Zimbabwe Conflict Insight | Sep 2018 | Vol
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On the Shoulders of Struggle, Memoirs of a Political Insider by Dr
On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider Dr. Obert M. Mpofu Dip,BComm,MPS,PhD Contents Preface vi Foreword viii Commendations xii Abbreviations xiv Introduction: Obert Mpofu and Self-Writing in Zimbabwe xvii 1. The Mind and Pilgrimage of Struggle 1 2. Childhood and Initiation into Struggle 15 3. Involvement in the Armed Struggle 21 4. A Scholar Combatant 47 5. The Logic of Being ZANU PF 55 6. Professional Career, Business Empire and Marriage 71 7. Gukurahundi: 38 Years On 83 8. Gukurahundi and Selective Amnesia 97 9. The Genealogy of the Zimbabwean Crisis 109 10. The Land Question and the Struggle for Economic Liberation 123 11. The Post-Independence Democracy Enigma 141 12. Joshua Nkomo and the Liberation Footpath 161 13. Serving under Mugabe 177 14. Power Struggles and the Military in Zimbabwe 205 15. Operation Restore Legacy the Exit of Mugabe from Power 223 List of Appendices 249 Preface Ordinarily, people live to either make history or to immortalise it. Dr Obert Moses Mpofu has achieved both dimensions. With wanton disregard for the boundaries of a “single story”, Mpofu’s submission represents a construction of the struggle for Zimbabwe with the immediacy and novelty of a participant. Added to this, Dr Mpofu’s academic approach, and the Leaders for Africa Network Readers’ (LAN) interest, the synergy was inevitable. Mpofu’s contribution, which philosophically situates Zimbabwe’s contemporary politics and socio-economic landscape, embodies LAN Readers’ dedication to knowledge generation and, by extension, scientific growth. -
1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents
Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 1.2 Key Events .......................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored ................................................................................................................. 2 Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? .......................... 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ...................... 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ....................... 4 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties .............................................................................. 5 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ............................................................. 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................................ 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media .............................................................................................................................................. 9 3.0 Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... -
The Dynamics of Factionalism in ZANUPF: 1980–2017
Midlands State University FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES THE DYNAMICS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 BY TAPIWA PATSON SISIMAYI (R0538644) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ZVISHAVANE 2019 RELEASE FORM NAME OF AUTHOR: SISIMAYI TAPIWA PATSON TITLE OF PROJECT: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 PROGRAMME: MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES YEAR THIS MASTERS DEGREE WAS GRANTED: 2019 Consent is hereby granted to the Midlands State University to produce copies of this dissertation and to lend or sell such copies for scholarly or scientific research purpose only. The author reserves the publication rights and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be published or otherwise reproduced without the author’s written permission. SIGNED: …………………………………………………………. EMAIL: [email protected] DATE: MAY 2019 ii DECLARATION Student number: R0538644 I, Sisimayi Tapiwa, Patson author of this dissertation, do hereby declare that the work presented in this document entitled: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 - 2017, is an outcome of my independent and personal research, all sources employed have been properly acknowledged both in the dissertation and on the reference list. I also certify that the work in this dissertation has not been submitted in whole or in part for any other degree in this University or in any institute of higher learning. ……………………………………………………… …….…. /………. /2019 Tapiwa Patson Sisimayi Date SUPERVISOR: Doctor Douglas Munemo iii DEDICATION To my son Tapiwa Jr. -
Zimbabwe's Power Sharing Government and the Politics Of
Creating African Futures in an Era of Global Transformations: Challenges and Prospects Créer l’Afrique de demain dans un contexte de transformations mondialisées : enjeux et perspectives Criar Futuros Africanos numa Era de Transformações Globais: Desafios e Perspetivas بعث أفريقيا الغد في سياق التحوﻻت المعولمة : رهانات و آفاق Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Musiwaro Ndakaripa Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Abstract Using the economic indigenisation policy this study examines the problems caused by Zimbabwe‟s power sharing government (PG) to democratic governance between 2009 and 2013. The power sharing government experienced policy gridlock in implementing the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act of 2007 due to disagreements among the three governing political parties which were strategising to gain political credibility and mobilising electoral support to ensure political survival in the long term. The Indigenisation Act intends to give indigenous black Zimbabweans at least fifty one per cent (51%) shareholding in all sectors of the economy. The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) posited that economic indigenisation rectifies colonial imbalances by giving black Zimbabweans more control and ownership of the nation‟s natural resources and wealth. The two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in the power sharing government asserted that while economic indigenisation is a noble programme, it needs revision because it discouraged Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Moreover, the two MDC parties claimed that economic indigenisation is a recipe for ZANU-PF elite enrichment, clientelism, cronyism, corruption and political patronage. -
Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics. -
CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe
CURRENT HISTORY May 2018 "Zimbabwe's politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy." The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe SARA RICH DORMAN n1980, Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe Af- vinced international observers that no interven- rican National Union (ZANU) party came to tion was called for and that the transition had a Ipower after a bitter liberation war against the constitutional basis. Although Western leaders Rhodesian white settler regime. In the years that were happy to see him go, Mugabe still had sup- followed, they undertook a process of nation- and port among African leaders who venerated his role state-building that was intended to institutionalize in bringing Zimbabwe to independence. Despite the party's control of the political sphere and en- the army's presence on the streets and Mugabes sure its monopoly on political representation in in- evident unwillingness to resign, the eventual trans- dependent Zimbabwe. The country initially pros- fer of power was accepted as a civilian-led process pered under Mugabe, with particular successes in and rapidly legitimized through the courts. education and health care, but in recent decades The coup was not intended to change Zimba- the economy had faltered as his rule became in- bwe's political trajectory-the plan was to bring it creasingly personalized and autocratic. In Novem- back on course. Calling its intervention "Operation ber 2017, Mugabe was dramatically toppled from Restore Legacy," the military effectively played the power by the army, acting in the name of his party. -
Contestation and Resource Bargaining in Zimbabwe: the Minerals Sector
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Saunders, Richard Working Paper Contestation and resource bargaining in Zimbabwe: The minerals sector UNRISD Working Paper, No. 2017-13 Provided in Cooperation with: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva Suggested Citation: Saunders, Richard (2017) : Contestation and resource bargaining in Zimbabwe: The minerals sector, UNRISD Working Paper, No. 2017-13, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD), Geneva This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/186110 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Working Paper 2017-13 Contestation and Resource Bargaining in Zimbabwe The Minerals Sector Richard Saunders prepared for the UNRISD project on Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development December 2017 UNRISD Working Papers are posted online to stimulate discussion and critical comment. -
Contestation and Resource Bargaining in Zimbabwe the Minerals Sector
Working Paper 2017-13 Contestation and Resource Bargaining in Zimbabwe The Minerals Sector Richard Saunders prepared for the UNRISD project on Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development December 2017 UNRISD Working Papers are posted online to stimulate discussion and critical comment. The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) is an autonomous research institute within the UN system that undertakes multidisciplinary research and policy analysis on the social dimensions of contemporary development issues. Through our work we aim to ensure that social equity, inclusion and justice are central to development thinking, policy and practice. UNRISD, Palais des Nations 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland Tel: +41 (0)22 9173020 Fax: +41 (0)22 9170650 [email protected] www.unrisd.org Copyright © United Nations Research Institute for Social Development This is not a formal UNRISD publication. The responsibility for opinions expressed in signed studies rests solely with their author(s), and availability on the UNRISD website (www.unrisd.org) does not constitute an endorsement by UNRISD of the opinions expressed in them. No publication or distribution of these papers is permitted without the prior authorization of the author(s), except for personal use. Introduction to Working Papers on the Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development This paper is part of a series of outputs from the research project on the Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development. The project seeks to contribute to global debates on the political and institutional contexts that enable poor countries to mobilize domestic resources for social development. It examines the processes and mechanisms that connect the politics of resource mobilization and demands for social provision; changes in state-citizen and donor-recipient relations associated with resource mobilization and allocation; and governance reforms that can lead to improved and sustainable revenue yields and services. -
Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015
INTERFACE OF MUSIC AND POLITICS: VERSIONS OF PATRIOTIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN ZIMBABWEAN MUSIC, 1970-2015 by REGGEMORE MARONGEDZE Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the subject of LANGUAGES, LINGUISTICS AND LITERATURE at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR D.E. MUTASA CO- SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR I. MUWATI JANUARY 2019 DECLARATION Student number-5855-401-7 I, Reggemore Marongedze, declare that Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015 is my work and that the sources used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. January 2019 ………………………………………….. …………………………………………….. Signature Date i ABSTRACT Music is an inviolable imaginative litmus diagnosis on a constellation of ideational and conceptual contestations which elicit mutually exclusive and inclusive versions of patriotic consciousness in the Zimbabwean polity. The study specifically analyses the renditions of patriotic consciousness as expressed through selected musical compositions in Shona, Ndebele and English conceptualised as Zimbabwe-centred musical texts. It unfurls in the context of the interplay between music and politics in which music is seen as intricately interwoven with national politics causing shifts of realities. The research approaches and conceptualises patriotic consciousness as a heuristic construct and a measure of development that constitutes an instrument for ideological and conceptual contestations in specific political argumentative settings within the period 1970 to 2015. It deploys the critical tenets of Afrocentricity and the Socio-semantic theory of music to advance the contention that patriotic consciousness as a concept for political analysis enables the criticism and explanation of existing rival sentiments, different wants, competing needs and opposing interests in the Zimbabwean polity. -
An Extract from Robert Mugabe, a Forthcoming Book by Dr Sue Onslow
An extract from Robert Mugabe, a forthcoming book by Dr Sue Onslow, senior lecturer and deputy director of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, and Martin Plaut, a senior research fellow at the institute, which forms part of the School of Advanced Study, University of London. Robert Mugabe will be published in 2018 by Ohio University Press. The Zimbabwe Global Political Agreement (GPA) which shared power between the parties between 2009-2013 allowed ZANU-PF the space to regroup: in the narrowed political arena of decision makers, Mugabe politically out-manoeuvred the Government of National Unity, Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai. The President appointed more ministers than originally agreed (41, rather than the originally agreed 31), along with leading civil servants, diplomats, the Attorney General, the Governor of the Reserve Bank and the Police Commissioner.1 While his party re-energized its grass roots organisation and support, ZANU-PF kept control of the security services, as MDC squandered its access to power and remained fatally divided between two rival factions. But this pact with the opposition came at considerable costs to party unity. Since 2000 there had also been a process of ‘creeping coup’ of the militarization of the administration of the country, as the securo-crats were absorbed into the upper echelons of decision-making. In Paul Moorcraft’s view this fusion of political and military power within ZANU-PF has long been the key to Mugabe’s political longevity. However, it is not simply that Mugabe calls the shots, or that ZANU-PF dominated the security sector.2 Zimbabwe under Mugabe is the epitome of a neo-patrimonial state. -
Zimbabwe 2018 Human Rights Report
ZIMBABWE 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zimbabwe is constitutionally a republic. On July 30, the country elected Emmerson Mnangagwa president in general elections. Despite incremental improvements from past elections, domestic and international observers noted serious concerns and called for further reforms necessary to meet regional and international standards for democratic elections. While the pre-election period saw increased democratic space, numerous factors contributed to a flawed overall election process, including: the Zimbabwe Election Commission’s (ZEC) lack of independence; heavily biased state media favoring the ruling party; voter intimidation; unconstitutional influence of tribal leaders; disenfranchisement of alien and diaspora voters; failure to provide a preliminary voters roll in electronic format; politicization of food aid; security services’ excess use of force; and lack of precision and transparency around the release of election results. On August 26, the chief justice swore in Mnangagwa as president with the constitutional authority to complete a five-year term, scheduled to end in 2023. The election resulted in the formation of a ZANU-PF-led government with a supermajority in the National Assembly but not in the Senate. Civilian authorities at times did not maintain effective control over the security forces. Human rights issues included arbitrary killings, government-targeted abductions, and arbitrary arrests; torture; harsh prison conditions; criminal libel; censorship; restrictions on freedoms of assembly, association, and movement; government corruption; ineffective government response towards violence against women; and criminalization of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) status or conduct. The government took limited steps toward potential consequences for security- sector officials and nongovernment actors who committed human rights violations, including appointing a Commission of Inquiry (COI) to investigate the post- election violence. -
A New Era for Organized Crime?
POLITICAL TRANSITION A New Era for IN ZIMBABWE Organized Crime? Mafaro Kasipo August 2018 POLITICAL TRANSITION IN ZIMBABWE A New Era for Organized Crime? Mafaro Kasipo August 2018 Cover photo: Philimon Bulawayo / REUTERS © 2018 Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Summary This policy brief constitutes a first step towards developing more comprehensive assessments that will broaden our understanding of organized crime and illicit markets in Zimbabwe. It analyzes the development of illicit economies during the three periods of political transition that occurred in Zimbabwe since the country attained independence in 1980, and looks ahead to the current phase of transition under its new president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, whose young administration was cemented by victory for his party at the polls on 30 July 2018. The brief outlines the relationship between Zimbabwe’s political transitions and its illicit economies, in particular the central role played by the state in controlling, shaping and benefiting from organized crime. Certain forms of state-sponsored illicit activity have been prevalent during specific phases in Zimbabwe’s political trajectory, but are not exclusive to those transitions. In Zimbabwean politics, illicit economies have been a mainstay of the patronage system that ensured that the ruling party, ZANU–PF (Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front), remained in power for 37 years under Robert Mugabe.