DOCSLIB.ORG

Zimbabwe Crisis Reports Issue 26

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Zimbabwe Crisis Reports Issue 26 ZIMBABWE CRISIS REPORTS Issue 26 MARCH 2008 Fresh insights into the Zimbabwean situation MUGABE DEAD SET ON FIRST-ROUND WIN For the first time since 1980, a presidential election could go into a second round, but analysts say President Robert Mugabe will do his level best to stop that happening. By Mike Nyoni in Harare Recent assertions by President Robert Mugabe that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change is bound to lose the weekend elections have heightened suspicions that he plans to fix the result. Credit: Lazele Mugabe, probably facing his most President Mugabe arrives to speak at a campaign rally in Mbare, a high-density suburb uncertain electoral outcome to date, of Harare. Picture taken March 22. told a campaign rally in Chitungwiza, 30 kilometres from the capital Harare, On March 17, Mugabe introduced the that the Movement for Democratic Presidential Powers (Temporary Change, MDC, and its leader Morgan Measures) Act which authorises police Tsvangirai will never rule Zimbabwe “in to be stationed inside polling stations my lifetime”. President Mugabe is and to assist disabled voters. This allowing police to “help” clearly increases the risk that security This categorical statement has voters inside the polling forces will be in a position to intimidate increased fears that victory for Mugabe voters and influence the choices they and his ZANU-PF party in the March 29 stations. make. Critics say this move, coming polls is a foregone conclusion and will late in the day, is in direct be secured through ballot-stuffing, contravention of an agreement to keep voter intimidation, and manipulation of police away from voting centres, the final figures. concluded by ZANU-PF and the MDC NEWS IN BRIEF A study released by the Cato environment where Mugabe African National Congress members Institute this week predicted that maintains almost total control over of parliament who are part of the President Robert Mugabe will remain the electoral system. Southern African Development in power after the March 29 Community’s observer mission to the elections. Opposition leaders warned that the parliamentary and presidential government is printing millions more elections in Zimbabwe will reportedly The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO ballot papers than there are have more freedom to give an honest Forum warned that free and fair registered voters, raising fears of a assessment of the situation than they elections are impossible in an huge vote-rigging operation. have enjoyed in previous ballots. MARCH 2008 1 THE INSTITUTE FOR WAR AND PEACE REPORTING at the recent talks mediated by the “Mugabe will not allow himself to go people are now venturing out to see Southern African Development through all this pain. That explains for themselves. Others realise voting to Community, SADC. his insistence that no opposition get rid of Mugabe is the only option leader or party will win the elections they have left; it doesn’t really matter Surveys of attendance at pro- and even this late in the hour. He knows who comes in.” anti-Mugabe campaign rallies show he has played his cards well,” he the incumbent trailing Tsvangirai by a said. He said there was clear evidence that growing margin. more people were attending Both Tsvangirai and Mugabe have opposition rallies than was the case in In the unlikely event that the results been drawing huge crowds at their the past, and noted that there was little showed a defeat for Mugabe, he respective campaign rallies. There are attempt by state media to hide this would not take it lying down. allegations that Mugabe is coercing reality. Zimbabwe Defence Forces adult voters and schoolchildren to commander Constantine Chiwengwa attend his events, while Tsvangirai is “The best Mugabe can do now is to and Police Commissioner Augustine also bussing in people to boost try and intimidate people so that they Chihuri recently made it clear they numbers at his rallies. don’t go to vote,” said the analyst. would not accept any other winner. “He is already telling people that their Meanwhile, although Makoni — vote doesn’t count, as he did in What is more probable is that the expelled from ZANU-PF shortly after Bulawayo.” presidential election will go to a announcing his election bid in second round, for the first time since February — has no political party of Addressing a rally in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe gained independence from his own, and few resources to boost Zimbabwe’s second city, on March 23, Britain in 1980. his campaign, he has unsettled both Mugabe warned those who backed the Mugabe and Tsvangirai camps, the opposition that they would be By law, the winning candidate must which have attacked him out of wasting their vote. obtain over 50 per cent of the votes concern that he will win over their cast; if no one achieves this, the two supporters. Bulawayo and the two Matabeleland leading candidates go forward to a provinces have voted overwhelmingly second round within 21 days of the As the election draws near, the lines for the MDC since 2000. ballot. With evidence that support for have blurred between the traditional Mugabe is waning, it is uncertain rural power-base of ZANU-PF party “You can vote for them [MDC] but that whether he will gain the required and the MDC’s strength in urban will be a wasted vote,” declared absolute majority, although it remains areas. In particular, commentators say Mugabe. “You will be cheating yourself unlikely that either of his main it has got harder for Mugabe to as there is no way we can allow them challengers — the MDC’s Tsvangirai persuade rural voters that he can save to rule this country. The MDC will not and former finance minister Simba them from economic hardship. rule this country. It will never ever Makoni — will do so, either. happen.” In the past, said one analyst in Harare, According to Eldred Masunungure, a Mugabe was able to use food as a The statement was uncannily similar to political scientist at the University of vote-winner. “This time, there is proclamations by Ian Smith, the last Zimbabwe, Mugabe will make every nothing to give to the people, and they prime minister of what was then effort to avoid being embarrassed by are starving,” he said. “He has been Rhodesia, who said black people being forced into a run-off. He able to distribute farming equipment would “never in a thousand years” rule suggested that this makes it all the under the farm mechanisation the country. more likely that the first-round results programme, but people have will be massaged at the national immediate needs to feed their The analyst suggested that Mugabe’s command centre where the final count families.” options were running out — even will take place. rigging the election could get him into This analyst noted that in contrast to trouble with the SADC, whose member There has been talk that if the first- past elections, this campaign has states used to back him when no one round voting appeared to be going been marked by a lack of overt else did. against him, Mugabe might call a halt violence perpetrated by youth militias to it, or alternatively that he might and veterans. This fact, he said, had “The old man is finished. This time he postpone a re-run. given people more options. is in a fix. Not even SADC can save him now that regional economies are But as Masunungure put it, “all these “People are freer now than they have bleeding because of Mugabe’s are academic discussions and ever been to attend opposition rallies,” policies,” he said. speculation” as the president will take he said. “One cannot rule out the steps to prevent his electoral psychological fear from past Mike Nyoni is the pseudonym of a ambitions going awry. experience, but we can see that reporter in Zimbabwe. 2 ISSUE 26 ZIMBABWE CRISIS REPORTS MAKONI EMERGES AS POTENTIAL KINGMAKER Calling the ex-finance minister a “prostitute” and a “frog” is unlikely to encourage him to back another candidate if the vote goes to a second round. By Joseph Sithole in Harare Presidential hopeful Simba Makoni has provoked the anger of both front- runners in Zimbabwe’s upcoming election — opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai as well as incumbent Robert Mugabe. Credit: Lazele However, political analysts are warning Simba Makoni addresses an election rally at Zimbabwe Grounds, Harare. that while Makoni’s rivals may have Picture taken March 2. their swords out for him at the moment, he might turn out to be the sizeable population, including war As the third force in this election, kingmaker if the presidential ballot on veterans, police and army personnel, Makoni combines a long history as a March 29 is inconclusive and a run-off were given free land under Mugabe’s government technocrat and ZANU-PF has to be held. chaotic land reform programme member with a degree of credibility launched in 2000. derived from his reputation for being both competent and uncorrupt. Mugabe accuses Makoni of being a However, despite his appeal to many Makoni might turn out to “traitor”, “sellout”, a “prostitute” and a in the political classes who want be the kingmaker if the puffed-up “frog” for leaving the ruling change, Makoni has not yet built up a presidential ballot is party at a critical moment ahead of substantial power-base of his own. inconclusive. joint presidential, parliamentary and local elections. Tsvangirai has laid two apparently “Makoni walks in Both Mugabe and Tsvangirai, who contradictory charges against Makoni, unannounced and upsets leads the bigger of two factions of the accusing him variously of being a the apple cart” — political opposition Movement for Democratic Mugabe plant designed to confuse Change, MDC, see Makoni, who only and split the opposition electorate, or observer.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • From Rhodesia to Zimbabwe.Pdf
    THE S.A. ' "!T1!TE OF INTERNATIONAL AFi -! NOT "(C :.-_ .^ FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE Ah Analysis of the 1980 Elections and an Assessment of the Prospects Martyn Gregory OCCASIONAL. PAPER GELEEIMTHEIOSPUBUKASIE DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE INSTITUUT MN INTERNASIONALE AANGELEENTHEDE THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Martyn Gregory* the author of this report, is a postgraduate research student,at Leicester University in Britain, working on # : thesis, entitled "International Politics of the Conflict in Rhodesia". He recently spent two months in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe, : during the pre- and post-election period, as a Research Associate at the University of Rhodesia (now the University of Zimbabwe). He travelled widely throughout the country and interviewed many politicians, officials and military personnel. He also spent two weeks with the South African Institute of International Affairs at Smuts House in Johannesburg. The author would like to thank both, the University of Zimbabwe and the Institute for assistance in the preparation of this report, as well as the British Social Science Research Council which financed his visit to Rhodesia* The Institute wishes to express its appreciation to Martyn Gregory for his co-operation and his willingness to prepare this detailed report on the Zimbabwe elections and their implications for publication by the Institute. It should be noted that any opinions expressed in this report are the responsibility of the author and not of the Institute. FROM RHODESIA TO ZIMBABWE: an analysis of the 1980 elections and an assessment of the prospects Martyn Gregory Contents Introduction .'. Page 1 Paving the way to Lancaster House .... 1 The Ceasefire Arrangement 3 Organization of the Elections (i) Election Machinery 5 (i i) Voting Systems 6 The White Election 6 The Black Election (i) Contesting Parties 7 (ii) Manifestos and the Issues .
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • CIO List Part 2 of 6 Distributed by SW Radio Africa
    http://www.swradioafrica.com/news070711/ciolist070711.htm CIA - Intelligence Degree Intelligence Degrees Earn an intelligence degree online at Advance Your Career in Intelligence American Military University. Learn from Past Intelligence Agents www.AMU.APUS.edu/Intelligence www.Henley-Putnam.edu SW Radio Africa news - The Independent Voice of Zimbabwe Part 2 of the leaked CIO list By Lance Guma 07 July 2011 SW Radio Africa continues with Part 2 of the list of Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) agents working in and outside Zimbabwe. The document is dated 2001 and is a list of ‘operatives’ working at that time. Some agents may have retired or passed away, many are still serving. The serialization of the 480+ names is being done alphabetically over six weeks. At number 42 on the list is Elias Kanengoni, in 2001 just an ‘operative’. He gained notoriety during the 1990 general elections when he shot the late former Gweru Mayor Patrick Kombayi. Kanengoni and a ZANU PF activist, Kizito Chivamba, pumped over six bullets into Kombayi’s groin. Kombayi’s only crime was to contest against Mugabe’s deputy, the late Vice-President Simon Muzenda, for a parliamentary seat in Gweru. Despite both Kanengoni and Chivamba being sentenced to serve a seven year jail sentence they were controversially pardoned by Mugabe, using his presidential powers. Not only was Kanengoni pardoned he has since been promoted, rising through the CIO ranks to Deputy Director General (internal). Last year he was appointed into the ZANU PF Central Committee, sparking protests from the MDC-T that a serving CIO chief should not be taking part in politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
    Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Political Transition: Issues for Congress
    CRS INSIGHT Zimbabwe's Political Transition: Issues for Congress November 22, 2017 (IN10826) | Related Authors Nicolas Cook Katherine Z. Terrell | Nicolas Cook, Specialist in African Affairs ([email protected], 7-0429) Katherine Z. Terrell, Fellow in African Affairs ([email protected], 7-5050) In mid-November 2017, spurred by an intra-party rivalry within the ruling Zimbabwe National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) party to succeed President Robert Mugabe, 93, the Zimbabwe Defense Forces (ZDF) seized control of key national political and military facilities. The ZDF then initiated efforts to force Mugabe to resign, reverse Mugabe's recent dismissal of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa in favor of Mugabe's wife, Grace Mugabe, and halt ZANU-PF's purge of Mnangagwa's supporters. (See CRS Insight IN10819, Zimbabwe: A Military-Compelled Transition?, and for further Zimbabwe background, CRS Report R44633, Zimbabwe: Current Issues and U.S. Policy.) ZANU-PF removed Mugabe as party leader, appointed Mnangagwa as his interim successor, and expelled Grace Mugabe and several of her allies. Preempting an impeachment vote, Mugabe resigned November 21. Zimbabweans' initial reactions to the ZDF intervention appeared broadly positive. They turned out for large, peaceful demonstrations, and, after the resignation, celebrations. International responses to the military intervention have been cautious: the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the United States—which generally oppose coups—initially called for constitutional
    [Show full text]
  • Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
    Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa.
    [Show full text]
  • Mugabe's Revenge: Halting the Violence in Zimbabwe
    www.enoughproject.org Mugabe’s Revenge: Halting the Violence in Zimbabwe ollowing elections on March 29—in which Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front the opposition party, the Movement for (ZANU-PF)—Mugabe’s ruling party in Zimbabwe FDemocratic Change (MDC), won control of parliament and won more votes in the presidential contest—the government unleashed a nationwide WHY DID ZANU-PF LOSE THE MARCH campaign of violence against opposition groups. ELECTION AND WHAT NOW? Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has never been so close to losing power, and appears willing ZANU-PF’s losses were unexpected because the to use all means available to physically beat his MDC was divided and had made concessions in the opponents into submission. As the international lead up to elections, however, political violence, community considers its response to the complex corruption, and gross mismanagement of the crisis in Zimbabwe, its first order of business must economy proved to be ZANU-PF’s undoing. be to stop the violence. The United States must dip- lomatically engage with African leaders to discuss Since the election, Mugabe has resorted to state a common way forward and put pressure on the organized violence. At least 32 supporters of the regime to end the violence. MDC have been killed, over 6700 have been dis- placed, and over 1000 have been arrested as part of the Operation Mavhoterapapi, or “Operation KEY TERMS, GROUPS AND PEOPLE Who Did You Vote For?” All signs point to the situation worsening. Morgan Tsvangira—the leader of the MDC who garnered more votes in the March 29th presidential The MDC has sent mixed signals as to whether it election than all other candidates would contest a runoff vote.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe: Prospects from a Flawed Election
    ZIMBABWE: PROSPECTS FROM A FLAWED ELECTION Africa Report N°138 – 20 March 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................i I. INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................1 II. THE REGIONAL INITIATIVE: INSUFFICIENT RESULTS .................................2 A. PIECEMEAL REFORMS ...........................................................................................................2 1. Constitutional Amendment Eighteen.........................................................................2 2. Amendments to repressive legislation.......................................................................3 3. The Electoral Act.......................................................................................................3 4. Other agenda items ....................................................................................................4 B. DEAL BREAKERS ..................................................................................................................5 C. SADC AND SOUTH AFRICA’S FAILURE ..............................................................................7 III. THE ELECTORAL ENVIRONMENT ........................................................................8 A. A VIOLENT CLIMATE .............................................................................................................8 B. ABUSE OF STATE RESOURCES .............................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of This in the 2008 Election
    Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of this in the 2008 Election By Shari Eppel Matabeleland consists of three western provinces of Zimbabwe, namely Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Bulawayo. This region, stereotyped as marginalised and underdeveloped, and also as a hotbed of political opposition both historically and currently, is once more poised to play a strategic role in the forthcoming elections. After Independence in 1980, Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands were subjected to a brutal and hidden period of oppression, in which an estimated 20,000 civilians were massacred and tens of thousands more were tortured by the Fifth Brigade, which answered ultimately to Robert Mugabe. Hundreds disappeared and thousands lost homes and livestock, as Mugabe relentlessly moved to effectively establish a one-party state in Zimbabwe. The 1980s violence was without any doubt far in excess of anything that happened in affected regions during the 1970s war of liberation.1 While the “dissidents” of Matabeleland can be blamed for some of the atrocities, all evidence points to government forces, in particular the Fifth Brigade and the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) being responsible for over 90% of violations.2 It is fair to say that few people in Matabeleland claim not to have been affected by these events. Most people in the region – more than 70% - seem able to justify their claim to be primary victims of Fifth Brigade atrocities.3 The fact that to date these events remain largely unacknowledged at an official level, combined with continued perceived regional under-development, has had a lasting impact in terms of political outlook.
    [Show full text]
  • CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe
    CURRENT HISTORY May 2018 "Zimbabwe's politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy." The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe SARA RICH DORMAN n1980, Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe Af- vinced international observers that no interven- rican National Union (ZANU) party came to tion was called for and that the transition had a Ipower after a bitter liberation war against the constitutional basis. Although Western leaders Rhodesian white settler regime. In the years that were happy to see him go, Mugabe still had sup- followed, they undertook a process of nation- and port among African leaders who venerated his role state-building that was intended to institutionalize in bringing Zimbabwe to independence. Despite the party's control of the political sphere and en- the army's presence on the streets and Mugabes sure its monopoly on political representation in in- evident unwillingness to resign, the eventual trans- dependent Zimbabwe. The country initially pros- fer of power was accepted as a civilian-led process pered under Mugabe, with particular successes in and rapidly legitimized through the courts. education and health care, but in recent decades The coup was not intended to change Zimba- the economy had faltered as his rule became in- bwe's political trajectory-the plan was to bring it creasingly personalized and autocratic. In Novem- back on course. Calling its intervention "Operation ber 2017, Mugabe was dramatically toppled from Restore Legacy," the military effectively played the power by the army, acting in the name of his party.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
    Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Power Sharing Deal
    Zimbabwe’s power-sharing deal Debra Dalton and Estela Vidal Malvar 1. The application: This study was carried out as a group project by students, and uses all three sides of the Power Cube – particularly spaces and forms of power – to explore an extraordinary political process, removed from citizens and normal political practice but with huge implications for both. 2. The case: In early 2009 a power-sharing deal was agreed between the ruling and key opposition parties in Zimbabwe, keeping Robert Mugabe in power with his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, becoming Prime Minister. This deal was struck following a violently contested election process in 2008 in which Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change apparently beat Mugabe and his Zanu PF party in the first round, an outcome which Mugabe refused to accept.1 The arrangement splits power between the two parties by allocating them specific rights in decision making and over particular government modies, and to each appoint a proportion of Cabinet roles. The process of arriving at this settlement took place behind closed doors, in a forum of SADC (the Southern African Development Community) with South African President Thabo Mbeki taking the key mediating role. Neither Zimbabwean civil society actors nor international donors – with both of whom Zanu-PF had a historically tense and suspicious relationship – were included in the process, and the decisions reached were made without broader consultation with the Zimbabwean population. 3. The analysis: An invited/closed space: Firstly, the power-sharing deal took place in a very particular kind of space. Formally it was an ‘invited’ space, in that Thabo Mbeki invited the players to come together under the umbrella of SADC in order to resolve their differences.
    [Show full text]