BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF PEACE AND GOVERNANCE

STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE THROUGH EARLY CHILD MARRIAGES: A CASE OF MASHONALAND CENTRAL PROVINCE, DISTRICT

BY: WANIWA ROPAFADZO B1335810

SUPERVISOR: DR MUCHEMWA

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FUFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF THE BACHELOR OF SCIENCE HONOURS DEGREE IN PEACE AND GOVERNANCE

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RELEASE FORM

Author: WANIWA ROPAFADZO

Project title: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE THROUGH EARLY CHILD MARRIAGES: A CASE OF MASHONALAND CENTRAL PROVINCE, BINDURA DISTRICT

Programme: BACHELOR OF SCIENCE HONOURS DEGREE IN PEACE AND GOVERNANCE

Declaration: I declare that the information contained in this project is the researcher’s original work and permission is granted to Bindura University of Science Education to produce copies without the written consent of the student

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APPROVAL FORM

TO BE COMPLETED BY PROJECT SUPERVISOR

As the supervisor for………………………………………..., I declare that this dissertation has been checked for conformity with the faculty guidelines.

Supervisor: DR MUCHEMWA

Signature of supervisor ………………………….

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TO BE COMPLETED BY THE CHAIRPERSON OF DEPARTMENT

I certify to the best of my knowledge that the required procedures have been followed and the preparation criteria has been met for this dissertation.

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DECLARATION FORM

I, WANIWA ROPAFADZO, declare that this research study is my original work and has not been copied or extracted from any previous source without due acknowledgement of the source.

Signed: ……………………………..

Date: ………………………………

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DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my family, my father Febion, my mother Esinath, my sister Anesu and my brother Takudzwa Waniwa and my friend Tendai Tanya Chikasha. May you enjoy a long and fruitful life.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost I would like to thank the Lord Almighty for his unending grace throughout my studies. I would also like to extend my gratitude to Dr Muchemwa, my supervisor, who found time to guide me during the course of my project. A special thanks goes to Mrs Mafoko, the director of the Research Department at the Parliament of who has been my mentor since my internship at the institution from August 2015 to July 2016. Last but not least, I want to appreciate my family who have supported me from the very beginning. May the good Lord continue to bless all these individuals.

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ABSTRACT

The aim of the study is to analyse the relationship between structural violence and child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District. A review of literature already in existence revealed that there is scarcity in terms of literature regarding indigenous methods of reducing child marriages by evolving harmful social cultural beliefs. Focus group discussions and interviews were used to collect data from 20 participants and 3 key informants respectively. Purposive and expert sampling were used to deliberately choose the respondents in the study as they are familiar with the topic. Qualitative methods were used to carry out the study as it includes attitudes, beliefs and perceptions which cannot be quantified. The data collected was classified and analysed and presented in the form of graphs and tables as well as explained in writing. The findings revealed that there is a negative correlation between structural violence (which is embedded in the social, cultural, religious and institutional structures of modern day society) and child marriages. Poverty, religious and cultural beliefs and lack of uniformity in marriage laws have been identified as the main drivers of child marriages. Experts in the field have stressed out the need for policy reform and alignment of marriage laws to the Constitution in order to mitigate the issue of child marriages. However, there is need to use a multi- disciplinary approach where all measures complement each other as they cannot produce the desired outcome if applied in isolation.

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ACRONYMS

ZWLA Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association

ZIMSTAT Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

MICS Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child

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Contents RELEASE FORM ...... i APPROVAL FORM ...... ii DECLARATION FORM ...... iii DEDICATION ...... iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... v ABSTRACT ...... vi ACRONYMS ...... vii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Background of the study ...... 1 1.2 Statement of the problem ...... 3 1.3 Aim ...... 3 1.4 Objectives ...... 4 1.5 Research questions ...... 4 1.6 Assumptions ...... 4 1.7 Significance of the study ...... 4 1.8 Definition of key words ...... 5 1.9 Delimitations ...... 5 1.10 Limitations ...... 6 1.11 Chapter Outline ...... 6 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 8 2.1 Introduction ...... 8 2.2 Conceptual Framework ...... 8 2.2.1 Structural violence as a human rights violation ...... 9 2.3 Prevalence of early child marriages in contemporary society ...... 10 2.3.1 Child marriage prevalence in Zimbabwe ...... 11 2.4 The interplay between structural violence and early child marriages ...... 12 2.4.1 Socialisation ...... 13 2.5 Efforts to reduce incidences of early child marriages ...... 13 2.5.1 Legal reform and re-alignment of marriage laws ...... 14 2.5.2 Promotion of positive attitudes and beliefs ...... 15 viii | Page

2.5.3 Social justice, an end or means? ...... 15 2.6 Chapter Summary ...... 15 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...... 17 3.1 Introduction ...... 17 3.2 Qualitative research paradigm ...... 17 3.3 Research design ...... 17 3.4 Study population ...... 18 3.5 Sample...... 18 3.6 Purposive sampling ...... 19 3.6.1 Expert sampling ...... 19 3.7 Data collection ...... 20 3.7.1 Focus group discussions ...... 20 3.7.2 Researcher’s role ...... 21 3.7.3 Focus group interview guide ...... 21 3.7.4 Key informant interviews ...... 21 3.7.5 Key informant interview guide ...... 22 3.8 Data presentation and analysis ...... 22 3.8.1 Editing ...... 22 3.8.2 Coding ...... 22 3.8.3 Classification...... 23 3.8.4 Analysis...... 23 3.9 Ethical considerations ...... 23 3.9.1 Chapter summary ...... 24 CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSIONS ...... 25 4.1 Introduction ...... 25 4.2 Response analysis ...... 25 4.2.1 Biographical data of respondents ...... 25 4.3 Prevalence of child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District ...... 27 4.3.1 Correlation between structural violence and child marriages ...... 28 4.4. Poverty ...... 29 4.4.1 Marriage laws...... 30 ix | Page

4.4.2 Religion ...... 30 4.4.3 Social and cultural beliefs ...... 31 4.5 Effectiveness of measures put in place to mitigate child marriages ...... 32 4.6 Harmonization of marriage laws ...... 32 4.7 Collectivity of actors in child marriages ...... 33 4.8 Chapter summary ...... 35 CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS...... 36 5.1 Introduction ...... 36 5.2 Summary ...... 36 5.3 Conclusion ...... 37 5.4 Recommendations ...... 38 5.5 Areas of further research ...... 38 REFERENCES ...... 39

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure……………………………………………………………………………….Page

Figure 1: Focus group discussion pie chart……………………………………………. 26

Figure 2: Causes of child marriages…………………………………………………… 29

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LIST OF TABLES

Table…………………………………………………………………………..Page

Table 1: Target sample, size and technique ………………………………… 19

Table 2: Key informants ……………………………………………………. 26

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LIST OF APPENDIXES

Appendix 1: Informed consent form for participant………………………... 41

Appendix 2: Focus group discussion guide…………………………………. 42

Appendix 3: Key informants interview guide………………………………. 43

Appendix 4: Approval form from Parliament of Zimbabwe………………… 44

Appendix 5: Approval form from Women Affairs, Bindura………………... 45

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the study Early and forced child marriages are known to perpetuate the cycle of poverty. Every year, worldwide, it is estimated that 15 million girls, some as young as 5 years are forced into marriage. Structural violence is the major cause of early child marriages. The term was coined by John Galtung in 1969 and he referred to it as the pervasive form of violence that is “built into” structures, institutions, ideologies and histories. Harmful cultural and religious practices often sentence minors into sexual slavery. Over 700 million women worldwide alive today were married as children and that 1 in every 3 girls in the developing countries is married by the age of 18 (UNICEF: 2014). Judging from such statistics it is clear that early marriages are a drawback to development and predisposes young girls to health complications such as HIV/AIDS, cervical cancer, fistulas and stunted growth in children born of young mothers, factors which also lead to an increase in both maternal and child mortality.

Zimbabwe is one of the countries in the world with high cases of child marriages. The Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (2014) indicates that the proportion of women who were married before the age of 15 is more than that of men. This is extremely worrisome and exposes young women to the risk of unintended pregnancies, unsafe abortions and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. This is a result of the different ways that boys and girls are socialised. Girls are taught to be submissive and made to believe that their place is in the kitchen in the Zimbabwean culture whilst boys are sent to school. This enhances their life skills as they become competitive in the market industry. In this regard, culture can be seen as an instrument of structural violence which is not visible at first glance but its effects are devastating. Child marriages have a debilitating effect on the realisation of the full potential by the girl child. This has caused inter-generational cycle of women underdevelopment in particular and society in general. Galtung (1969) argued that unequal access to resources; education and healthcare are forms of structural violence. Structural violence entails harming people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs. These have a bearing on the future of young girls because if they are idle and uneducated, they end up falling prey to the eyes of older men who take them as brides prematurely. For instance, the Marriage Act in Zimbabwe allows girls

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under the age of 16 to marry whilst boys are allowed at 18 years. This implies that girls are been short changed and are disadvantaged as opposed to their male counterparts. According to UNFPA 31% of girls are married before the age of 18 in Zimbabwe. According to the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (2014), 39 % of the women in rural areas aged 20-49 years currently in marriage were married before the age of 18, compared to 21% in urban areas. This is because girls in urban areas are better exposed to education opportunities hence they have a better chance of escaping early marriages. According to the Zimbabwe Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (2014) Mashonaland Central tops on the list of provinces with the highest number of cases of child marriages with 50% of the marriages involving minors.

Policy reform in Zimbabwe is a necessary intervention to curb the high incidences of early child marriages. Proponents of public participation stipulate that those who are affected by a decision have the right to be involved in the decision making process. Public policies can be classified into 2 broad theoretical paradigms i.e. state centred and society centred theories. Public participation is a political principle which entails engaging the local population in the decision making process. It is an integral part of democratic governance owing to its people centred or human centric approach. In some instances it has been considered a human right. It seeks and facilitates the involvement of those potentially affected or interested in a decision. This can be in relation to individuals, governments, institutions, companies or any other entities that affect public interest. It is believed that public contribution influences the policy decision and improves its quality while keeping the authorities accountable for their actions (Rowe and Frewer: 2005).

UNICEF (2014) defines child marriage as a marriage below 18 years of age. There are International Human Rights instruments that have been put in place in relation to the problem of early marriage. The key ones are the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), Convention on Consent to Marriage (1964), Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages, CEDAW (1979) and Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) (1990) and they all directly or indirectly ban the discrimination of girls in early marriages.

In Zimbabwe the right to public participation is enshrined in the supreme law of the land. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No.20) Act 2013 section 59 allows citizens to demonstrate or petition in a peaceful manner. Section 141 subsection (a) stipulates that the

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Parliament should facilitate public involvement in its legislative and other processes and in the processes of its committees. Sub section (b) goes on to elaborate that Parliament should ensure that interested parties are consulted about Bills being considered. Parliament of Zimbabwe normally fulfils these obligations by conducting public hearings nationwide to get the views of the public. Effective public participation depends on the public having access to timely, accurate and comprehensive information. The same law which is supposed to protect the girl child in some instances provides a platform for the abuse of girls (structural violence embedded in the institutions). This is shown by the Marriage Act in Zimbabwe which allows girls to be married at 16 but forbids boys from being married before the age of 18. In essence, this piece of legislation is discriminatory towards girls. In this regard, the Customary Marriages Act [chapter 5:07] does not specify a minimum age of marriage for persons intending to contract a customary law marriage.

1.2 Statement of the problem According to the Zimbabwe Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (2014) Mashonaland Central tops on the list of provinces with the highest number of cases of child marriages with 50% of the marriages involving minors. Child marriages constitute a great impediment to gender equality and socio-economic development in the province and Zimbabwe as a whole. Young girls do not have personal security in the community because they are subject to the invisible structural violence. It is embedded in the socio-economic and political arrangements of the society (Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum: 2014). All this ultimately leads to lack of secure social existence for these young females. Child marriages should be understood within the socio- cultural context in which they occur (Moyo: 2008). As a result, there is need for urgent policy reform by the relevant authorities as they work hand in hand with the local community for their input to eradicate this threat.

1.3 Aim To examine the relationship between structural violence and child marriages.

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1.4 Objectives • To assess the prevalence of early child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District • To examine the relationship between structural violence and early child marriages • To evaluate the reforms that have been implemented to reduce incidences of child marriages

1.5 Research questions • What is the extent of early child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province • How does structural violence contribute to early child marriages • How effective have been the reforms put in place to reduce child marriages

1.6 Assumptions The study views child marriages within a context of structural violence i.e. the use of force. This study assumes that accurate information on the extent of child marriages can be obtained as the participants will include child brides as well. The researcher also assumes that even though laws that govern marriage in Zimbabwe are inadequate and they contradict each other, this matter will not be a cause for concern since the Ministry of Justice announced a disposition which strikes down section 22(1) [Chapter 5:11] of the Marriage Act as it is inconsistent with section 78(1) of the Constitution which sets 18 as the minimum age for marriage.

1.7 Significance of the study In Zimbabwe, the culture, religion and poverty are the main causes of structural violence against girls. Research advocacy Unit (2011) argues that the practice of early marriage is harmful and therefore contrary to development in society as it seriously jeopardises a girl child’s opportunities in the future because of lack of education. This is because girls are not afforded the chance to decide their own sexuality. Traditional practices that have stood the test of time in the local society especially customary marriages that are unregistered where lobola is paid pose the danger of marrying off little children to much older men. The findings of this study will shed more light on the need to launch awareness campaigns aimed at changing attitudes and beliefs that contribute to child marriages. Most importantly, the study will highlight the urgent need for

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the existing marriage laws to be harmonised so that they state the same marriageable age and are aligned with the new Constitution. This is because there is no uniformity in the current legislation. The reason why the country has two legal systems is because the colonialists made general law and customary law operate simultaneously. There is need for tradition to evolve and do away with harmful practices that disadvantage young girls in the community.

1.8 Definition of key words Early child marriage-A marriage that is carried out below the age of 18 years, before the girl is physically, physiologically, and psychologically ready to bear the responsibilities of marriage and reproduction (UNCEF: 2014).

Structural violence-invisible manifestations of harm that are built into the fabric of society, political and economic organisation of our social world that creates and maintains inequalities within and between different social groups, gender and ethnic groups (Farmer: 2005).

Child- is a person below the age of 18, unless the laws of a particular country set the legal age for adulthood younger (Article 1 of The Convention on the Rights of the Child: 1990)

Gender- a constitutive element of social relations based upon perceived (socially constructed and culturally variable) differences between females and males as a primary way of signifying and naturalising power relations and hierarchy (Hawkeworth: 2005).

1.9 Delimitations In order to ensure that the data collected is accurate and balanced, purposive sampling will be used to choose the knowledgeable participants such as the Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development, Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs as well as boys, girls, young women and men aged between 12 and 25 concerning early child marriages. Due to the likelihood of a large number of participants in the study, the population involved in this study will focus only on members located within Mashonaland Central Province which has the highest prevalence of child marriages nationwide.

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1.10 Limitations Legal reform is useful and effective but people do not easily forget their customs and traditions. Hence it is difficult for the state to intervene in marriage issues which have always been regarded as the preserve of the family. However beliefs, attitudes and customs are dynamic hence they can evolve with time. There is a good chance of influencing the general population of Zimbabwe to adopt constructive customs and traditions which safeguard the future of children. A good number of children in early marriages or guardians who have facilitated child marriages might not be willing to come clean for fear of being victimised or being prosecuted respectively. To counter the unwanted influence of this factor on the study, the researcher will inform the participants that confidentiality will be strictly maintained so that they can be at ease.

1.11 Chapter Outline Chapter 1

It introduces the study whilst shading light on the focal point of the research. The chapter sheds light on the purpose of the study, its aim, significance and poses research questions.

Chapter 2

Provides a detailed review of literature related to the study. This should include theories and concepts/models that inform the topic, a historical overview as well as current trends concerning the study. It should not leave out published articles pointing out information and conclusions drawn by others in their work.

Chapter 3

It describes the methodology and research methods of investigation for this study. This entails research instruments, data collection methods, sampling techniques and target population.

Chapter 4

This is a report of the results analysis for each research question or the hypothesis. Response date allows the reader to account for instruments i.e. the ones that were distributed, returned the overall rate of response. Demographic data refers to the information regarding the population and sample that is the composition of the participants. Information required includes gender and age.

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Chapter 5

Provides an overview of the whole study and comprises of conclusions drawn from the research. It also provides recommendations in areas of concern.

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CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction This segment provides a detailed review of literature related to the study of structural violence and early child marriages. It will be guided by the concept of structural violence propounded by Johan Galtung. The prominent idea in this approach is the fact that Galtung shifted his focus from actors in violence to the structures implying that violence takes place as a result of the structure and actors merely serve as instruments to carry out the violence. This literature review is going to look at the historical overview as well as current trends concerning the study. This will be achieved through examination of empirical evidence by various scholars whom include Michael Foucault and Steven Lukes on power, the Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association on constitutional reform and unsustainable policies, the Research Advocacy Unit on cultural beliefs and attitudes as well as the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum who focus on structural violence as a human rights violation.

2.2 Conceptual Framework Structural violence was first coined by Johan Galtung, which he popularised in his ground breaking article “Violence, Peace and Peace Research” in 1969. It refers to a form of violence where the social structure or institutions may harm or disadvantage people by preventing them from meeting certain basic needs. In the 16th century peace studies focused on direct violence that is warfare and assault. In the 17th century, Galtung further expanded the concepts of violence and peace to include indirect or structural violence which was a challenge to the prevalent notions of peace (Grewal: 2003). Steven Lukes in his Three Dimensions of Power agrees with Galtung’s approach and talks of “power as domination” and stipulates that domination can occur through explicit coercive means (direct violence) but it can also occur through unconscious mechanisms (structural violence) (Lukes: 2006). This meant focusing on tangible and overt forms of violence like organised violence. This emphasis and concentration on the more overt forms of violence has marginalized the contribution of the salient and subtle forms of violence which is also called structural violence (Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum: 2014). Examples of structural violence include sexism, racism and ethnocentrism. Of relevance is sexism which has to do with discrimination against women.

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According to Galtung (1969), rather than manifesting itself physically, structural violence is the deprivation of basic human needs. It is therefore a cause for unnecessary suffering such as early child marriage which inhibits the potential of young women. Structural violence cuts across multiple dimensions like culture, religion, race and class. Owing to the fact that it negatively impacts different people in various spheres, it has been associated with social injustice. Galtung went on to extend the definition of peace into negative and positive peace where positive peace is the absence of structural violence. Negative peace therefore entails social injustice which is embedded in the socio-economic and political structures and institutions of society. Certain forms of violence are deeply embedded in specific cultural contexts (Fonte and Mccloskey: 2011). According to the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, there is increasing realisation that the impact of the more covert forms of violence on the general public cannot be underestimated. Reviewing the Zimbabwean situation, we notice that some social, economic and political arrangements and policies have resulted in systematic violation of human rights. James (1997) asserts that structural violence refers to the constraints that communities place on people and these can be avoided. In this case, the marriage laws in Zimbabwe, a patriarchal society and harmful traditions constrain the girl child from reaching human growth and self-actualisation as noted by Abraham Maslow in his hierarchy of needs.

Structural limitations could be political, social, economic, religious, legal or cultural in nature and they usually originate in institutions that have authority over particular subjects. Although structural violence has been termed as hidden, it has several things that shape it. Examples are social structures (like the family), relationships and ideologies which include discriminatory laws and gender inequality. Discriminatory laws in Zimbabwe include the Marriage Act chapter 5:11 which is inconsistent with section 78(1) of the Constitution which sets 18 years as the lawful minimum age for marriage. Structural violence is not only present in the lives of the lower classes, but it certainly affects them the most because it is worsened by poverty and lack of education hence it renders them powerless.

2.2.1 Structural violence as a human rights violation Structural violence has also been viewed as a violation of fundamental human rights. Ho: (2007) notes that the notion of structural violations as a human rights violation is increasingly gaining popularity in international human rights arenas. The context of structural violence in the human

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rights arena, illustrates the urgent need for serious consideration and safeguarding of social and economic rights that have been neglected as opposed to civil and political rights. When thinking of structural violations of human rights, a structuralist view of the world should be use, where structures and institutions are a focal point in the dynamics of society, including mutually dependant relationships among individuals, groups, institutions and/or organisations. Structuralist analysis is concerned with the social, political and economic relations that form between and among individuals. They are the very same structures that facilitate violence. The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (2014) concurs and asserts that there is increasing realisation that the impact of the more covert forms of violence on the general public cannot be underestimated. Reviewing the Zimbabwean situation, it is clear that some social, economic and political arrangements and policies have resulted in a systematic violation of human rights.

2.3 Prevalence of early child marriages in contemporary society Theorists argue that structural violence is enshrined in the modern day global system and is hinged on unequal social arrangements. These asymmetrical relations are visible at global, regional and local level. UNICEF estimates that on a global scale, 64 million young women between the ages of 20-24 were married before they turned 18 (Dube: 2013). Sibanda (2011) goes on to argue that allowing people to marry under the age of 18 is against several United Nations conventions such as the 1989 Convention on the rights of a child and the practice is illegal in most countries but other countries ignore this, particularly in less developed countries. Child marriage is now widely viewed as a violation of children’s rights. It is also another form of discrimination against the girls, who, as a result of the practice is prevented from accessing fundamental human rights.

Tradition, religion and poverty have continued to exacerbate child marriages, regardless of its strong association with negative reproductive health outcomes and the denial of education for girls. Steven Lukes, a political and social theorist in his third dimension of power notes that sometimes people will act in ways that appear contrary to their most basic interests (Lukes: 2006). This entails a set of ways in which the powerful transform the powerless in such a way that the later behaves in the same manner as the former. This comes without coercion and is done through the creation of a pervasive system of ideology or false consciousness. Lukes talks of an insidious form of power which exists where there is a contradiction of interests between those

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exercising power and the real interests of those they exclude. Marxists agree with Lukes and they note that the socialisation process in the family and society results in transmission of a ruling class ideology whereby individuals are deceived into accepting the capitalist system and its dominance more or less without question. The end result is a situation where the later are not able to express their views in most cases due to the fact they are not even aware of their real interests. In other words they could be unaware of their real interests which would have been replaced by the interests of those in power.

To add on, Steven Lukes’ structural violence can be likened to the scenario where patriarchy is the ideology and women, through socialisation; end up believing that they are inferior to men hence should be submissive to them. At the end of the day they become prey and are vulnerable to abuse that is embedded in the patriarchal system. Galtung concurs that at this point, it ceases to be about the actor (in this case guardians who facilitate a child marriage or the older man who takes a child bride) but becomes about the unjust social structure which perpetuates violence. It can however be noted that Lukes unlike Galtung does not specify the social mechanisms which are used to perpetuate violence over other groups of society. This makes it difficult to study these mechanisms. Karl Marx provides a starting point when he mentions that inequalities are as a result of class positions in the society which allows one class to wield influence over another. In this case, women are seen as the inferior sex and are vulnerable to exploitation by society and their male counterparts.

2.3.1 Child marriage prevalence in Zimbabwe In Zimbabwe child marriages are most common among the Apostolic sect churches. These are churches commonly referred to as vapostori and they are believed to have a population of nearly 1.2 million followers nationwide (Hastings: 1994). The leaders use the Holy Spirit to intimidate congregation members, instilling fear in them so as to authenticate child marriages as the prophets claim to have been instructed by the Holy Spirit to marry young girls. They also believe in minimum education for females and as soon as a girl reaches puberty, they are married off. The lack of education makes the playing field tilt in favour of male members of the society, at the expense of girls. The generational gap in the marriages makes it problematic because young girls cannot challenge older men that they are married to or demand safe sex or take part in decisions that are important in their health such as child spacing and family planning. The case

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of structural violence particularly against women goes beyond class as it cuts across multiple dimensions like culture and race.

It is however rather premature to totally dismiss the reality that women in upper or middle class evidently have a better chance at education hence they are less prone to early child marriage unlike their counterparts in lower classes that succumb to the poverty and fall prey to the eyes of older men. The Zimbabwe Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (2014) indicates that 39% of rural women aged 20-49 years currently in marriage were married before the age of 18, compared to 21% in urban areas. This is also authenticated by the realisation that the two urban i.e. Harare and have the lowest percentages of child marriages whereas the remaining 8 rural provinces have the highest incidences of child marriages and Mashonaland Central Province tops the list. This is partly due to the fact that the province is comprised of areas like Muzarabani which is prone to flooding and Rushinga which relies on selling cash crops like cotton but climate change has crippled their operations.

2.4 The interplay between structural violence and early child marriages .

There is a direct link between structural violence and early child marriages in Zimbabwe. Many human rights reports in Zimbabwe have focused on direct violence because it is easy to identify the perpetrator, victim and form of violence used; and even quantifying the extent of damage. Direct violence is “the most obvious and overt form of violence perpetuated by one or more disputants directly upon those with whom they are in conflict. The relationship between structural violence and child marriages can best be understood through identification of the socio-economic and political structures like unsustainable policies and social inequalities that harm and disadvantage individuals and groups in the society.

Galtung’s account of structural violence, while highly influential, has recently been subjected to a hostile critique by C. A. J. Coady, an Australian philosopher in his 2008 study, Morality and Political Violence. Vorobej (2008) notes that Galtung has many reasons for classifying structural violence as a kind of violence i.e. if the concept of violence is restricted to personal violence, and peace defined as merely the absence of personal violence, then too little is rejected when peace is held up as an ideal. Highly unacceptable social orders would still be compatible with peace. Hence, an extended concept of violence is indispensable. To this line of reasoning, Coady

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responds by arguing that it seems to that this justification of the value of Galtung’s definition is either muddled or mischievous (possibly both). If the suggestion is that peace cannot be a worthy social ideal or goal of action unless it is the total ideal, then the suggestion is surely absurd. Lee X Bandy in her article “Causes and cures VII: Structural Violence” is of the conviction that the limitations embedded in social structures are avoidable because they originate from and can be corrected by human decisions. Correction of human decisions in the context of this study entails policy reform and alignment of marriage laws with the constitution as suggested by the Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association.

Galtung’s primary argument is that if violence can be seen, then it can be stopped. Conversely, Winter (2012) argues, it is the ceaseless repetition in the open, not its invisibility, that it is hidden. He further argues that it is the normalcy of everyday violence that enables it to be “inherited” across generations ultimately rendering it invisible.

2.4.1 Socialisation According to functionalists, the socialisation process as it operates within the family and society is seen as encouraging conformity with desirable norms and values which contribute to overall social stability. However, Marxist feminists give more attention to the exploitation of women within the family. Children are socialised in various ways to accept these traditional gender roles. The long term process of building and developing culture is known to as socialisation. In socialisation, people are taught the language of their respective cultures they are born into as well as the roles they are expected to play in life. For example, girls are socialised on how to become daughters, sisters, wives and mothers. Apart from this, they are expected to master the constructed roles that their society wants for them. Girls are socialised to conform to gender roles that leave them vulnerable to abuse as they are taught to be submissive to men whilst boys are taught to be aggressive and masculine.

2.5 Efforts to reduce incidences of early child marriages Lee X Bandy in her article “Causes and cures VII: Structural Violence” is of the conviction that the limitations embedded in social structures are avoidable because they originate from and can be corrected by human decisions. In this regard, several scholars and think tanks have come up

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with their suggestions and solutions for structural violence. Some have termed them structural solutions which are befitting the problem at hand.

2.5.1 Legal reform and re-alignment of marriage laws In 2004, the Ministry of Justice released a White Paper, proposing several amendments to the marriage laws. These included full legal recognition of unregistered customary law unions, the establishment of a uniform minimum age of marriage for both boys and girls under both customary law and civil marriages, the emphasis on the need for free and informed consent of the parties to marriage, the removal of religious and customary procedures as a pre-requisite for the solemnisation of marriages (Dube: 2013). However, despite the release of the White Paper in 2004, no important changes can be seen in the marriage system. Although the Attorney- General’s office announced in the year 2011 that it was now harmonising marriage laws, the process has dragged on.

The Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association tackled the case from a legal perspective. This entails the re-alignment of marriage laws in Zimbabwe with the Constitution. This is to ensure that they specify a common minimum age for both men and women so avoid discrimination of the other. Their main focus was on the Marriage Act chapter 5[11] which is inconsistent with the Constitution. There has however been a positive development in this direction where a deposition was by the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, presided over by Chief Justice Chidyausiku struck down the marriage act as it is in violation of the Constitution which sets the minimum age for marriage at 18 years.

Despite all these efforts, not much has been accomplished in this area and women continue to suffer from the injustice embedded in marriage laws. Complicated policy process and bureaucracy inhibit meaningful progress. This can be attributed to the process of law reform which is not systematic, but rather ad hoc and haphazard (Sibanda: 2011). Parliament cannot propose laws (except through private members’ bills) but these are extremely rare. The cabinet has the responsibility to propose laws informed by their needs assessment on any particular subject. Lack of political will therefore makes the whole process of meaningful reforms too long.

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2.5.2 Promotion of positive attitudes and beliefs The Research Advocacy unit however has a different approach when it comes to solving the issue of structural violence in child marriages. They disagree with Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association arguing that while legal reform is undeniably helpful, it is inadequate because people do not easily forget their beliefs. This is because these have stood the test of time and are passed from generation to generation. Although law reform is needed to protect women from the glaring injustices, there is greater need for transformation of societal (and especially cultural) attitudes towards women within marriages (Sibanda: 2011). Therefore, creative measures such as interaction and awareness campaigns could be employed to help evolve beliefs. Culture, customs and traditions are always dynamic in all societies. They are changed by several factors and value systems. Human rights norms affect and also help to reinforce notions of culture and tradition that are positive, whilst discouraging those that facilitate violence against women and a breach of their basic human rights such as child marriage (Sibanda: 2011). It is difficult for the state to intervene in marriage matters which have been deemed the preserve of the family since time immemorial. They then advise to focus on changing the harmful traditions since they are dynamic and could change over time.

2.5.3 Social justice, an end or means? Michael Foucault challenges Galtung on his thinking which seems to suggest that social justice is an end in itself which can justify any kind of means. This facilitates a dilemma where one wonders if in solving structural violence, there might end up being more violence perpetuated and Foucault notes that everything is dangerous as it could result in a state of domination again. Violence begets more violence. Foucault’s power is not necessarily a bad phenomenon as Galtung’s violence as he notes that there is no society without power relations. Galtung’s notion of social injustice offers no explanation on steps to be taken to have a society with no systematic constraints on human potential. Marxism notes that class oppression will invoke a revolution which is inevitable because of the hegemony which at some point will become intolerable. This approach however is in conflict with Mahatma Ghandi’s concept of non-violence to attain peace.

2.6 Chapter Summary This chapter therefore illustrates that child marriages should be viewed with the context of structural violence through social, cultural, institutional and religious spheres that perpetuate

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violence against women. Several structures and ideologies like the family, culture, tradition, religion, patriarchy and marriage laws systematically constrain the potential of young girls. Young girls’ sexuality is decided for them from an early age thus they cannot compete with their male counterparts since the playing field is uneven. Various strategies have been put in place to eradicate this problem and these include law reforms, influencing the evolution of positive religious cultural and religious attitudes and beliefs, as well as awarding equal opportunities to the girl child especially in the area of education. An integrated approach is most likely to produce the best results as these strategies are mutually reinforcing.

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CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction This chapter is a detailed account of the research methodology used in this study. It is concerned with the research strategy, methods of data collection, sample, study population, research design, paradigm, data analysis and ethical considerations. It is the blueprint directing all the procedures relating to data consolidation. It is therefore an integral part of the study which the researcher cannot do without.

3.2 Qualitative research paradigm The researcher made use of a qualitative approach to research. Kothari (2004) is of the conviction that the major advantage of qualitative research is its strong ability to provide in- depth descriptions of people’s experiences on a given research topic. It also puts across information about social concepts that is, the often contrasting behaviours, beliefs, opinions, emotions, and relationships of individuals and groups. Mack, Woodsong, MacQueen, Guest and Namey (2005) hold the notion that qualitative methods are very efficient in identifying seemingly invisible factors, such as social norms, economic status, gender constructs, ethnical dynamism and religion, whose part in the research issue may vague. Qualitative research is conducted in its natural setting for which the study is taking place. Glaser and Strauss (1967) assert that realities cannot be understood in isolation from their contexts there participants are recruited and studied within their natural day to day environment. In this qualitative research design emphasizes the use of the human as the instrument of data gathering. The researcher used herself and research participants (other humans) as primary data gathering instruments.

3.3 Research design The researcher chose a case study for a research design. Burns and Grove (2003) define a research design as being a blueprint for carrying out a study with total control over factors that may affect the quality of the results. According to Burns and Grove (2003), descriptive research is designed to give a clear picture of a scenario in its natural setting. This method is a prominent form of qualitative analysis that encompasses a cautious and full observation of a social unit, be

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it a person, family, institution, cultural group or even the entire community. It places significant emphasis on the complete critical examination of a selected number of events and their interrelations. The case study deals with all the processes involved and their interdependence. Thus, case study is simply a critical analysis of the particular unit under investigation. The object of the case study method is to identify all the factors that explain the behaviour/patterns of the given unit as a whole. Phenomenology is the suitable approach in this study as it explores people’s everyday life experiences. The purpose of the phenomenological approach is to illuminate the specific, to identify phenomena through how they are perceived by the actors in a situation (Lester: 1999). In the human sphere this normally translates into gathering perceptions through qualitative methods such as interviews and discussions whilst representing it from the perspective of the research participant(s). Phenomenology is therefore concerned with the study of experience from the perspective of the individual, including taken-for-granted assumptions.

3.4 Study population Population describes to the total number of units available and from which data can be derived, these include individuals or groups. Burns and Grove (2003) refer to population as all the elements that fit the criteria to be included in a specific study. Burns and Grove (2003) define eligibility criteria as a list of common traits that are expected for a unit to be granted membership in the target population. The study population in this research comprised of young people in Mashonaland central province, Bindura district as it recorded the highest number of child marriages in Zimbabwe.

3.5 Sample Sampling methods can be classified into one of two categories that is probability and non- probability sampling. Probability sampling has a known probability of being selected whilst non- probability does not have a known probability of being selected as in convenience or voluntary response surveys. This study used non-probability sampling specifically purposive sampling due to the need to specifically select young women who are affected by the issue of child marriages. The sample size is 20 young females who are most affected by the issue of child marriages. Non- probability sample is also most appropriate because of the intention to target particular groups.

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3.6 Purposive sampling Informed consent has been described as an instrument for ensuring that people fully comprehend what it means to take part in a given research so they can make informed decisions, which are deliberate and conscious (Mack et al, 2005). Informed consent is without a doubt one of the most valuable instruments for securing respect for participant in a research. The researcher made use of purposive sampling which is based on intent. It is the preferred method of sampling because it focuses on a particular group in this case young women who are prone to early child marriages. Purposive sampling is a method of sampling where the researcher deliberately chose whom to include in the study based on their ability to provide necessary data. It is therefore also known as deliberate sampling.

3.6.1 Expert sampling Expert sampling was used where key informants are significant in providing valuable information. Key informants included the Parliamentary research officer for the Portfolio committee on Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development and local people in Mashonaland Province, Bindura district who can provide valuable information to the researcher concerning the study of early child marriages. Table 1 below illustrates the sample used in this study as well as the sample size and sampling technique.

Target sample Sample size Sampling technique Young women between the 14 Purposive sampling ages of 12 and 25 Women between the ages of 4 Purposive sampling 35 and 49 Men 2 Purposive sampling Key informants who are 3 Expert sampling familiar with child marriages in Bindura district Table 1: Target sample, size and technique

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3.7 Data collection The researcher made use of primary and secondary data as well as obtrusive observation to get as much information as possible. According to Kumar (2011) primary data refers to original data thus first-hand approach. Secondary data is that which has been written by others and is found in the form of published articles, journals and books.

Data collection methods will depend on:

• What the researcher needs to know • Where the data is found • Resources and time available

3.7.1 Focus group discussions Focus groups is a form of data collection method that is qualitative in nature and efficient in helping authors discover the social norms of any society, taking into account the varying views within that community or subgroup (Mack et al: 2005). This method was especially most relevant for socio-behavioural research that was used in developing and measuring aspects that are appropriate for the needs of a given population. Focus groups are an exploratory research tool, a structured group process to explore people’s thoughts and feelings and obtain detailed information about a particular topic or issue thus its relevance as it was used in to study structural violence. They are useful for generating qualitative data (insights into needs, expectations, attitudes, perceptions, beliefs and feelings of participants as well as developing interview schedules (for key informants or sample surveys). Flexibility is one other quality where the researcher used probing for clarification or greater detail. The interaction of participants stimulated their thoughts hence they can expanded from the answers of others. The researcher was also able to observe non-verbal communication which is essential in the study of early child marriages. The sampling category was determined through identification of the main population groups whose opinions and views the researcher was interested in hearing. This resulted in the population being grouped into categories like age and gender. Focus groups seek to bring out group opinion, so the method was useful.

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3.7.2 Researcher’s role The researcher played the role of a moderator. This entails some ground rules which were set to ensure the smooth running of the focus group discussion. These included the fact that all participants should address one another with respect and only one person may speak at a time. It is very important for the researcher to be familiar with the script so that the session appears conversational and natural. Probing can be useful in providing elaborations by the participants. Probes are those neutral questions, phrases, sounds, and even gestures that interviewers make use of in order to urge the participants to further explain and clarify on their answers and views.

3.7.3 Focus group interview guide The purpose of an interview guide was to give a general direction for the entire discussion. It was therefore not confused with a survey instrument and was not followed in the exact format or order. The guide provided the researcher/facilitator with topics and issues that were practically to be covered at some point during the course of the discussion. The guide was loosely structured and did not suggest potential responses hence it contained open-ended questions as well.

The guide was arranged such that it proceeded logically and smoothly from one topic to another and from the general to the specific. Questions that were more important to the research agenda were presented early in the session. Questions reflected flexibility since they were unstructured, unbiased, non-threatening, and made it simple to understand even for laymen. Specification was almost always left to the participants. The guide was not overly detailed or had too many questions. The aim was to structure questions so that they are clear and can stimulate discussion.

3.7.4 Key informant interviews Key informants selected were local individuals who could directly provide important information about the community and thus help the researcher more quickly understand the study population as we as the cultural environment. Key informants managed to facilitate the researcher’s access to particular resources, populations, organizations that eventually helped to make connections between phenomena that was not obvious to an outsider. Key informant interviews were done using experts in the area of child marriages. The information from key informants was collected using questionnaires that were given to the participants after they gave their consent. The researcher established criteria for the selection of experts to interview in this case officials who

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have worked with victims of early child marriage and those that hold public offices that grant them access to issues concerned with child marriages. At the end of the interview, the researcher provided a summary of what the researcher understood so as to correct any misinterpretation.

3.7.5 Key informant interview guide The guide was questionnaire easy to understand thus the use of simple English. It was semi- structured, started with general questions, then demographic ones followed by specific questions and lastly one or two open-ended questions.

3.8 Data presentation and analysis The data, after collection, was processed and critically analysed in following the stipulated format decided on. This move was crucial for a scientific study and to make sure that all relevant the data for detailed analysis is available. In essence, processing entails editing, then coding, classification and finally tabulation of all the data obtained for easy analysis. The term analysis referred to looking for patterns of the nexus that exists between and among concepts, in this case structural violence and child marriages. In the process of analysis, relationships or differences supporting or conflicting with already existing work or new hypotheses were measured against available statistics from the Zimbabwe Multiple Cluster Indicator Survey of 2014 to make comparisons and draw conclusions.

3.8.1 Editing Collected data was edited to group like views together and make the necessary analysis. Editing of data was a process that entailed examining the collected primary data to identify errors and omissions and to rectify these when necessary. As a matter of fact, the exercise involved a careful evaluation of the recorded audios and written notes. Editing was done to make sure that the available data was accurate, consistent with other facts gathered, uniformly entered as well as properly arranged to facilitate coding and tabulation.

3.8.2 Coding Coding was contextualised in this study to refer to a process of assigning and arranging figures or other symbols to provided answers so that responses can be classifies into categories. Selected

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classes were appropriate to the research problem under consideration where the main causes of child marriages were arranged in ascending order. They also possessed the characteristic of exhaustiveness (i.e., there was a class for every item) and also that a specific cause was to be placed in one category. Coding was evidently necessary for effective analysis and through it the several answers to research questions posed in chapter 1 of the study.

3.8.3 Classification Raw data must be reduced into classified groups if meaningful relationships are to be deduced. This fact necessitated the classification of data which happens to be the process of arranging data in groups or classes on the basing on their common traits. Data that had common characteristics were placed in one class and this way, all the data was divided into distinct classes in this context social, cultural, religious and institutional structures that perpetuate violence.

3.8.4 Analysis As stated earlier, analysis in this study meant assessment and evaluation of concepts that emerged from the collected data to look for patterns of links that exist between and among the data groups. Analysis, especially in this scenario of a case study, involved estimating the values of unknown boundaries of the population and testing of hypotheses already in existence the purpose of drawing conclusions. Analysis was, therefore, categorised as descriptive analysis and inferential analysis where inferential analysis is often known as statistical analysis. It entails the implications deduced from collected data. Descriptive analysis is largely the study of distributions of one variable whilst causal analysis on the other hand is concerned with the study of how one or more variables affect changes in another variable. In this case, how structural violence exacerbates early child marriages. It is thus a study of the functional relationships that exist between two or more variables in this case structural violence and early child marriages. This analysis can be termed as regression analysis.

3.9 Ethical considerations This relates to moral standards that the researcher considered in all research methods in all stages of the study. The researcher started off by getting permission from Bindura University of Science Education to solicit information from any individual or institution. Forms for informed consent

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were also drafted and printouts would be handed out to all participants in the study. All the terms and conditions of the informed consent will be explained thoroughly to participants before the interviews commence so as to clarify issues and assure that participants are comfortable. These will also be signed by both the participant and researcher. The researcher found it necessary to let the participants know why they are being interviewed, how they were selected and how the information they provide will be used.

3.9.1 Chapter summary This chapter has been focused on the methods which the research used to obtain, present and analyse the findings. It outlined the qualitative research paradigm, data collection instruments, the sample population and sampling techniques. The research made use of interviews and focus group discussions after selecting the participants through purposive and random sampling techniques. The research also employed editing, coding and classification as methods of analysis to present the findings. Ethical considerations such as participants’ informed consent were also taken into account.

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CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSIONS

4.1 Introduction This chapter presents findings and discussions from data gathered in Mashonaland Central Bindura District on the relationship between structural violence and child marriages. The objectives of this study were to determine the extent of child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District, analyse the relationship between structural violence and child marriages and examine the effectiveness of measures put in place to mitigate child marriages. Data was collected using focus group discussions and interviews through purposive and expert sampling respectively. Data gathered from participants will be presented and analysed into themes.

4.2 Response analysis Data collection was successful and all the data gathered was submitted in the form of written notes and interview audios. Purposive sampling that was used by the researcher for focus group discussions provided useful information since all participants were deliberately chosen by the researcher. This is because they were familiar with the issue of child marriages. The researcher however had to explain many times to the participants that it is important to speak one at a time so that all the information could be captured correctly and recorded for future use in the study. Key informants were very helpful as well as they are experts in the field of child marriages. They however could not provide the exact statistics off their heads but they offered a copy of the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency’s Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Report of 2014 which contains the figures needed.

4.2.1 Biographical data of respondents

Figure 4.2.1: Participants in the focus group discussion

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10% 20%

men women aged 15-25 women aged 35-49

70%

Figure 1: Focus group discussion

The focus group discussion was a sample size of 20 individuals which comprised of 14 young females between the ages of 15 and 25. It however also had 4 women who were ranging from 35-49 years and 2 men aged 27 and 38. These were deliberately chosen by the researcher using the purposive sampling technique to solicit their views on child marriages. Key informants were the experts in the field who had the know-how on child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province and Bindura. These included two males and a female. Having given the mentioned statistics, it is logical to argue that the study was sensitive to gender therefore there is no gender bias. The graph below illustrates the various participants in the study and their gender.

Table 4.2.2: Key informants

Males Females 2 1 Total 3 Table 2: Key informants

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4.3 Prevalence of child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District Mashonaland Central has recorded the highest number of child marriages nationwide as reflected by the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey Report of 2014. A key informant, who is a researcher that took part in a Parliamentary public hearing concerning child marriages in May 2016 noted that he agrees with the statement above where Mashonaland Central has the most cases of child marriages. To quote him directly, “We (the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development) conducted a public hearing in the whole of Mashonaland Central because it had an alarming rate of child marriages, higher than any other province in the country”. This therefore goes to show that there is a high prevalence of child marriages in Mashonaland Central province, Bindura district which became a cause for concern. This led to the Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development to conduct a fact finding tour where they sought to understand the root causes of child marriages and hopefully find ways to mitigate this problem.

Other key informants from the department of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development in Bindura highlighted that the province indeed had a high prevalence of child marriages but they raised the point that Bindura district, as the Provincial capital of the city which is urban has fewer cases of child marriages as compared to the surrounding rural districts. She said: “Bindura iri nani nekuti mutown, dzimwe nzvimbo dzakaita sana Mbire, Rushinga ne Shamva mumapurazi. Uku ndiko kwakanyanya sezvo kuine nhamo uye vana havanyatsowana mukana wekudzidza vachipedza chikoro” (Bindura is a lot better and has fewer reported cases of child marriages because it is an urban area. This means that girls in Bindura are more exposed in terms of socio-economic development therefore the likelihood of getting into child marriages is lower than their rural counterparts in Rushinga, Dotito and Muzarabani).

The data collected from all participants indicate the same general direction which reflects most cases of child marriages being recorded in all the rural districts and fewer cases in the provincial capital (Bindura district). The researcher also agrees with this view and also noted that the reason why rural districts have a higher prevalence of child marriages as compared to urban ones is mainly because they are poverty stricken. The people in those rural districts relied on selling cash crops like cotton (for example in Rushinga) but harsh weather conditions have negatively affected their harvest therefore their means of survival is threatened.

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4.3.1 Correlation between structural violence and child marriages Child marriages in the country as a whole and in Mashonaland Central have been viewed in the context of structural violence. This is because it is embedded in the socio-cultural and institutional structures in the society. These include the marriage laws, patriarchy and religious beliefs. Socialization of children from an early age condemns them to socially constructed roles of males and females in the society leaving girls vulnerable to early marriage by older men.

Religion plays a pivotal role in child marriages where it is used as an instrument which traps and misleads young girls into early marriage. One of the respondents noted that: “Religious beliefs especially in African Apostolic churches are to blame for child marriages and most girl child abuse as the religious leaders claim young girls as brides when they are still minors. This is common in the Marange church especially in Shamva”

“Mwana musikana akange abatwa chibharo mumusha nehama yake toti ndibabamukuru zvinonyadzisa kuti vazomhan’arirwa saka vanodzamara vangotaurirana semumhuri dzimwe nguva mwana otoroodzwa kumunhu mukuru iyeye”. (When a girl has been sexually abused by a family member for instance by an uncle, it is often embarrassing to report the uncle to the police so parents or guardians end up settling matters out of court). When cases of sexual abuse occur within the family, people opt to settle out of court but this is done at the expense of the girl child who is now being forced to marry her abuser.

“There is need to harmonize existing marriage laws in Zimbabwe if child marriages are to be mitigated. It has always been a question of law” were the sentiments of a Parliamentarian researcher who was a key informant. Zimbabwe has several marriage laws that are not in harmony with each other. The fact that there is no single act of Parliament which criminalizes child marriage has made it easy for perpetrators to go scot free.

The data collected shows that there are a number of push and pull factors which lead to incidences of child marriages and these are mainly religion, social and cultural beliefs, marriage laws and poverty in no particular order. Poverty however came out as the most prominent feature in the province. The graph below shows the main causes of child marriages which are all embedded in the socio-economic and cultural structures of the society. These have been viewed in the context of structural violence.

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causes of child marriages 80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0% poverty religion marriage laws social and cultural beliefs Figure 4.3: Causes of child marriages

4.4. Poverty Poverty has been pointed out as the main driving force towards early marriages. It is evident that rural girls are more vulnerable to early marriage than their urban counterparts who have more socio-economic opportunities and values that delay marriage. It has been argued by the participants that many girls were offered as payment for food during times of drought and hunger and this is commonly known as “kuzvarira” in the Shona culture. The harsh economic conditions prevailing in the country at the moment has led to many drop outs and idle children end up indulging in early marriage before the right time.

The probability of young women getting married early was lower when they had secondary and higher educational attainment, therefore it is important to keep girls in school for longer to reduce or eliminate early marriage (UNICEF,MICS Extended analysis: 2016). SOS Children’s Villages Zimbabwe (2016) agrees and is of the conviction that there is a positive correlation between the level of education and the age of marriage, thus the more educated a girl is, the more unlikely she is to be a child bride. “Education combined with good health and economic

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empowerment are the game changers for girls and women. When girls stay in school and have access to sexual and reproductive health care, they have a better negotiating power within their families, can decide for themselves whether and when to have children and contribute more to their societies” (SOSCVZ: 2016 pg. 2). In this regard, it is therefore logical to argue that poverty impacts negatively on the education of young people (especially girls) which undermines their potential where they become vulnerable to child marriages. This is the reason why rural areas have a higher prevalence of child marriages than the urban areas where young people have a better chance and exposure at socio-economic opportunities.

4.4.1 Marriage laws Zimbabwe has a pluralistic marriage system and this entails varying choices in the type of marriage. This is a result of the country’s dual system which allows for customary law to exist simultaneously with general law (Dube: 2013). The existing marriage laws in Zimbabwe are not harmonized so that they state the same marriageable age and are aligned with the new Constitution. This is because there is no uniformity in the current legislation. This has been a major problem as it promotes child marriages and makes it difficult for the situation to be rectified. The reason why Zimbabwe has two legal systems is because the British colonialists made general law the official law of the land but continued to recognize customary law in matters relating to the family, such as marriage and the administration of property. Discriminatory laws in Zimbabwe include the Marriage Act chapter 5:11 which is inconsistent with section 78(1) of the Constitution which sets 18 years as the lawful minimum age for marriage. Whilst it appears that the legal framework is there to protect girls from child marriages, a problem lies with the Customary Marriages Act which does not provide a minimum marriage age. The government has not been strict on enforcing existing laws or in rectifying the discrepancies between national laws and entrenched customary and religious laws. The fact that there is no single Act of Parliament to address this issue and illegalize child marriages poses a huge problem in the fight against child marriages.

4.4.2 Religion Religion is an important feature of the socio-cultural landscape in Zimbabwe and it holds a special place among the communities. Religious beliefs and practices shape people’s lives and

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their way of living thus its role in increasing child marriages. It has a direct impact on social outcomes and behaviour. The Apostolic doctrine has been accused of influencing minors into forced child marriages with religious leaders or ordinary church members. This is the case in in Mashonaland Central which has a large population of apostolic churches. According to the Zimbabwe Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) Extended Analysis on religion of 2014, the apostolic sect has grown from 20% in 1994 to 33% in 2011 and that 38% of women age 15-49 years are affiliated with the apostolic sect. Hastings (1994) notes that child marriages are most prevalent among the apostolic sect of Johanne Marange who strongly believe in polygamy. MICS Extended Analysis on religion (2014) also pointed out that the Apostolic sect has the poorest people in the country therefore a link is seen between the level of poverty (which is a main cause for child marriages) and the number of child marriages among members of the Apostolic sect in Mashonaland Central Province especially in Shamva where they are most concentrated.

4.4.3 Social and cultural beliefs Traditional practices have stood the test of time in African societies and they have contributed immensely to the high prevalence of child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province. Sibanda (2011) argues that the practice of child marriages is in conflict with modernization and development in society as it seriously undermines a girl child’s opportunities in the future. Socialization of girls to fit the role of submissive wives leaves them vulnerable to abuse as they try to achieve these social constructs of female figures. In the end, they are not afforded the chance to decide their own sexuality. Patriarchy is a dominant cultural characteristic in the African context which disadvantages women and treats them as second class citizens who should submit to men. It is a system of society in which men hold the power and women are excluded from it. Males are the primary authority figures and predominate in roles of social privilege and property control. Cultural practices like paying bride price (lobola) pose the danger of marrying off little girls to much older men. There is need for state (the government) and non-state actors like Non-Governmental Organisations like UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund to help sensitize the communities on the adverse effects of child marriages and help to evolve tradition as it is dynamic and can change with time.

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4.5 Effectiveness of measures put in place to mitigate child marriages Indicators reveal that only a little has been achieved in as far as child marriages are concerned. This is because there are still many cases being reported. This therefore shows that measures put in place to reduce child marriages have had little or no success at all. Policy reform being the cornerstone of the fight against child marriages has not been fully implemented. “There is still need to harmonize Zimbabwean marriage laws so that there are in line with the Constitution and the establishment of an exclusive Act of Parliament which makes child marriages illegal” said one of the key informants. There is need to specify a common minimum age for both men and women so avoid discrimination of the other. Their main focus was on the Marriage Act chapter 5[11] which is inconsistent with the Constitution. There has however been a positive development in this direction where a deposition was done by the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, presided over by Chief Justice Chidyausiku struck down the marriage act as it is in violation of the Constitution which sets the minimum age for marriage at 18 years.

Legal reform whilst useful is not always effective because people do not easily give up on their customs and beliefs as these have stood the test of time. There is therefore need to reinforce policies put in place with efficient law enforcement so that perpetrators are prosecuted. This will cultivate a culture of accountability for abuse against minors who are married off to older partners.

“Awareness campaigns have had little success as well because some of the areas are so remote that accessibility is very difficult hence some programs have excluded them”, a key informant from Women Affairs department in Bindura noted. Marginalized communities like has been reported to be unaware on the ban of child marriages by the Constitutional Court in January 2016.

4.6 Harmonization of marriage laws The Marriage Act[ Chapter 5:11] states that marriage of girls between 16 and 18 years requires the consent of a parent or guardian or of a judge of the High Court in the absence of the guardian and that the marriage of a girl below the age of 16 years requires the consent of the responsible minister. This act makes a distinction between boys and girls by setting different marriage ages. The Customary Marriage Act [Chapter 5:07] does not specify a minimum age of marriage. Most

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marriages in the country are customary therefore they are unregistered unions. These inconsistencies in marriage laws and lack of uniformity pose a challenge when it comes to monitoring and preventing child marriages. Dube (2013) concurs and adds that there is no minimum age for marriage either in unregistered customary unions or under the registered Customary Marriage Act. It is only under civil marriage that the Marriage Act prescribes the ages at 16 for girls and 18 for boys. This exists despite the legal age of majority being 18 years. It is therefore evident that the civil marriage is discriminatory against girls and legalizes child marriage with regard to girls but not boys. This is in contrast to the article 16 of (CEDAW) Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women which stipulates that the state should eliminate discrimination against women in all matters relating to marriage and family relations (Dube: 2013). In January 2016, the Constitutional Court formally outlawed child marriages as being unconstitutional (ZIMSTAT: 2016). As long as there is no single Act of Parliament, it is difficult to mitigate child marriages.

Zimbabwe is an interested party in the SADC Model Law on Child Marriages which is currently being drafted by Southern African Development Community countries which include South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Botswana. The law is being drafted in the context where there are many global and regional initiatives aimed at protecting children against harmful practices, promote sustainable human development and address socio-economic and political challenges such as poverty facing the world. The model law by the SADC parliamentary Forum is aimed at eradicating child marriages and protection of children already in marriage. It has been viewed as a milestone in the journey towards a Zimbabwe that is free of the scourge of child marriages. The Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development is also in the process of drafting a Child Marriage Bill and if approved it will serve as a significant weapon in the fight against child marriages. These attempts at policy reform by the government are commendable as they provide a starting point for the long journey that lies ahead. However, the hurdle that remains is to realign the various pieces of legislation with the new Constitution.

4.7 Collectivity of actors in child marriages Child marriages, a phenomenon embedded in the socio-economic, cultural, religious and institutional structures of the society involves a lot of actors. These are the groups or individuals who aid or facilitate the practice of a child marriage. From the legal perspective, ministers or

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judges of the High Court who permit for the marriage of a 16 year old girl to a man of 18 years and above would have aided a child marriage. The Marriage Act[ Chapter 5:11] states that marriage of girls between 16 and 18 years requires the consent of a parent or guardian or of a judge of the High Court in the absence of the guardian and that the marriage of a girl below the age of 16 years requires the consent of the responsible minister. This provision is in contradictory to the January (2016) Court Ruling which makes child marriage illegal. A child marriage is any marriage involving a person under the age of 18 years therefore in this case the judge would have facilitated a child marriage. In his/her capacity as a judge, he/she becomes an instrument of structural violence embedded in the institutions of society.

Religious leaders especially in the African Apostolic churches have become a cause for concern as they abuse their influential positions in church to lure minors into early marriage. Religion is an important feature of the socio-cultural landscape in Zimbabwe and it shapes people’s beliefs and the way they are socialized. It is therefore a critical determinant of behaviour. The Apostolic doctrine and its practices as well as behaviours have directly caused an increase in child marriages where the Marange sect is known to prey on young girls as child brides. MICS Extended Analysis on religion: 2016) asserts that the Apostolic sect is the largest religion in Zimbabwe constituting 32% of the heads of households in the reproductive age (15-49 years). Therefore its contribution to child marriages cannot be overlooked.

Most importantly, the parents or guardians in a society play a pivotal role either in promoting or preventing child marriages. They are the ones who are closest to the children and in some cases are the architects of arranged early marriages in exchange for food or financial favours. In other cases, parents or guardians do not report cases of rape and end up marrying minors off to their abusers. This is done where they receive lobola (bride price) and decide to settle matters out of court rather than in court where they will not benefit anything except the jail sentence of the perpetrator. Older men who refuse to listen to reason in the society have remained stubborn and continued to prey on children under 18 years of age. Their resistance to awareness campaigns has been fuelled by the lack of enforcement on laws that forbid child marriages. Local law enforcement agencies in communities have ignored reported cases of child marriages classifying them as “domestic matters” that are a preserve of the family. Last but not least, traditional local leadership in communities has turned a blind eye to unregistered customary marriages that

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involve minors. In some cases, these leaders have been bribed by livestock or money to let sleeping dogs lie. This in turn has hampered efforts of cooperation between the legal framework and traditional leadership in mitigating child marriages.

4.8 Chapter summary This chapter discussed the findings on structural violence through child marriages in Mashonaland Central, Bindura District. It had an interest in achieving the following objectives: assessing the extend of child marriage prevalence in the province, examining the relationship between structural violence and child marriages as well as analyse the effectiveness of the measures put in place to reduce child marriages. These were analysed and categorized into themes which emerged from the study where poverty remained the prominent driving force in child marriages and harmonization of laws and realignment to the new Constitution can help to turn the tables in the fight against child marriages.

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CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Introduction This chapter focuses on the overview of the entire study, highlighting the gaps on the necessary action to mitigate the structural violence embedded in socio-political and institutional structures of society today and its impact on child marriages. It also illustrates how the research objectives have been achieved and how research questions were answered in the research, highlighting the major findings from the research and challenges that were faced by the researcher. Furthermore, recommendations for future studies and improvements on the situation under study will also be discussed.

5.2 Summary The study was aimed at analysing the relationship between structural violence and child marriages paying particular attention to Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District. Its objectives were to assess the prevalence of child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura district, examine the relationship between structural violence and early child marriages as well as to evaluate the reforms that have been implemented to reduce child marriages. The structural violence is embedded in social, cultural, religious and institutional structures of the society. These structures are seen as instruments that perpetuate insidious forms of violence through preventing young girls and women from accessing basic human needs therefore their potential is thwarted. To critically examine the impact of structural violence in exacerbating child marriages, objectives were set. These were to assess the prevalence of early child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura District, examine how structural violence facilitates early child marriages and evaluate the reforms that have been put in place to reduce incidences of child marriages.

Various pieces of empirical evidence by several scholars and organisations have been reviewed to inform the study and identify gaps on the literature. These have covered different areas for example ZWLA on harmonisation of marriage laws, Johan Galtung on structural violence, Steven Lukes and Michael Foucault on power, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum on

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structural violence as a human rights violation and the Research Advocacy Unit on positive cultural and religious attitudes and beliefs. A qualitative research design was employed in order to fully understand structural violence as a phenomenon that has a negative correlation with child marriages. Data collected revealed poverty, religious and cultural beliefs and non-uniformity in marriage laws as the major drivers of child marriages and that its intensity is most evident in rural communities where there are fewer opportunities for young girls as compared to their urban counterparts.

5.3 Conclusion Child marriages in Mashonaland Central, Bindura district should be viewed in the context of structural violence which is embedded in the social, religious and institutional structures of modern day society. These social, religious and institutional structures include socialization in schools and at home, religious beliefs in churches, patriarchy and the legal framework in the form of marriage laws that are not uniform. It has been observed that there is a negative correlation between structural violence and child marriages.

The main causes of child marriages in Mashonaland Central Province have been identified as poverty, religious beliefs and contradictory marriage laws. In the case of poverty, the current prevailing economic hardships and climate change (La Nina) has left the rural population worse off since they rely on cash crops like cotton in areas like Rushinga. In areas where there are large concentrations of the African Apostolic sect (Shamva), child marriages are higher owing to their doctrine. The lack of a single Act of Parliament which makes child marriages illegal has made it difficult to combat the issue of child marriages.

The main offenders in child marriages present a complex matter as it includes several parties. It therefore reflects the collectivity of actors who take part in child marriages. These have been listed as parents/ guardians who are in need of economic or financial favours from wealthy older men, religious leaders who abuse their positions in church, marriage officers who authorize the marriage of a minor, traditional leadership that upholds social and cultural norms at the expense of the girl child as well as law enforcement personnel that turn a blind eye to reported cases of child marriage and send complainants home to settle out of court.

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Measures employed in an effort to mitigate child marriages have had relative success and it is still work in progress. Owing to the complexity of the problem at hand, there is need for a multi- faceted solution which covers all areas of concern, that is, social, religious, cultural and legal institutional spheres. Up to date, awareness campaigns, a few arrests and policy reforms for example the SADC Model Law on Child Marriages and the January 2016 Concord ruling have been introduced in an effort to reduce incidences of child marriages. Awareness campaigns have helped to sensitize the local communities but the inaccessibility of some remote areas like Mbire has been a major setback. Challenging the social and cultural norms that have stood the test of time is also proving to be a problem. The newly enacted policy reforms regarding child marriages were long overdue and their implementation or impact has not yet been felt.

5.4 Recommendations 1. In spite of the social (patriarchy), cultural and religious beliefs that facilitates child marriages on an unprecedented scale in Mashonaland Central Province, Bindura district, there is need for continuous awareness campaigns that will help to sensitize the people and help to evolve these harmful practices. 2. Alignment of all marriage laws to the new Constitution of 2013. There is need for a single Act of Parliament exclusively making child marriages illegal. 3. Various stakeholders including state and non-state actors to work together in mitigating child marriages 4. There is need for an integrated approach in dealing with the problem of child marriages as one measure might not be effective if applied in isolation. The measures should therefore complement one another.

5.5 Areas of further research The findings from study show that there is no mention of endogenous knowledge which can be used in the fight against child marriages hence the need to research further in that area.

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My name is Waniwa Ropafadzo, studying for a Bachelor’s Degree (Honours) in Peace and Governance with Bindura University of Science Education. I intend to undertake a study on: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE THROUGH EARLY CHILD MARRIAGES: A CASE OF MASHONALAND CENTRAL PROVINCE, BINDURA DISTRICT. Iam kindly asking for your consent to participate in this research as a respondent. Details of the research and researcher are given below.

Interview Details:

The interview will take approximately 20 minutes and you are free to reject taking part in the interview at any time. Your responses as well as observations made in this interview will be used for the purposes of this study only and will not be released to anyone. The interview procedure involves me asking you questions and I will record your answers. You are free to seek clarification, expand your responses or ask questions. There are no risks or direct benefits associated with this study but your contributions will help build knowledge that will be used to shape future interventions.

Declaration of consent:

I…………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………..…………….. Consent to take part in this research under the terms stated above. I have appended my signature below as a sign of willingness to participate.

Interviewee`s signature………………………………...Date………………………………………

Interviewer`s signature ………………………………….Date……………………………………

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Focus Group Discussion Guide

My name is Ropafadzo Waniwa studying for an Honours Degree in Peace and Governance, with Bindura University of Science Education. I intend to undertake a study on: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE THROUGH EARLY CHILD MARRIAGES: A CASE STUCY OF MASHONALAND CENTRAL PROVINCE, BINDURA DISTRICT. This research is submitted in partial fulfilment of the Honours Degree mentioned above. Please kindly note that the researcher shall consider privacy and protection of respondents from any possible harm that could arise from participating in the study. The researcher shall also ensure the respondents confidentiality of the information given. Participation in the study is on voluntary basis and refusal or abstaining from participating will be permitted. Your participation in this study is highly appreciated.

Questions:

• Do you have any knowledge of early child marriages? • What do you know about Zimbabwean marriage laws? • How have they affected the local community? • In your opinion, what are the causes of child marriages? • Who are the main offenders in early child marriages? • What has been done to discourage them? • Are you aware of any efforts made by the government to rectify the problem of child marriages? • Have these efforts been effective in mitigating child marriages? • Do you have any suggestions of solutions for early child marriage?

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Key informants interview guide

My name is Ropafadzo Waniwa studying for an Honours Degree in Peace and Governance, with Bindura University of Science Education. I intend to undertake a study on: STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE THROUGH EARLY CHILD MARRIAGES: A CASE STUCY OF MASHONALAND CENTRAL PROVINCE, BINDURA DISTRICT. This research is submitted in partial fulfilment of the Honours Degree mentioned above. Please kindly note that the researcher shall consider privacy and protection of respondents from any possible harm that could arise from participating in the study. The researcher shall also ensure the respondents confidentiality of the information given. Participation in the study is on voluntary basis and refusal or abstaining from participating will be permitted. Your participation in this study is highly appreciated.

Questions:

1. What do you understand by the term early child marriage? 2. What is the current local situation on child marriages in Bindura district? 3. In your opinion which age group and sex is most affected by early child marriages? 4. Why is that age group mentioned above most affected? 5. Who are the main offenders and how can they be discouraged? 6. Are you aware of any interventions by the government and non-state actors to curb child marriages? 7. Have these measures been effective? 8. If not, where do you the problem is? 9. What can be done to improve the situation?

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