. This is because for the better part of the 1980s Zimbabwe's political leadership and the ruling party aggressively advo- cated a one-party system. The socialist ideology which the leadership proclaimed during this period also reinforces this view. The fact, however, is that Zimbabwe has never been a one-party state, before or after independence in 1980.