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Handout 1: The history of the English  Cold climate: they had a word for snow: *sneigwh- (cf. Latin nix, Greek Seminar English Historical and Dialectology, Andrew McIntyre niphos, Gothic snaiws, Gaelic sneachta).  Words for beech, birch, elm, ash, oak, apple, cherry; bee, bear, beaver, eagle. 1. Proto-Indo-European (roughly 3500-2500 BC)  Original location is also deduced from subsequent spread of IE .  Bronze age technology. They had gold, silver, copper, but not iron. 1.1. Proto-Indo-European and linguistic reconstruction  They rode horses and had domesticated sheep, cattle. Cattle a sign of wealth (cf.  Most languages in Europe, and others in areas stretching as far as India, are called Indo- fee/German Vieh ‘cattle’, Latin pecunia ‘money’/pecus ‘cattle’) European languages, as they descend from a language called Proto-Indo-European  Agriculture: cultivated cereals *gre-no- (>grain, corn), also grinding of corn (PIE). Here ‘proto’ means that there are no surviving texts in the language and thus that *mela- (cf. mill, meal); they also seem to have had ploughs and yokes. linguists reconstructed the language by comparing similarities and systematic differences  Wheels and wagons (wheel < kw(e)-kwlo < kwel ‘go around’) between the languages descended from it.  Religion: priests, polytheistic with sun worship *deiw-os ‘shine’ cf. Lat. deus, Gk.  The table below gives examples of historically related words in different languages which , Sanskrit deva. Patriarchal, cf. Zeus pater, Iupiter, Sanskr. dyaus pitar. show either similarities in pronunciation, or systematic differences. Example: most IE  Trade/exchange:*do- yields Lat. donare ‘give’ and a Hittite word meaning ‘take’, languages have /p/ in the first two lines, suggesting that PIE originally had /p/ in these *nem- > German nehmen ‘take’ but in Gk. nemesis (orig. ‘distribution’), *ghabh- words. Gothic and English have /f/ in these contexts, suggesting that PIE /p/ changed into > give, Old Irish gaibid ‘take’. /f/ in these languages. The underlined furnish other examples of systematic  Unclear whether PIE was spoken by a single ethnic group. differences between other sounds in IE languages. Systematic differences between sounds  PIE-speaking community is thought to have been together around 3500-2500 BC in related languages/ are very common because over time all languages/dialects (neolithic). undergo changes (sound shifts) in which particular sounds change their pronunciation. 1.3. Indo-European language families Meaning Sanskrit Greek Latin Gothic English PIE PIE split into distinct dialects/languages/families due to migration, , father pita pater pater fadar father *pəter- foot padam poda pedem fotu foot *ped- conquest. Ten main families: Tocharian (extinct languages in Western China), Indo- brother bhratar phrater frater brothar brother *bhrater- Iranian (Sanskrit, Hindi, , Persian, Pashto...), Armenian, Anatolian (extinct bear/carry bharami phero fero baira bear *bher- languages in Turkey, Syria, incl. Hittite), Albanian, Greek, Italic (Latin, Romance lges), 6 sas hex sex saihs six *seks Balto-Slavic (Latvian, Russian, Czech…) Celtic, Germanic (Gothic, English, German, 7 septa hepta septem sibun seven *septm Danish...) Few languages in/near Europe are not IE (exceptions are Basque, Hungarian, same samah homos similius sama same *samos Turkish). For more details, see the family trees and maps on the Moodle page. 10 dasa deka decem taihun ten *dekm- tree dru drys trui tree *druo- eat ad- ed- ed- itan eat *ed- 2. Proto-Germanic/Common Germanic (roughly 2000 BC - 250 BC) 3 tri tris tres thri three *trei-  Proto-Germanic (Common Germanic): reconstructed ancestor of Germanic twa su tu thu thou *tu- languages: live jivah /wiwos/ /kwius/ quick *gwei-  West : German, Dutch, English man virah /wir/ wair were(wolf) *wi-ro-

 The asterisk (*) in the last column marks reconstructed forms. (The reconstructions are  North Germanic (Scandinavian) languages: Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, based on many facts beyond those seen in the table. They reflect 200 years of research.) Icelandic

 The similarities and systematic differences in the table suggest a genetic relation between  (all extinct), e.g. Gothic (the oldest attested Gmc. these languages (i.e. that they had the same ancestor language). They can’t be coincidental language) since the same sound correspondences are found in many other words in these languages,  Proto-Germanic speakers: originally IE nomads, settled in an area in Nth and but such correspondences are not found in most other languages in the world (say Arabic, Sth , perhaps around 2000 B.C. (give or take several centuries). Hungarian, Turkish), and especially not in languages spoken in areas very distant from the  References to them by Roman authors after about 200 B.C. areas where IE languages were originally found (e.g. Japanese, Zulu, Mohawk, Maori).  Very little common Germanic is recorded: a few words written down by Roman st  Reconstruction is assisted by knowledge of normal patterns of linguistic change for which writers in 1 century BC & rare artefacts thought to reflect this stage of the language. direct evidence is available (e.g. development of Romance languages from Latin).  Proto-Germanic may have been influenced by contact with speakers of now unknown languages (substrate effect: input from conquered people). These languages seem to 1.2. What we know about the people who spoke PIE have contributed a substantial amount of vocabulary to Proto-Germanic.  Inferences about PIE speakers, based on vocabulary common to all/most Indo-European 2.1. Proto-Germanic phonology languages, and hence likely to have existed in PIE:  They may have lived near Caspian & Black Seas, South Russian steppes. Evidence:  Initial stress: Proto-Gmc had word-initial stress, whereas in PIE word stress varied  They lived inland but near water. Words for lake, rowing but not for ocean. according to various different factors. Example: *póds ‘foot’ (nominative singular) vs. *pedés (genitive singular) (cf. Sanskrit pás/padàs, Gk póus/podós vs. Gothic fótus/fótaus). 2 The

 The effects of Grimm’s Law (=The (First) Germanic Sound Shift): 3.2. Anglo-Saxon Settlements A) Voiceless unaspirated plosives became fricatives  A traditional idea: In 449 AD hordes of Germanic speakers (, , , PIE Germanic Examples Frisians; collectively called the Anglo-Saxons) from what is now Northern lat lat lat greek German lat OE p f pedis /foot, pecus /Vieh, per /for, poly /viel , piscis /fisc Germany/Southern invaded Britain in waves. Caveat: The idea of an lat lat lat t ө tonitrus /thunder, tenuis /thin, tres /three invasion in 449 is now contested. There may have been significant numbers of Anglo- lat lat goth lat k x/h canis /hound, sequor ‘follow’/saíhun ‘see’, cornu /horn Saxons in Britain long before.1 B) PIE voiced unaspirated plosives lose their voicing  By late 6th cent, Anglo-Saxons dominated British Isles, pushed the Celts to the West PIE Germanic Examples latin russian (Scotland, Ireland, Wales Cornwall). Very few Celtic words were adopted in English. b p labium /lip, jabloko /apple  The different Germanic dialects they spoke are called Anglo-Saxon or d t decemlatin/ten, ederelat/eat, sederelat/sit latin gk lat lat (the latter term is sometimes confined to the period after about 700 AD when the g k granum /corn, gyne ‘woman’/queen, genu /Knie, ager /acre dialects were established in the British Isles and when the first known texts appeared). C) PIE aspirated stops end up as unaspirated (they became voiced fricatives first, which is ignored here): 3.3. The Viking invasions (787ff) PIE Germanic Examples  787: Scandinavian (=Viking, Norse, Danish, Norwegian) invasions. Continued for bh b bharamiSanskr/ferrelat/bear, fraterlat/brother (PIE bh> Latin f) nearly 200 years. In early 11th cent. England was ruled by (). dh d dhe-PIE/facerelat/do, forislat/door, vidualat/widow (PIE dh> Latin f/d) h lat lat lat goth h  Linguistic effects of Scandinavian invasions: g g hostis /Gast, hortis /garden, homo /gumo (PIE g > Latin h)  and Anglo-Saxon were perhaps mutually intelligible, but inflections differed, resulting in eroded inflection (standard assumption, at least).  When did this happen? Clue: shift in hemp from Greek kánnabis. The Germanics learned about hemp from the Greeks, who first knew about it around 500 B.C. So the  About 1000 words borrowed into OE in late OE period: sound shift occurred after 500 B.C. The sound shift was no longer in action by the (2) anger, bag, both, call, die, egg, flat, get, husband, knife, leg, low, sister, steak, time the Germanic people had contact with the Romans (1st century B.C.), since Latin take, until, want, window, wrong borrowings don’t undergo it (pepper /ts/ or /s/: eat/essen, foot/Fuß, tide/Zeit, ten/zehn sick/ill b. /p/ > /pf/ or /f/: pepper/Pfeffer, pound/Pfund, ape/affe, top/Zopf (7) Place names: -by (Derby, Rugby), -thorp (Linthorpe, Althorp) c. /k/ > /x/: make/machen, cake/Kuchen, Dutch ik/ich d. /d/ > /t/: day/Tag, dish/Tisch, middle/mittel 3.4. Old English inflectional morphology e. /Ɵ/ or /ð/ > /d/: thatch/Dach, thistle/Distel, then/dann, path/Pfad  OE had a rich inflectional system. Like PIE and Proto-Gmc, it was a synthetic 2.2. Proto-Germanic morphology language, whereas current English has become more analytic. Examples of this:  The Proto-Germanic inflectional system was less complex than the PIE one. E.g.:  Inflection on verbs was richer (see table below).  PIE had 8 cases, Gmc had 4 (+occasional relics of locative & instrumental).  OE had case inflection on nouns, determiners and adjectives (see table below), while current English only has case on pronouns (they/them/their).  Loss of synthetic passive, 6 tenses/aspects reduced to 2.  Unlike current English, OE Adjectives were inflected for gender and number.  Reasons for this may be a substrate effect (maybe the conquered people were in a

majority and had difficulties learning an elaborate inflectional system) and erosion of inflectional endings due to shift to initial stress. Alternative view: there was no real OE Noun Inflection Masc. Neuter Feminine tendency toward weaker inflection in Proto-Gmc than in other IE languages (Greek, Strong Weak Strong Weak Strong Weak Latin, Sanskrit). The first surviving Gmc text (Gothic New Testament translation by Singular Nominative stan nam-a scip eag-e sorg tung-e Ulfilas, 350 CE) was from a much later period than texts in the other languages. Accusative stan nam-an scip eag-e sorg tung-an Genitive stan-es nam-an scip-es eag-an sorg-e tung-an 3. Anglo-Saxon (Old English) (450-1100) Dative stan-e nam-an scip-e eag-an sorg-e tung-an Plural Nom/Acc stan-as nam-an scip-u eag-an sorg-a tung-an 3.1. Early history of the British Isles Genitive stan-a nam-ena scip-a eag-ena sorg-a tung-ena  From around 6000-4000 BC: Non-Indo-Europeans in British Isles. Dative stan-um nam-um scip-um eag-an sorg-um tung-um  From about 700 BC: the first IE people in British Isles: the Celts.  55 BC-410 AD: Roman presence in British Isles (abandoned 410 AD). 1 Books arguing against the AS invasion include Francis Pryor (2005) Britain AD and Stephen Oppenheimer (2005) The Origins of the British. It is unclear how the debate surrounding these claims will be resolved. 3 4 The History of English

replaced by the Latin alphabet with a few additional (<þ> or <ð> for [Ɵ, ð], <æ> for [æ], <ƿ> for [w]). OE verb inflection fremman ‘do’ helpan ‘help’  Texts show different features according to different dialects in OE (West Saxon, Present indicative 1. sg. fremme helpe Kentish, Mercian, Northumbrian). These distinctions were partly based on differences 2. sg. fremest hilpst between the dialects of the Anglo-Saxon invaders. 3. sg. fremeþ (þ = [Ɵ]) hilpþ  Text sample: Lord’s Prayer (version probably from the 10th century) pl. fremmaþ helpaþ 1. Fæder ure þu þe eart on heofonum Father our thou that art in heavens Past indicative 1. sg. fremede healp 2. Si þin nama gehalgod be thy name hallowed 2. sg fremedest hulpe 3. to becume þin rice come thy kingdom 3. sg. fremede healp 4. gewurþe ðin willa be-done thy will pl. fremedon hulpon 5. on eorðan swa swa on heofonum. on earth as in heavens Present subjunctive sg. fremme helpe 6. urne gedæghwamlican hlaf syle us todæg our daily bread give us today pl. fremmen helpen 7. and forgyf us ure gyltas and forgive us our sins Past subjunctive sg. fremede hulpe 8. swa swa we forgyfað urum gyltendum as we forgive their sins pl. fremeden hulpen 9. and ne gelæd þu us on costnunge and not lead thou us into temptation 10. ac alys us of yfele soþlice but deliver us from evil truly.

3.5. Old English Syntax 4. (1100 – 1500)  Verb-final order possible in subordinate clauses; verb-second in main clauses (i.e. one

constituent, not necessarily a subject, before the inflected verb). 4.1. The Normans in England (1066ff) (8) forÞon he cristen wif hæfde [Baugh/Cable 1978:62]  The Norman Conquest: Normans under William the Conqueror won the battle of since he Christian wife had Hastings (1066) and took over England. The Normans were from Normandy; (9) Þa andswarode se cyning [Baugh/Cable 1978:62] descendants of Norse invaders who had invaded Northern France. They spoke Norman then answered the king French .  Multiple negation (negative concord):  The Middle English period is often dated from either 1100 or 1150, since by then the (10) & hiera nænig hit geÞicgean nolde [Denison 1993:449] linguistic effects of the Norman Conquest were starting to take hold. and of.them not.any it accept not.wanted ‘and none of them would accept it’ 4.1.1. Linguistic effects of the Norman Conquest  Perfect starting to develop, initially with agreement between participle and object.  (Norman) French replaced English in upper classes, but the vast majority spoke This started with the idea of having the object in the state named by the participle (cf. English. Since lower classes couldn’t write, not much English was written at this time. similar structures with AP or PP: I had the window open, I had the key in the lock).  England bilingual. Thousands of Norman French words imported into the English. (11) oÞÞæt wintra biÞ Þusend urnen E.g.: until wintersgen is thousand run (13) Government: crown, parliament, tax, castle, noble, baron, count, duke, prince; ‘until a thousand years have passed’ Law: accuse, attorney, court, crime, judge, prison, punish; Church: abbey, clergy, (12) oÞ Þat hie hine ofslægenne hæfdon parish, prayer, religion, saint; Fashion: apparel, costume, dress, fashion; until that they him slain had Culture: art, beauty, chant, colour, music, paint, poem; War: armour, battle, war ‘until they had him slain/until they had slain him’  Sometimes semantic differences between Germanic-French word pairs reflect the social/political situation in Anglo-Norman England, examples: 3.6. Texts (14) houseGermanic/mansionNorman, askGermanic/demandNorman Germanic Norman  Oldest known Anglo-Saxon writing is in short inscriptions. No attested longer texts (15) pig /pork , cow/beef, calf/veal, sheep/mutton until about 700. Important works:  Bilingualism resulted in Germanic-French binomial expressions:  Caedmon’s Hymn (first recorded OE poem, 9 lines, probably written 658-680) (16) law and order, ways and means, lord and master, goods and chattels, love and  Beowulf (some time 8th-11th century; epic poem of over 3000 lines) cherish  Bede (672?-735), a monk who wrote texts in Latin and OE. Best known for  Some Parisian French words came into English via Norman French. Dialect Ecclesiastical History of the (in Latin, later translated into OE). differences are seen in some doublets like the following:  Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (describes historical events in England; first written (17) catch/chase, cattle/chattel, warden/guardian, warranty/guarantee during reign of Alfred the Great (871-899) but continued for several centuries).  Some (Norman) French spelling habits replaced Old English ones. E.g. replaced  Before 7th century, Anglo-Saxon was written in runes. After the Anglo-Saxons were as spelling for the string [kw] (cwene > queen), used for [u] (house, hour). exposed to Christianity and other aspects of European culture (7th century), this was

5 6 The History of English

4.1.2. Decline of Norman French and resurgence of English  Some spelling conventions in Middle English (adapted to modern spelling in some  Decline of Norman French: 1362: English replaces French in parliament, courts. editions of some texts): þ ("") used for dental fricatives; 3 (“yogh”) = [j] or [x]), 1399: Henry IV: first native English speaker king and are interchangeable (e.g. vpward for upward, ryueres for rivers, treuly for truly). 1423: parliament records no longer kept in French.  The ME samples below allude to linguistic misunderstandings due to dialect differences  Reasons for decline: (a) Normans were always a minority in England (maybe only (texts from https://courses.nus.edu.sg/course/elltankw/history/standardisation/c.htm) ? 2%). Not many Norman women there, so much intermarrying → bilingual children.  Geoffery Chaucer (1340 -1400), the first great post-Norman English writer, notably of (b) 1204: Normans lose Normandy to the French, severing connection to Normandy. the Tales (1380ff; http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/source/CT-prolog-para.html ) (c) Norman French stigmatised due to rise of Parisian French as standard in 13th c. Sample from end of the poem Troilus and Criseyde (about 1385): (d) Hundred Years' War (1337-1453) → French was the enemy’s language. And for ther is so gret diversite [great diversity] (e) 1349: Black Death kills 30% of people → labour shortage → surviving Anglo- In English and in writyng of oure tonge, [tongue = language] Saxons get better pay/status → English-speaking middle class. So prey I God that non myswrite thee, [miswrite = copy it wrongly] Ne thee mysmetre for defaute of tonge; [mismetre = get the rhythm wrong] 4.2. Inflectional morphology And red whereso thow be, or elles songe, [and read wherever you are, or else sung]  ME inflectional system much simpler than that of OE. Examples: That thow be understonde, God I beseche! [understonde = understood] ME verb inflection Indicative Subjunctive  John de Trevisa (1342-1402), writer and translator, in 1385: sg 1 -(e) –(e) Al the longage of the Northumres and speicialliche at York is so sharp slittynge and sg 2 -(e)st –(e) frontynge and vnshape, that we southern men may that longage vnnethe [hardly] Present vnderstonde. sg 3 -/-es –(e) pl -eth/-e(n) -e(n)  A passage attributed to John Lydgate (1370?-1451?): sg 1,3 -(e) / -d(e) -(e) Oure language is also so dyuerse in it selfe that the commen maner of spekynge in Past sg 2 -(e) / -dest -(e) Englysshe of some contre can skante [scarcely] be vnderstondid in som other contre of the same lond. pl -e(n) / -ede(n) -e(n) Noun inflection Old English Early ME Late ME  William Caxton (1422?-92), translator and printer. The text below is from preface to Enydos (1490). The text shows that French had no prestige then. Note also that eyren Sing. nom./acc. stan ston stoon was an Anglo-Saxon word that was replaced by Norse eggs. dative stan-e ston-e And certaynly our langage now vsed varyeth ferre [far] from that whiche was vsed and genitive stan-es spoken whan I was borne. For we Englyssche men ben [are] borne vunder the ston-es domynacyon of the mone [moon], which is neuer stedfaste but euer wauerynge, wexynge nom./acc. stan-as stoon-(e)s one season and waneth & dyscreseath another season. And that comyn englysshe that is Plur. dative stan-um ston-en /-es spoken in one shyre varyeth from a nother. In so much that in my dayes happened that genitive stan-a ston-e /-es certayn marchauntes were in a shippe in tamyse [Thames] for to haue sayled ouer the see into zelande [Holland], and for lacke of wynde thei taryed atte forlond [in ], and  Nearly all nouns ended up in one inflectional class (=OE strong masc). th wente to lande for to refreshe them. And one of theym named sheffelde, a mercer, cam into  Shift from to natural gender by 13 century. an hows and axed [asked] for mete [food], and specyally he axyd after eggys. And the good wyf answerde that she coude speke no frenshe. And the marchaunt was angry, for he 4.3. Syntax: Further steps from a synthetic to an analytic language also coude speke no frenshe, but wold haue hadde egges, and she vnderstode hym not.  Word order became fixed to SVO. It had to be fixed, because there was no longer And thenne at last a nother sayd that he wolde haue eyren [have eggs]. Then the good wyf enough case morphology to guarantee right thematic interpretation for NPs. sayd that she vunderstod hym wel. Loo what sholde a man in thyse days now wryte, egges  Prepositions increasingly replace case morphology (to and of replace dative, genitive). or eyren? Certaynly, it is harde to playse [please] eurey man by cause of dyuersite &  Development of progressive construction: be on working > be a-working > be chaunge of langage. For in these dayes euery man that is in ony reputacyon in his countre working. The suffix was a nominalisation suffix in OE and into ME. Progressive could wyll vtter his commynycacyon and matters in such maners & terms that fewe men shall have a passive meaning until the 19th century: the road is building (=being built). vunderstonde theym. And som honest and grete clerkes haue been wyth me and desired me  English starts to develop condition that all sentences have a subject, so subjectless to wryte the most curyous termes that I coude fynde. And thus betwene playne, rude & impersonals like the following become rare: curyous I stande abasshed. But in my iudgements the comyn terms that be dayli vused ben (18) And happyd so, they coomen in a toun lyghter to be vnderstonde than the olde and auncyent englysshe.

4.4. Middle English Sample Texts  Few texts in English between 1066 and 1200 (probably because the literate classes were French speakers), but gradual increase after that. Notable writers/texts:

7 8 The History of English

5. Early (1500-1700) 2) Then there was a drag chain where the low vowels moved into the empty space created by the raising of the mid vowels (this part of the proposal is like Jespersen’s.) 5.1. General observations  Evidence for Luick’s position: Some dialects in North England and Scotland lacked [o] in  1476: William Caxton brings printing to England, enabling massive transfer of language ME (because it had been fronted to [e]). Interestingly, these dialects retain the original ME in a fixed form (i.e. without scribes transferring texts into their own dialects), helping [u:] (house = [hu:s]). This follows if diphthongisation of [u] was forced by raising of [o]. standardisation (since books had to be in a widely understood type of English).  Evidence for Jespersen’s position: High vowels have diphthongised in other languages  Renaissance (16th c.): renewed interest in classical languages, much borrowing from Latin. without mid vowels raising (e.g. German diphthongs in mein Haus from earlier min Hus).  The first attempts at linguistic purism in English, as well as spelling & other school books.

5.2. The (roughly 1350-1700) 5.3. Changes in consonant system in EME (not reflected in orthography)  The Great Vowel Shift (GVS; roughly 1350-1700):  [ŋ] had been an allophone of [n] (conditioned by velar sounds after it). When /g/ after [ŋ]  All long vowels moved one step higher. was lost (see last point), the original cause for the allophony disappeared. Result: minimal pairs like sung/sun, /thin, so [ŋ] and [n] are now distinct phonemes.  The high long vowels which could not move higher became diphthongs. (19) [aɪ] [i:] [u:] [aʊ]  Palatal fricative [ç] was dropped in words like night, right (with compensatory [e:] [o:] lengthening: [niçt]  [ni:t]  [naɪ:t]). Velar fricative [x] was either dropped or became [ɛ:] [ɔ:] [f]: laugh, slaughter, enough. The old spelling with was retained. [a]  Simplification of word-initial cluster [wr]: write, wring, wrong.  Examples:  Loss of syllable-initial velar plosives before /n/: knee, know, gnaw, gnat. (Kept if syllable (20) ME 1700 ME 1700 boundary intervenes: ag.nostic, ack.nowledge.) rise [i:]  [aɪ] mouth [u:]  [aʊ]  Loss of /l/ in certain syllable-final clusters: walk, half, calm meet [e:]  [i:] boot [o:]  [u:]  Some plosives disappear after nasals at end of syllable: numb, thumb, long, thing, bomb. meat [ɛ:]  [i:] stone [ɔ:]  [o:] (later  [oʊ]) (Retained when syllable boundary intervenes: num.ber, lon.ger, fin.ger, bom.bastic.) name [a:]  [ɛ:] (later  [eɪ])  English spelling of vowels largely reflects their pronunciation before the GVS, hence 5.4. Morphology and syntax differences between Engl. spelling and that in other European languages like German.  From the 13th century, 2nd person singular pronouns/inflection (thou sittest) had started 1. Question: which names for letters of the alphabet show the effects of the GVS? to be replaced by plural forms (ye/you) in addressing royalty, and later an increasing set of th  Since GVS affected long vowels but not short vowels, there are differences in vowel respected people. By the 18 century thou was no longer used except in certain dialects quantity in some pairs of morphologically related words where originally the only and in religious usage. difference was . (The differences in length are due to vowel (25) Keep that light in your eye, and go up directly thereto, so shalt thou see the gate (John lengthening/shortening processes in late OE/early ME (not mentioned above). Bunyan, Pilgrims Progress, Second Stage 1677) (21) [ɛɪ/æ] chaste/chastity, mania/manic, fable/fabulous, grade/gradual, grain/granular, (26) SIR WALTER RALEIGH: I do not hear yet that you have spoken one word against me; grateful/gratitude/gratify, navy/navigate, sane/sanity, state/static here is no treason of mine done. If my Lord Cobham be a traitor, what is that to me? (22) [i:/ɛ] athlete/athletic, discrete/discretion, gene/genesis, legal/legislate, penal/penalty, SIR EDWARD COKE: All that he did was by thy instigation, thou viper; for I thou thee, serene/serenity, sincere/sincerity thou traitor. (23) [aɪ/ɪ] analyse/analytic, child/children, alive/living; apply/applicable, Christ/Christmas, RALEIGH: It becometh not a man of quality and virtue to call me so: but I take comfort in it, it is all you can do. (At Raleigh’s trial, 1603) crime/criminal, wild/wilderness, license/illicit, mime/mimicry, miser/miserable, th oblige/obligatory, sign/signature  Nouns: No dative or accusative marking on nouns survived. In 16 century the genitive –s (24) [aʊ/ʌ] south/southern, abound/abundant, profound/profundity, out/utter ceased to be an inflection of nouns, and became a clitic added to whole NP: (27) Lord, open [NP the king of England]'s eyes (William Tyndale’s last words, 1536)  Chronology of the GVS: Different vowels shifted at different times in the GVS.  Adjectives: all inflection lost except comparative/superlative.  Verbs: Change of inflectional system to its present form: Linguists disagree on which vowels shifted first. Two important proposals (see Lass rd th (1999: 72ff) for sources and more discussion): (a) Northern –s suffix gradually replaces Southern –eth in 3 pers. sg. present in 16 c  Otto Jespersen: high vowels diphthongised first, then there was a drag chain (pull after a long period of transition. Cf. Shakespeare’s use of both forms in Henry VI chain) shift, where the mid vowels [e, o] moved into the empty space created by change (1591): With her, that hateth thee and hates vs all. to high vowels, then the low vowels moved into the former positions of [e, o]. (b) inflectional distinctions in past tense lost  identical forms in indicative and  Karl Luick: Two-step combination of push chain and drag chain shifts: subjunctive except with be (if I had it vs. if I was/were rich) 1) Mid vowels [o, e] raised first, moving towards positions of the high vowels [i, u]. To (c) Many strong verbs became weak; weak class is now default/regular class. prevent the pairs of vowels from becoming too similar, threatening communicational  Auxiliaries: efficiency, the high vowels diphthongised.  Have replacing be as perfect auxiliary; be-perfect is confined to go and come (for some writers this is already archaic usage):

9 10 The History of English

(28) I was sorry to hear that … Betty was gone away yesterday, for I was in hope to have  Exercise: Negation: What phenomenon in the area of negation is found in the following had a bout with her before she had gone. (Samuel Pepys, diary, 1st of August 1661) examples which is no longer present in (standard) English? (29) Svmmer is icumen in (song title, from 13th century) (38) I wyll not medle with no duplycyte (Stephen Hawes, 1503)  By late EME, do-support was used as it is now. In early EME, it was not needed in the (39) I can nat sette a gowne, I was never no taylour (John Palsgrave, 1530) structures where we now need it (questions, negation, polarity focus etc.), but it had a (40) Hee absented not himselfe in no place (Philemon Holland, 1606). now-impossible non-emphatic use which is often assumed to be semantically vacuous.  Exercise: Complementisers: Describe a difference between EME and current English in Examples from Shakespeare (1564-1616): the use of complementisers (so-called ‘subordinating conjunctions’) below. (30) that suggestion whose horrid image doth unfix my hair (Shakespeare, Macbeth, 1611) (41) The propertie thereof is to mount alwaies vpwards, vntill that it hath attained to the (31) The serpent beguiled me, and I did eat (Genesis 3:13; King James Bible, 1611) place destinated vnto it (R. Dolman, 1601). (32) a. He heard not that. (Shakespeare, Two Gentlemen of Verona, 1592) (42) If that thou be'st a devil, I cannot kill thee. (Shakespeare, Othello) b. They make often alliances with Scotland (Francis Bacon, letter, 1596) (43) Though that the Queene on speciall cause is here, Hir army is moued on (King Lear) (33) a. …what says she to my little jewel? (Shakespeare, Two Gentlemen of Verona, 1592) (44) …and after as they haue iourneied in sommer, wash often their feete with cold b. What availeth wit when it fails the owner at greatest need? (Queen Elizabeth 1, water,...or to bath them with the lees of wine (Leonard Mascall, Book of Cattell, 1596) 1586, letter to William Davison) (45) The enemy perhaps may challenge my sex for that I am a woman, so may I likewise  Verb position: Lexical verbs could appear in pre-negation, pre-adverb, pre-subject charge their mould for that they are but men (Queen Elizabeth, Tilbury Speech, 1588) positions (i.e. I, C) that can only be filled by auxiliaries in current English, e.g. (32), (33).  Exercise: Relative clauses: What option did EME speakers have in forming relative  Exercise: OV vs. VO order: Examine the relative positions of lexical verbs and objects clauses in the following examples that is absent in modern (standard) English? in the underlined parts of the passage below. Identify a word order pattern which is (46) My father had a daughter lou’d a man. (Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, 1602) unknown in current English, rare in EME, and more typical of Old English and German. (47) I have a brother is condemned to die. (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, 1604) (The relevant examples possibly use archaic word order for poetic-stylistic purposes). (48) There is nothing moves my charity like gratitude; and when a beggar's thankful for a 1. It is the cause, it is the cause, my soul. (Shakespeare, 1622, Othello 5:2) small relief, I always repent it was not more. (Dorothy Osbourne, 1653) 2. Let me not name it to you, you chaste stars, (49) Life it self ... is a burden cannot be born under the lasting … of such an 3. It is the cause. Yet I’ll not shed her blood, uneasiness (John Locke, 1694) 4. Nor scar that whiter skin of hers than snow 5. And smooth as monumental alabaster. 5.5. Vocabulary and interactions with other languages 6. Yet she must die, else she’ll betray more men.  In EME period, much learned discourse was still in Latin, since this was the universal 7. Put out the light, and then put out the light. language for learned people in Europe (like English now), but this gradually gave way to 8. If I quench thee, thou flaming minister, English, especially if a wide readership in England was desired. Examples: 9. I can again thy former light restore  Isaac Newton: Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica (1687) vs. Opticks 10. Should I repent me. But once put out thy light, (1704). The latter was one of the first major scientific works in English; later 11. Thou cunning’st pattern of excelling nature, published in Latin to make it accessible to other Europeans. 12. I know not where is that Promethean heat  Religious and political writing would be in Latin for theological works intended for 13. That can thy light relume. When I have plucked thy rose broader European consumption, but in English to reach a larger audience in England 14. I cannot give it vital growth again, (especially by Protestants, who felt Latin was the language of the Catholic church and 15. It must needs wither. I’ll smell thee on the tree. resented that church’s disapproval of English bible translations). 16. Oh, balmy breath, that dost almost persuade  Texts on various arts and trades would be in English if aimed at professional classes 17. Justice to break her sword! One more, one more. who had no Latin education. 18. Be thus when thou art dead and I will kill thee  Pride in national languages like English became greater when nationalist feelings 19. And love thee after. (kissing her) One more, and that’s the last. replace earlier feeling that Europeans were subjects of Christendom. 20. So sweet was ne'er so fatal. I must weep,  In EME period there was a large intake of vocabulary from other languages: 21. But they are cruel tears. This sorrow’s heavenly, (50) a. Latin/Greek: agile, alienate, anachronism, anonymous, appropriate, assassinate, 22. It strikes where it doth love. She wakes. crisis, criterion, critic, disability, emphasis, encyclopaedia, epilepsy, explain, external,  Exercise: More on word order: What phenomenon is found in the following EME fact, habitual, impersonal, lexicon, lunar, skeleton, soda, system, tactic, virus examples that is no longer possible? b. French: alloy, anatomy, battery, bizarre, chocolate, comrade, detail, duel, (34) Full often hath she gossiped by my side (Shakespeare, Midsummer Night’s Dream) entrance, explore, invite, muscle, passport, pioneer, ticket, tomato, vase, vogue (35) And hereof commeth the destruction of the reprobates (James Bell, 1581) c. Italian: balcony, carnival, concerto, giraffe, lottery, macaroni, opera, portico, (36) My case is hard, but yet am I not so desperat as to reuenge it vpon my selfe rocket, sonata, sonnet, stanza, trill, violin, volcano (Holinshed’s Chronicle, 1587) d. Spanish/Portuguese: alligator, banana, cannibal, canoe, cocoa, desperado, (37) He causeth wyndowes to be hewen there in, and the sylinges [cealings] and geastes embargo, guitar, hammock, hurricane, maize, mosquito, port (wine), tobacco [beams] maketh he off Cedre [cedar] (Jeramiah 22:14, Coverdale Bible 1535)

11 12 The History of English

e. Other languages: bamboo, ketchup (Malay), bazaar, caravan (Persian), yoghurt, 5.6. More EME text excerpts and exercises coffee, kiosk (Turkish), cruise, yacht, landscape (Dutch), curry (Tamil), guru (Hindi), A. Comment on how Queen Elizabeth I used inflection in the following examples: harem (Arabic) (Examples in (50) from Crystal 2000) (58) What availeth wit when it fails the owner at greatest need? (1586, letter to William  Reasons for mass borrowing included: Davison)  Names for new concepts (e.g. technology, culture, daily life) taken from other cultures (59) Though God hath raised me high, yet this I account the glory of my reign, that I have (e.g. in colonies, trade). E.g. landscape, coffee, banana, tobacco… reigned with your loves….You may have many a wiser prince sitting in this seat, but  Feeling that English was not yet a fully satisfactory vehicle for academic discourse. you never have had, or shall have, any who loves you better. (1601, Golden Speech)  Renaissance (in England: 16th-17th century) promoted a continued interest in classical Latin and rediscovery of ancient Greek texts. B. In the following passages, identify grammatical features which are now impossible  Increased publication of technical works in English rather than Latin increased the (60) John Florio, Florio his firste fruites (1578), ch. 27. need for technical vocabulary. a. ‘What thinke you of this English, tel me I pray you.’  Inkhorn terms: 15-17th centuries: terms from Latin/Greek borrowed into English that b. ‘It is a language that wyl do you good in England but passe Dover, it is woorth were perceived as pretentious, unnecessarily hard to understand and redundant because nothing.’ they had English synonyms. c. ‘Is it not used then in other countreyes?’ (51) Now-established ‘inkhorn terms’: reciprocal, spurious, dismiss, celebrate, strenuous, d. ‘No sir, with whom wyl you that they speake?’ ‘With English marchants.’ encyclopedia, commit, capacity, ingenious, e. ‘English marchantes, when they are out of England, it liketh hem not, and they doo (52) Now forgotten ‘inkhorn terms’: lubrical ‘slippery’, turgidous ‘swollen’, cohibit not speake it.’ ‘restrain’, suppeditate ‘supply’ (53) This should first be learned, that we neuer affect any straunge ynkehorne termes, but (61) Passage in John 8 from William Tyndale’s 1525 translation of the Bible (which had an so speake as is commonly receiued. Sir Thomas Wilson, The Arte of Rhetorique influence on the Authorised Version (=King James Version) of 1611): (1553). 1. Iesus went unto mount olivet, 2. and early in the morning came again into the (54) I am of this opinion that our own tung shold be written cleane and pure, vnmixt and temple, and all the people came unto him, And he sat down, and taught them. 3. The vnmangeled with borowing of other tunges, wherein if we take not heed by tiim, ever scribes and pharises brought unto him a woman taken in advoutry, and set her in the borowing and never payeng, she shall be fain [=inclined] to keep her house as midst and said unto him: 4. Master this woman was taken in advoutry, even as the bankrupt. For then doth our tung naturallie and praisablie vtter her meaning, when she deed was a doing. 5. Moses in the law commanded us that such should be stoned: bouroweth no counterfeitness of other tunges to attire her self withall, but useth What sayest thou therefore? 6. And this they said to tempt him: that they might have, plainlie her own, with such shift, as nature, craft, experiens and folowing of oher whereof to accuse him. Iesus stooped down, and with his finger wrote on the ground. excellent doth lead her vnto, and if she want at ani tiim (as being vnperfight she must) 7. And while they continued asking him, he lifted himself up, And said unto them: let yet let her borow with such bashfulnes, that it mai appeer, that if either the mould of him that is among you without sin, cast the first stone at her. 8. And again he stooped our own tung could serve us to fascion a woord of our own, or if the old denisoned down and wrote on the ground. 9. As soon as they heard that, they went out one by one [‘denizened’, i.e. already borrowed] wordes could content and eased this neede, we the eldest first. And Iesus was left alone, and the woman standing in the midst. 10. wold not boldly venture of unknowen wordes. [Sir John Cheke (1514 - 1557), letter] When Iesus had lifted up himself again, and saw no man, but the woman, He said unto (55) As for the antiquitie of our speche, whether it be measured by the ancient Almane, her: Woman, where are those thine accusers? Hath no man condemned thee? 11. She whence it cummeth originallie, or euen but by the latest terms which it borroweth said: Sir no man. Iesus said: Neither do I condemn thee. Go hence and sin no more. daielie from foren tungs, either of pure necessitie in new matters, or of mere brauerie, to garnish it self withall, it cannot be young. Onelesse the Germane himself be young, which claimeth a prerogatiue for the age of his speche, of an infinit prescription: Onelesse the Latin and Greke be young, whose words we enfranchise to our own vse, tho not allwaie immediatlie from them selues, but mostwhat thorough the Italian, French, and Spanish: Onelesse other tungs [ … ] will for companie sake be content to be young, that ours maie not be old. [Richard Mulcaster, 1582, The First Part of the Elementarie, a school textbook]  In a purist backlash against inkhorn terms, some writers invented Germanic-based words to replace inkhorn terms: endsay ‘conclusion’, yeartide ‘anniversary’, gleeman ‘musician’, sicker ‘certainly’, witcraft ‘logic’, inwit ‘conscience’. None of these stuck.  Spelling/pronunciation adjusted to (assumed) Latin : (56) debt (ME dette, Lat. debitum), receipt, doubt, indict, subtle (57) adventure, advantage, admiral, adultery, advance, assault, perfect, verdict

13 14 The History of English

5.7. Steps towards standardisation in the ME and EME periods  Chancery English was spread around England by documents and by traveling  The Middle English text samples seen above suggest that English was felt to be very bureaucrats. Also adopted by other administrative bodies (e.g. the Exchequer). diverse, and that standardisation of spelling, grammar, pronunciation would be good.  Chancery scribes came from all over England, so Chancery English was not based on  There had been a sort of written standard in Old English (the , which one regional . This melting pot facilitated communication between dialects. profited from the political prestige of Winchester; this dialect provides most texts that we Elements of London, East Midland, among others. E.g.: still have). But the Norman Conquest killed this standard, as Norman French replaced  Northern (more Scandinavian-influenced) forms imported via Midlands: English as the ruling language, and London became the capital.  3rd person plural pronouns they/their/them, not London/Southern forms  We now discuss several factors that led to development of Standard English in ME and her/hir/hem. (This avoided potential confusion with singular he/her/him.) EME periods: East Midlands dialects, London English, Chancery English and printing.  Adverbs ending in -ly, not Southern –lich,  East Midlands dialects provided many characteristics of Standard English. Why:  Conservative spellings retained even if no longer reflected in pronunciation. E.g.:  East Midlands dialects were a convenient basis for a standard variety, since their  in night, high etc. though [x, ç] were dying out in spoken language. dialects were a compromise between Northern and Southern dialects:  Other ‘silent letters’: knife, thumb, write, half (recall section 5.3) (62) for men of þe est wiþ men of þe west, as it were vndir þe same partie of heuene,  Spellings any, many don’t reflect raising of (‘umlaut’). accordeþ more in sownynge of speche [sounding of speech: pronounciation] þan men  More unified spelling, e.g. consistently such, not swich(e), sich(e), sych, etc. of þe norþ wiþ men of þe souþ; þerfore it is þat Mercii [Mercians], þat beeþ men of  Chancery Standard was widely understood by mid 15th century, so it was the basis of myddel Engelond, as it were parteners of þe endes [i.e. extreme North and South] the variants adopted by printers from 1476 onwards. vnderstondeþ bettre þe side langages, norþerne and souþerne, þan norþerne and  Printing: 1476: William Caxton introduces printing to England, and other printers soon souþerne vnderstondeþ eiþer oþer [each other]. [John Trevisa, 1385, Polychromicon] set up shop. To sell more books, it made sense to print one edition in a widely understood  East Midlands had more fertile land, and thus was more prosperous. It thus attracted variety. (Books were no longer individually copied by hand, where copyists could adapt more people from everywhere. Result: compromise dialect with elements of other texts to local dialects.) dialects (making it easier to understand everywhere). East Midlands had about 25% of  Caxton used a variant based on Chancery and London English. The variants used by England’s population, so its speakers outnumbered other visitors in nearby London. printers gradually became increasingly similar to each other.  Oxford and Universities (founded 1167, 1209) were also in East Midlands.  Printers eventually replaced some features of Chancery usage with London equivalents, They were important centres of learning, though not clear if they were important such as third person -s instead of -th (hopes, not hopeth), and are instead of be. standardising forces in themselves.  The advent of printing is one reason why 1500 is a common date for end of ME period.  London as capital and socio-economic centre, attracted people from everywhere, so it absorbed features from other dialects, making London English easier to understand 6. Late Modern English (1700 – now) country-wide than other dialects. People would spread London features all over the  Late Modern English (LME): from about 1700 until now (subsuming Present-Day country (e.g. government workers, traders, people returning home from London). English PDE from about 1900).

 The London influence is indirectly an East Midlands influence. London was 6.1. Effects of technological developments and colonisation geographically not far from the East Midlands. Midlands features (some originally  Technological innovations (Industrial Revolution, 1750-1850) in England, USA (e.g. Northern features) gradually replaced the more conservative Southern features in London. steam boat/train, electric devices, telegraph, phonograph, sewing machine). This effect was greater in middle and upper classes.  New technology led to many innovations in the vocabulary:  We can now see why East Midlands and London English from earlier times was closer to (65) New coinages: combustion, piston, hydraulic, condenser, electricity, telephone, current Standard English than other varieties. An impression of this: telegraph, camera (63) Pronouncing according as one would say at London “I would eat more if I had (66) Preexisting words receive new meanings: train, engine, locomotive, it”, the Northern man saith “Ay suld eat mare cheese gin ay hadet”, and the Westerne V (67) Compounds: railway, horsepower, typewriter, airplane man saith “Chud eat more cheese an chad it”. [Richard Verstegan, 1605, A  Scientific advances also necessitated new coinages, often from Latin/Greek morphemes: Restitution of Decayed Intelligence] (68) vaccine, electron, chromosome, chloroform, caffeine, bacteria, chronometer,  These factors gave London English a certain prestige. An impression: claustrophobia, ethnology (64) Ye shall therfore take the vsual speach of the Court, and that of London and the shires  Technical innovations from Britain, USA led to further spread of English, since people lying about London within lx. [60] myles, and not much aboue. [George Puttenham, from other countries had to learn about the technology in English. 1589, Arte of English Poesie]  Colonies in 18th-20th centuries: Canada, Australia, India, the Caribbean, Egypt, South  Chancery English was a crucial standardising influence: Africa, Singapore, etc.: British Empire included 25% of the world around 1900. Resulting  The Chancery was an administrative body in Westminster (near London) that in spread of English and adoption of vocabulary from colonies: prepared legal and government documents. (69) India: pyjamas, thug, bungalow, cot, jungle, loot, bangle, shampoo, candy, tank  1417: Henry V decreed that government documents should be in English, not (70) Australia: boomerang, kangaroo, budgerigar French/Latin. It was advantageous to write official documents in a standard,  Spread of English: By 1950 about 80% of English speakers lived outside Britain. unambiguous form. By about 1430 its documents had a relatively (if not completely) (71) “English is destined to be in the next and succeeding centuries more generally the unified form (now known as Chancery Standard, Chancery English). language of the world than Latin was in the last or French is in the present age. The 15 16 The History of English

reason for this is obvious, because the increasing population in America, and their  Since these changes were not fully productive, we end up with minimal pairs like ant vs. universal connection and correspondence with all nations will, aided by the influence aunt. It is thus not possible to see /ae/ and /ɑ:/ as allophones of the same phoneme. of England in the world…force their language into general use…” (John Adams, 1780) 7. Sources (72) “Of all modern languages, not one has acquired such great strength and vigor as  Online etymological dictionaries: English… [it] may be called justly a language of the world, and seems, like the www.etymonline.com English nation, to be destined to reign in future with still more extensive sway over all www.oed.com (Oxford English Dictionary; available on university computers) parts of the globe”. (, 1852) www.dwb.uni-trier.de (German, Grimm’s Dictionary)

 Sources on the history of English: 6.2. Developments in syntax: The auxiliary system Barber, C. 1993. The . A Historical Introduction. Cambridge University Press.  Establishment of go-future (I am going to leave) and get-passive (he got hit). Baugh, A. & Cable, T. 1978. A History of the English Language. (3rd ed.) London: Routledge.  Auxiliary do came to develop its current system of uses, the main ones being: Blake, N. 1996. A History of the English Language. New York University Press. Crystal, D. 2000. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. Cambridge University Press. (73) With negation: I like it vs. I do not like it Denison, D. 1993. English Historical Syntax. Longman. (74) Inversion in front of subject: Do you like it? Fennell, B. 2001. A History of English: A sociolinguistic perspective. London: Blackwell. (75) Polarity focus: I DO like it! Fischer, R. 2003. Tracing the History of English. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Hogg, R. (ed.) 1992ff. The Cambridge History of the English Language. 6 vols. Cambridge University Press Jucker, A. 2002. History of English and English Historical Linguistics. Stuttgart: Klett. [good, short, cheap overview] 6.3. Phonetics/phonology Lass, R. 1987. The Shape of English: Structure and History. London: Dent. Lass, R. (ed.) 1999. The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. 3, 1476-1776. [good for ] 6.3.1. The development of non-rhotic accents Pyles, Thomas. 1993. The Origins and Development of the English Language. 4th ed. San Diego: Harcourt. Romaine, S. (ed.) 1998. The Cambridge History of the English Language, vol. 4, 1776-1997.  In the 18th cent, starting in Southeast of England, /r/ was dropped in coda of syllable, e.g. Strang, B. 1970. A History of English. London: Methuen. nd (76) barkeeper [bɑ:rki:pər]  [bɑ:ki:pə] Watkins, C. 2000. The American Heritage Dictionary of Indo-European Roots. (2 . ed.) Boston: Houghton Mifflin. (Has a useful overview of PIE language & culture, reprinted in www.bartleby.com/61/8.html)  Hence, most speakers in England, Australia, NZ, Sth Africa have non-rhotic accents, i.e. Williams, J. 1975. Origins of the English Language. New York: Free Press. don’t pronounce /r/ in coda. Accents unaffected by this (e.g. Irish, Scottish, parts of SW  Sources on language change and historical linguistics in general: England, most Nth American) are called rhotic accents. Aitchison, J. 1991. Language Change: Progress or Decay? 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bynon, T. 1983. Historical Linguistics. 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press.  Originally, this was a deletion process, which however failed to occur if a vowel Hock, H. 1996. Language history, Language Change, and Language Relationship. Amsterdam: de Gruyter. immediately followed /r/: Jeffers, R. & I. Lehiste. 1979. Principles and Methods for Historical Linguistics. Cambridge (MA): MIT Press. (77) far better [fɑ:r betər]  [fɑ: betə] Lehmann, W. 1992. Historical Linguistics: An Introduction. 3rd ed. London and New York: Routledge. McMahon, A. 1994. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (78) far away [fɑ: r əweɪ] (no /r/ deletion before vowel) Milroy, J. 1992. Linguistic Variation & Change. Oxford: Blackwell. Similar: director [r] of; fear [r] of; jar [r] of honey  As there was no independent evidence for the presence/absence of underlying /r/, it was reanalysed as an epenthetic consonant (=one inserted as a result of a phonological rule) serving to break up vowel-vowel sequences.  Consequence: appearance of so-called intrusive /r/ in cases where it was ahistorical, and absent in spelling. (Intrusive /r/ is subject to prescriptive attacks.) (79) Russia [r] and France; ma [r] and pa; law [r] and order; Shah [r] of Persia (80) draw[r]ing; saw[r]ing; saw[r] it  There is no intrusive /r/ in rhotic dialects because abovementioned reanalysis didn’t occur.

6.3.2. /ae/ and /ɑ/  In the 17th & 18th c., /ae/ shifted to /ɑ:/, inconsistently, depending on the dialect, the phonological environment. (81) a. pat, bad, cap /ae/ [original sound] b. path, laugh, grass /ɑ:/ [before most voiceless fricatives] c. dance, demand, sample, chant /ɑ:/ [before cluster starting with nasal]  The pronunciations above are RP. Examples of variety differences:  Midlands, North of England have /ae/ in (b) and (c).  was isolated from the changes in Britain, so it retains /ae/.  Australia: just like RP, except that some words in class (c) have free variation between /ae/ and /ɑ:/, while others are fixed in a particular way (can’t only with /ɑ:/, romance only with /ae/).

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