DOCSLIB.ORG

CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe CURRENT HISTORY May 2018 "Zimbabwe's politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy." The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe SARA RICH DORMAN n1980, Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe Af- vinced international observers that no interven- rican National Union (ZANU) party came to tion was called for and that the transition had a Ipower after a bitter liberation war against the constitutional basis. Although Western leaders Rhodesian white settler regime. In the years that were happy to see him go, Mugabe still had sup- followed, they undertook a process of nation- and port among African leaders who venerated his role state-building that was intended to institutionalize in bringing Zimbabwe to independence. Despite the party's control of the political sphere and en- the army's presence on the streets and Mugabes sure its monopoly on political representation in in- evident unwillingness to resign, the eventual trans- dependent Zimbabwe. The country initially pros- fer of power was accepted as a civilian-led process pered under Mugabe, with particular successes in and rapidly legitimized through the courts. education and health care, but in recent decades The coup was not intended to change Zimba- the economy had faltered as his rule became in- bwe's political trajectory-the plan was to bring it creasingly personalized and autocratic. In Novem- back on course. Calling its intervention "Operation ber 2017, Mugabe was dramatically toppled from Restore Legacy," the military effectively played the power by the army, acting in the name of his party. nationalist card, signaling its loyalty to the ethos Although the 94-year-old Mugabe is now distant of the liberation war and reminding citizens of its from the corridors of power, the edifice he con- own contributions to the making of the nation. structed still stands, with many of the same players This virtue Signaling was aimed partly at the in- in control, driving forward the same agenda. ternational audience; it was also meant for Zimba- For many Zimbabweans, the generals' seizure of bweans, many of whom had never known another power, followed by the inauguration of former Vice leader. While desperate for political change, they President Emmerson Mnangagwa as president, was still wanted to see their longtime president treated a welcome relief after months of renewed politi- with dignity. cal and economic instability. For others, Mugabes removal itself was a cause for celebration, accom- SUCCESSION STRUGGLE plishing what years of political protest and elector- The unexpected military intervention was the al challenges had failed to do. But it seems unlikely result of Mugabe's refusal to name a successor, his that Zimbabwe's politics will change very much. wife Grace's increasingly unsubtle grab for power, November's relatively bloodless coup was care- and the reemergence of money shortages and ris- fully stage-managed to ensure that the head of ing food prices in a return to the hyperinflation state's replacement appeared legitimate, while also of the late 2000s. No one thought Mugabe would resolving the increasingly fragile situation in the retire or hand over power willingly, but his linger- country. In this, the army was successful: it con- ing in office into extreme old age risked creating a power vacuum, or, perhaps worse, allowing his much younger wife to construct her own power SARA RICH DORMAN is a senior lecturer at the University oj base. She had made good progress on this proj- Edinburgh. Her latest book is Understanding Zimbabwe: ect in recent months as she maneuvered for the From Liberation to Authoritarianism (OxJord University Press, 2016). vice presidency. In early November, the ouster of 163 164 • CURRENT HISTORY • May 2018 Vice President Mnangagwa-the one stalwart relic Mugabe's own fighting credentials, saying to jour- from Mugabe's first postindependence cabinet- nalists: "The closest he ever got to the war was signaled Grace's rising influence. It was a step too 200 kilometers away. He had nothing but flowery far for many. By condemning Mnangagwa's ouster speeches to give anyone as leader of the party. So and calling for Mugabe to go, Zimbabwe's generals this mantle of heroism is nonsense. He doesn't de- staked their claim to power, refusing to let Grace's serve it. And we are saying it as war veterans." so-called Generation 40 leap over them. Mugabe's role in the struggle had always been The succession struggle was generational rather more political than military. He was a political than ideological. It had been going on for years. prisoner in Rhodesia between 1964 and 1974, but By the late 2000s, the front-runners to succeed upon release spent little time in the ZA U military Mugabe were Solomon Mujuru (also known by his wing's camps in Mozambique. Since 2000, howev- nom de guerre, Rex Nhongo) and his wife Joice, er, his political rhetoric had become increasingly both prominent veterans of the liberation war. militarized. Once known for dressing in dapper Solomon was a long-serving army general who re- suits and ties, in recent years he had often worn tired to go into business. At the time of his death military-style dress and party regalia. in 2011, in a suspicious fire, he had amassed sub- Following Mnangagwa's removal on November stantial landholdings and investments. Joice, who 6 before a key party congress that was supposed to served as vice president from 2004 to 2014, was in anoint Mugabe's successor, a group of army gener- line to succeed Mugabe until she was purged and als led by the Defense Forces commander, General replaced by Mnangagwa. Constantino Chiwenga, held an unprecedented Mnangagwa, 75, is also a senior liberation war press conference and spoke of a "revolution be- veteran who served in a range of heavyweight ing hijacked by agents of our erstwhile enemies roles in Mugabe's cabinets. who are now at the brink Seen as more of an enforcer of returning our country to than a political leader, he had The military's incursion into foreign domination against effectively used his influence which so many of our people Zimbabwe's high-stakes politics in the intelligence agency perished." and the military to develop sets a worrying precedent. Rumors swirled that the significant business interests. army was mobilizing, but it He led the "Lacoste" faction was unclear to most observ- of the party-a name recalling his liberation war ers what, if anything, was happening until early exploits, which had earned him the nickname "the in the morning of ovember 15, when the mil- Crocodile. " itary set out its demands on the national televi- Grace Mugabe, by contrast, had allied herself sion channel. General S. B. Moyo emphasized that with a younger cohort of politicians called Gen- Mugabe was safe, saying, "We are only targeting eration 40, or G40, because of their relative youth. criminals around him who are cOJIlmitting crimes For the most part they were not liberation war vet- that are causing social and economic suffering in erans. Once the Mujurus were both out of the pic- the country, in order to bring them to justice." He ture, the bipolar nature of the succession dispute then called on various social groups to remain generated centrifugal forces as the rivalry between calm and carryon as normal, concluding by ask- Grace and Mnangagwa became more and more ing churches "to pray for our country and preach bitter. But Mnangagwa's support from within the the gospel oflove, peace, unity, and development." army served him well. Mugabe was put under house arrest and pres- Unwilling to be pushed aside by Grace, whose sured to resign. He resisted, making a rambling security-sector supporters were mainly in the po- speech in which he insisted that he would attend lice and the intelligence agency, war veterans and the party congress at which his successor would senior army personnel began to speak out public- be chosen. But the introduction of a parliamentary ly. In September 2017, Chris Mutsvangwa, a war motion to impeach him finally led to his resigna- veteran leader, described the G40 faction as "anti- tion a week later, on November 21. During this odd development ... upstarts" making it clear that the interregnum, tanks blocked some of Harare's key veterans would refuse to let a generation that had streets, but for the most part life carried on as usu- not fought in the liberation war take power. In 0- al. Mugabe even attended a university graduation vember, he went further and publicly questioned ceremony in the guise of vice chancellor. The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe • 165 By ousting Mugabe but retaining their legiti- ing difficult questions about the liberation war. macy as the heirs of his liberation struggle tradi- Many people stood to gain from removing this tion, Mnangagwa, Chiwenga, and Mutsvangwa topic from conversation. Questions could not be played a very clever game, appealing to the ben- asked about who had done what during the war, efits of both change and continuity. Claiming the and in particular about who was responsible for mantle of the liberation war allowed them to posi- violence committed in the name of interparty ri- tion themselves as the defenders of Mugabe and valries and intra party purges. his legacy even as they eased him from power. In order to make this system work, Mugabe also This was shrewd politics, protecting them both had to demobilize and defuse the liberation war domestically against those who wanted the former power base-the party, the war veterans, and their president to be treated with dignity, and externally rural support networks.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
    Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Political Transition: Issues for Congress
    CRS INSIGHT Zimbabwe's Political Transition: Issues for Congress November 22, 2017 (IN10826) | Related Authors Nicolas Cook Katherine Z. Terrell | Nicolas Cook, Specialist in African Affairs ([email protected], 7-0429) Katherine Z. Terrell, Fellow in African Affairs ([email protected], 7-5050) In mid-November 2017, spurred by an intra-party rivalry within the ruling Zimbabwe National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party to succeed President Robert Mugabe, 93, the Zimbabwe Defense Forces (ZDF) seized control of key national political and military facilities. The ZDF then initiated efforts to force Mugabe to resign, reverse Mugabe's recent dismissal of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa in favor of Mugabe's wife, Grace Mugabe, and halt ZANU-PF's purge of Mnangagwa's supporters. (See CRS Insight IN10819, Zimbabwe: A Military-Compelled Transition?, and for further Zimbabwe background, CRS Report R44633, Zimbabwe: Current Issues and U.S. Policy.) ZANU-PF removed Mugabe as party leader, appointed Mnangagwa as his interim successor, and expelled Grace Mugabe and several of her allies. Preempting an impeachment vote, Mugabe resigned November 21. Zimbabweans' initial reactions to the ZDF intervention appeared broadly positive. They turned out for large, peaceful demonstrations, and, after the resignation, celebrations. International responses to the military intervention have been cautious: the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the United States—which generally oppose coups—initially called for constitutional
    [Show full text]
  • Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
    Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa.
    [Show full text]
  • Mugabe's Revenge: Halting the Violence in Zimbabwe
    www.enoughproject.org Mugabe’s Revenge: Halting the Violence in Zimbabwe ollowing elections on March 29—in which Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front the opposition party, the Movement for (ZANU-PF)—Mugabe’s ruling party in Zimbabwe FDemocratic Change (MDC), won control of parliament and won more votes in the presidential contest—the government unleashed a nationwide WHY DID ZANU-PF LOSE THE MARCH campaign of violence against opposition groups. ELECTION AND WHAT NOW? Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has never been so close to losing power, and appears willing ZANU-PF’s losses were unexpected because the to use all means available to physically beat his MDC was divided and had made concessions in the opponents into submission. As the international lead up to elections, however, political violence, community considers its response to the complex corruption, and gross mismanagement of the crisis in Zimbabwe, its first order of business must economy proved to be ZANU-PF’s undoing. be to stop the violence. The United States must dip- lomatically engage with African leaders to discuss Since the election, Mugabe has resorted to state a common way forward and put pressure on the organized violence. At least 32 supporters of the regime to end the violence. MDC have been killed, over 6700 have been dis- placed, and over 1000 have been arrested as part of the Operation Mavhoterapapi, or “Operation KEY TERMS, GROUPS AND PEOPLE Who Did You Vote For?” All signs point to the situation worsening. Morgan Tsvangira—the leader of the MDC who garnered more votes in the March 29th presidential The MDC has sent mixed signals as to whether it election than all other candidates would contest a runoff vote.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in Zimbabwe: the ZANU (PF) Hegemony and Its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe*
    The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Afr.j. polit. sci. (1997), Vol. 2 No. 1, 122-139 Elections in Zimbabwe: The ZANU (PF) Hegemony and its Incipient Decline Masipula Sithole and John Makumbe* Abstract This contribution seeks to explain the ruling ZANU (PF) party's electoral hege- mony by outlining and analysing Zimbabwe 'sfive general elections since 1979 and the two presidential elections since 1990. In this regard, the paper argues that the ruling party is experiencing a gradual decline in elite cohesion which is manifested in the electoral challenge of independent candidates coming from the ruling party itself. This phenomenon of independent candidates could have far-reaching consequences in overcoming the present state of weak political opposition in Zimbabwe. The paper therefore suggests a scenario in which a viable opposition could come from a splinter group inside the ruling ZANU (PF) itself not unlike the major ZAPU/ZANU split of 1963. Introduction Observers of the Zimbabwe political scene are likely to assume that Zimbabwe was, until the 1990s, a one-party state. This is because for the better part of the 1980s Zimbabwe's political leadership and the ruling party aggressively advo- cated a one-party system. The socialist ideology which the leadership proclaimed during this period also reinforces this view. The fact, however, is that Zimbabwe has never been a one-party state, before or after independence in 1980.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Power Sharing Deal
    Zimbabwe’s power-sharing deal Debra Dalton and Estela Vidal Malvar 1. The application: This study was carried out as a group project by students, and uses all three sides of the Power Cube – particularly spaces and forms of power – to explore an extraordinary political process, removed from citizens and normal political practice but with huge implications for both. 2. The case: In early 2009 a power-sharing deal was agreed between the ruling and key opposition parties in Zimbabwe, keeping Robert Mugabe in power with his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, becoming Prime Minister. This deal was struck following a violently contested election process in 2008 in which Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change apparently beat Mugabe and his Zanu PF party in the first round, an outcome which Mugabe refused to accept.1 The arrangement splits power between the two parties by allocating them specific rights in decision making and over particular government modies, and to each appoint a proportion of Cabinet roles. The process of arriving at this settlement took place behind closed doors, in a forum of SADC (the Southern African Development Community) with South African President Thabo Mbeki taking the key mediating role. Neither Zimbabwean civil society actors nor international donors – with both of whom Zanu-PF had a historically tense and suspicious relationship – were included in the process, and the decisions reached were made without broader consultation with the Zimbabwean population. 3. The analysis: An invited/closed space: Firstly, the power-sharing deal took place in a very particular kind of space. Formally it was an ‘invited’ space, in that Thabo Mbeki invited the players to come together under the umbrella of SADC in order to resolve their differences.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Conflict Insight | Sep 2018 | Vol
    IPSS Peace & Security Report ABOUT THE REPORT Zimbabwe Conflict The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and policy implications to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision-making Insight and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. The opinions expressed in this report are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies. CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi (Author) Ms. Alem Kidane Ms. Tsion Belay Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Between gaining independence from the British in April 1980 and 21 Ms. Michelle Mendi Muita (Editing) November 2017, the Republic of Zimbabwe was ruled by Robert Mugabe, Mr. Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) the leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU- PF). Two decades after independence, Zimbabwe had fallen into an extended period of economic decline and crisis, which was primarily linked © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, to the implementation of a controversial land reform in 2000 - a policy that Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. led to low agricultural productivity, high unemployment and hyperinflation. In January 2008, the government statistics office announced that inflation had risen to 100,580 per cent from 66,212 per cent the previous month. August 2018 | Vol. 2 GDP contracted by more than 72 per cent between 2000 and 2008, causing a fifth of the population to live in extreme poverty. This chain of events, in CONTENTS turn, became a recipe for growing frustration and protests against the Situation analysis 1 government.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
    African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Apr2001
    ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I.
    [Show full text]
  • Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015
    INTERFACE OF MUSIC AND POLITICS: VERSIONS OF PATRIOTIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN ZIMBABWEAN MUSIC, 1970-2015 by REGGEMORE MARONGEDZE Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the subject of LANGUAGES, LINGUISTICS AND LITERATURE at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR D.E. MUTASA CO- SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR I. MUWATI JANUARY 2019 DECLARATION Student number-5855-401-7 I, Reggemore Marongedze, declare that Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015 is my work and that the sources used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. January 2019 ………………………………………….. …………………………………………….. Signature Date i ABSTRACT Music is an inviolable imaginative litmus diagnosis on a constellation of ideational and conceptual contestations which elicit mutually exclusive and inclusive versions of patriotic consciousness in the Zimbabwean polity. The study specifically analyses the renditions of patriotic consciousness as expressed through selected musical compositions in Shona, Ndebele and English conceptualised as Zimbabwe-centred musical texts. It unfurls in the context of the interplay between music and politics in which music is seen as intricately interwoven with national politics causing shifts of realities. The research approaches and conceptualises patriotic consciousness as a heuristic construct and a measure of development that constitutes an instrument for ideological and conceptual contestations in specific political argumentative settings within the period 1970 to 2015. It deploys the critical tenets of Afrocentricity and the Socio-semantic theory of music to advance the contention that patriotic consciousness as a concept for political analysis enables the criticism and explanation of existing rival sentiments, different wants, competing needs and opposing interests in the Zimbabwean polity.
    [Show full text]