Zimbabwe 2018 Human Rights Report
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Enreporting on Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections
Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iii 1.0 INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND 1 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS 8 2.0 MEDIA MONITORING OF THE NEWS AGENDA 8 3.0 MONITORING POLITICAL PLURALISM 13 4.0 GENDER REPRESENTATION DURING THE 2018 ELECTIONS 18 5.0 MEDIA CONDUCT IN ELECTION PROGRAMMING - BROADCAST MEDIA 24 6.0 MEDIA’S CONDUCT IN ELECTION REPORTING 28 7.0 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34 ANNEX 1: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS REPORTED IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA 35 ANNEX 2: LIST OF ACRONYMS 37 REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS i Acknowledgements International Media Support and the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the are conducting the programme “Support to media on governance European Union and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. and electoral matters in Zimbabwe”. The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of Media Monitors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views The programme is funded by the European Union and the of the European Union or the Norwegian Ministry of Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Foreign Affairs. International Media Support (IMS) is a non-profit organisation working with media in countries affected by armed conflict, human insecurity and political transition. ii REPORTING ON ZIMBABWE’S 2018 ELECTIONS - A POST-ELECTION ANALYSIS Executive Summary Zimbabwe’s 2018 harmonised national elections presented a irregularities, they struggled to clearly articulate the implications unique opportunity for the media and their audiences alike. In of the irregularities they reported and the allegations of previous election periods, the local media received severe criticism maladministration levelled against the country’s election for their excessively partisan positions, which had been characterized management body, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). -
UPR Zimbabwe 2016
Submission by: Front Line Defenders – The International Foundation for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders Related to: Zimbabwe UPR Session: 26th session of the UPR – October/November 2016 Submitted on: 24 March 2016 Front Line Defenders (www.frontlinedefenders.org) is an international NGO based in Ireland with special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC). Founded in 2001, Front Line Defenders has particular expertise on the issue of security and protection of human rights defenders and works to promote the implementation of the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders) adopted by General Assembly resolution 53/144 of 9 December 1998 The following submission has been prepared by Front Line Defenders based on research carried out by this organisation and information received from independent human rights defenders in Zimbabwe. Contact person: Andrea Rocca, Head of Protection [email protected], +353 (0)1 212 3750 1 Introduction and key concerns 1. This submission focuses on the situation for human rights defenders in Zimbabwe and covers developments in the years 2012-2015. 2. Human rights defenders and those working to denounce corruption and human rights violations perpetrated by police, military and other government agents have been targeted and subjected to judicial harassment and arbitrary detention. There were also reports of threats, enforced disappearance and physical attacks, although these incidents occurred less frequently. Human rights organisations have also been targeted through bans and lawsuits supported by the extensive restrictive legislation currently in force in the country. -
Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics. -
Report Was Written by Scott Long, Consultant to Human Rights Watch and Former Program Director of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission
MORE THAN A NAME State-Sponsored Homophobia and Its Consequences in Southern Africa I wanted to speak to my president face to face one day and tell him, I am here. I wanted to say to him: I am not a word, I am not those things you call me. I wanted to say to him: I am more than a name. ⎯Francis Yabe Chisambisha, Zambian activist, interviewed in 2001. Human Rights Watch and The International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission Copyright © 2003 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-286-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2003102060 Cover photograph: Cover design by Addresses for Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10118-3299 Tel: (212) 290-4700, Fax: (212) 736-1300, E-mail: [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500, Washington, DC 20009 Tel: (202) 612-4321, Fax: (202) 612-4333, E-mail: [email protected] 33 Islington High Street, N1 9LH London, UK Tel: (44 20) 7713 1995, Fax: (44 20) 7713 1800, E-mail: [email protected] 15 Rue Van Campenhout, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Tel: (32 2) 732-2009, Fax: (32 2) 732-0471, E-mail: [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org Listserv address: To subscribe to the list, send an e-mail message to hrw-news-subscribe @igc.topica.com with “subscribe hrw-news” in the body of the message (leave the subject line blank). Addresses for IGLHRC 1375 Sutter Street, Suite 222, San Francisco, CA 94109 Tel: (415) 561-0633, Fax: (415) 561-0619, E-mail: [email protected] IGLHRC, c/o HRW 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10118-3299 Tel: (212) 216-1814, Fax: (212) 216-1876, E-mail: [email protected] Roma 1 Mezzanine, (entrada por Versalles 63) Col. -
CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe
CURRENT HISTORY May 2018 "Zimbabwe's politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy." The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe SARA RICH DORMAN n1980, Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe Af- vinced international observers that no interven- rican National Union (ZANU) party came to tion was called for and that the transition had a Ipower after a bitter liberation war against the constitutional basis. Although Western leaders Rhodesian white settler regime. In the years that were happy to see him go, Mugabe still had sup- followed, they undertook a process of nation- and port among African leaders who venerated his role state-building that was intended to institutionalize in bringing Zimbabwe to independence. Despite the party's control of the political sphere and en- the army's presence on the streets and Mugabes sure its monopoly on political representation in in- evident unwillingness to resign, the eventual trans- dependent Zimbabwe. The country initially pros- fer of power was accepted as a civilian-led process pered under Mugabe, with particular successes in and rapidly legitimized through the courts. education and health care, but in recent decades The coup was not intended to change Zimba- the economy had faltered as his rule became in- bwe's political trajectory-the plan was to bring it creasingly personalized and autocratic. In Novem- back on course. Calling its intervention "Operation ber 2017, Mugabe was dramatically toppled from Restore Legacy," the military effectively played the power by the army, acting in the name of his party. -
American Friends Service Commitiee International Division Southern Africa International Affairs Report
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITIEE INTERNATIONAL DIVISION SOUTHERN AFRICA INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS REPORT Letter No. 12 from Ted Lockwood July 27, 1985 Af: AFSC' e Southern Afri~& Int6"'·ii8.tioiial Affairs Representative, Edgar (Ted) Lockwood carries responsibility for writing reports, initiating conferences, seminars, and personal contacts that support the work of the member nations of the Southern Africa Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) in fosterlng greater regional development and economic coopera tion. To be included on the mailing list, write to AFSC, Africa Programs at 1501 Cherry Street, Philadelphia, PA 19102. Contributions to defray mailing and duplicating costs are welcome. NOTE: The text of this letter refers to two political parties, both named ZANU. ZANU-PF (Patriotic Front)refers to the ruling party headed by Prime Minister Robert Mugabe. ZANU refers to the minori ty party, headed by Ndabiningi Sithole, which split from ZANU-PF prior to the independence. UANC, the United African Na tional Un ion, headed by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, and ZAPU, the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, headed by Joshua Nkomo, both minorit~ parties, are also mentioned. De",,!" Friendf:, A politician I once knew used to say, "There is nothing I hate more than surprises." Surprises can be nasty shocks to our preconceived notions. They illustrate our inability to read how others, especially those of another group, another race, another class, are actually feeling and thinking. But surprises can also be happy surprises when things go much better than we could have imagined they would. Zimbabwe's elections had both kinds of surprises. The nasty shock was Ian Smith's winning of 75% of the 20 "white seats" in Parliament, a win that has caused more explanations, letters to the editor of the Harare Herald and general furore than any topic in a long time. -
Zimbabwe Conflict Insight | Sep 2018 | Vol
IPSS Peace & Security Report ABOUT THE REPORT Zimbabwe Conflict The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and policy implications to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision-making Insight and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. The opinions expressed in this report are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies. CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi (Author) Ms. Alem Kidane Ms. Tsion Belay Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Between gaining independence from the British in April 1980 and 21 Ms. Michelle Mendi Muita (Editing) November 2017, the Republic of Zimbabwe was ruled by Robert Mugabe, Mr. Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) the leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU- PF). Two decades after independence, Zimbabwe had fallen into an extended period of economic decline and crisis, which was primarily linked © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, to the implementation of a controversial land reform in 2000 - a policy that Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. led to low agricultural productivity, high unemployment and hyperinflation. In January 2008, the government statistics office announced that inflation had risen to 100,580 per cent from 66,212 per cent the previous month. August 2018 | Vol. 2 GDP contracted by more than 72 per cent between 2000 and 2008, causing a fifth of the population to live in extreme poverty. This chain of events, in CONTENTS turn, became a recipe for growing frustration and protests against the Situation analysis 1 government. -
Political Violence Report: the Campaign of Recrimination 16-31 March 2002
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT: THE CAMPAIGN OF RECRIMINATION 16-31 MARCH 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum 28 March 2002 Political Violence Report: Update to 25 March 2002 Overview Despite the fact that the ruling party, Zanu-PF, retained the presidency, there has been a chain of retributive attacks against MDC office bearers and supporters. The post-election period has seen a determined attack on those who served as MDC polling agents in the just ended Presidential election. Five MDC polling agents have since been reported as having been murdered for serving the opposition. Three of these were allegedly killed by soldiers. Other attacks have been in the form of abductions and torture of polling agents as well as the burning of their homes. Polling agents as well as other opposition party supporters are being forced to flee their rural homes out of fear. MDC polling agents have had to flee from Gokwe East and West, Chipinge North, Buhera South and Mazowe East. Politically motivated murders committed in the post-poll period totalled 11 bringing the total since the 1st of March to 16. Of those murdered 12 were MDC supporters, 3 of unknown political affiliation while the sixteenth was a war veteran. There has been a resurgence of attacks on commercial farmers and farm-workers. Scores of farmers have been evicted from their farms without notice by militia, or have had property damaged or looted. As will be evident from the bar graph below. The cumulative total cases of torture are alarming. -
Collapse of Rhodesia: Society in Nigeria Population Demographics and the Usmana.Tar Politics of Race 978 1 84511 656 9 Josiah Brownell 978 1 84885 475 8 23
Josiah Brownell received his Ph.D. from the School of Oriental and African Studies in 2009, and has a J.D. from the University of Virginia School of Law. His research focuses on African history, comparative settler colonialism, and the end of the British Empire. P1: PHB Trim: 138mm × 216mm Top: 1in Gutter: 1in IBBK042-01 IBBK042-Serieslist-Demis ISBN: 978 1 84885 217 4 August 13, 2010 17:24 INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY OF AFRICAN STUDIES Series ISBN: 978 1 84885 217 4 See www.ibtauris.com/ILAS for a full list of titles 18. Mineworkers in Zambia: Labour 25. African Women and Apartheid: and Political Change in Post-Colonial Migration and Settlement in Urban Africa South Africa Miles Larmer Rebekah Lee 978 1 84511 299 8 978 1 84511 819 8 19. Reconstructing the Nation in 26. Islam’s Perfect Stranger: The Life Africa: The Politics of Nationalism in of Mahmud Muhammad Taha, Ghana Muslim Reformer of Sudan Michael Amoah Edward Thomas 978 1 84511 259 2 978 1 84885 004 0 20. Revolt and Protest: Student 27. The Governance of Water and Politics and Activism in Sub-Saharan Sanitation in Africa: Achieving Africa Sustainable Development through Leo Zeilig Partnerships 978 1 84511 476 3 Tim Gray and Amy Stewart 978 1 84885 027 9 22. The Politics of Neoliberal Democracy in Africa: State and Civil 28. The Collapse of Rhodesia: Society in Nigeria Population Demographics and the UsmanA.Tar Politics of Race 978 1 84511 656 9 Josiah Brownell 978 1 84885 475 8 23. Afrikaners in the New South Africa: Identity Politics in a 29. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
91 Remnants of Empire? British Media Reporting on Zimbabwe Wendy
Remnants of Empire? British media reporting on Zimbabwe Wendy Willems Media and Film Studies Programme School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Keywords: Zimbabwe; British media; foreign news; media coverage; discourse, representation; post-colonial studies Abstract This article explores the various ways in which the British media, and the broadsheets The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph in particular, have framed and represented events in Zimbabwe since 2000. It argues that representations of the situation in Zimbabwe have been largely struggles over meanings and definitions of the ‘crisis’ in the country. The extensive media coverage of Zimbabwe in the British media generated a significant amount of debate and this article demonstrates how the Zimbabwean government drew upon international media representations in order to define the situation in Zimbabwe as a struggle against imperialism. Introduction Mudimbe (1988) examines how in earlier days navigators, traders, travellers, philosophers and anthropologists played an important role in shaping the modern meaning of Africa and of being African. Whereas Mudimbe stresses the crucial role of anthropology in representing Africa and Africans in the nineteenth century, Askew (2002, 1) argues that in the current age it is essentially the media who is doing the job formerly belonging to anthropologists. News accounts shape in decisive ways people’s perceptions of the world. Since early 2000, Zimbabwe has occupied an important place in both broadcast and print media in Britain. Foreign representations of Zimbabwe and British media coverage in particular, have been sharply criticised by the Zimbabwean government. Public debates, both at home and abroad, on the situation in Zimbabwe often were about representations of the crisis. -
Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015
INTERFACE OF MUSIC AND POLITICS: VERSIONS OF PATRIOTIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN ZIMBABWEAN MUSIC, 1970-2015 by REGGEMORE MARONGEDZE Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the subject of LANGUAGES, LINGUISTICS AND LITERATURE at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR D.E. MUTASA CO- SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR I. MUWATI JANUARY 2019 DECLARATION Student number-5855-401-7 I, Reggemore Marongedze, declare that Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015 is my work and that the sources used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. January 2019 ………………………………………….. …………………………………………….. Signature Date i ABSTRACT Music is an inviolable imaginative litmus diagnosis on a constellation of ideational and conceptual contestations which elicit mutually exclusive and inclusive versions of patriotic consciousness in the Zimbabwean polity. The study specifically analyses the renditions of patriotic consciousness as expressed through selected musical compositions in Shona, Ndebele and English conceptualised as Zimbabwe-centred musical texts. It unfurls in the context of the interplay between music and politics in which music is seen as intricately interwoven with national politics causing shifts of realities. The research approaches and conceptualises patriotic consciousness as a heuristic construct and a measure of development that constitutes an instrument for ideological and conceptual contestations in specific political argumentative settings within the period 1970 to 2015. It deploys the critical tenets of Afrocentricity and the Socio-semantic theory of music to advance the contention that patriotic consciousness as a concept for political analysis enables the criticism and explanation of existing rival sentiments, different wants, competing needs and opposing interests in the Zimbabwean polity.