The Failure of Democracy in the Republic of Congo
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Democratic Republic of Congo Constitution
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, 2005 [1] Table of Contents PREAMBLE TITLE I GENERAL PROVISIONS Chapter 1 The State and Sovereignty Chapter 2 Nationality TITLE II HUMAN RIGHTS, FUNDAMENTAL LIBERTIES AND THE DUTIES OF THE CITIZEN AND THE STATE Chapter 1 Civil and Political Rights Chapter 2 Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Chapter 3 Collective Rights Chapter 4 The Duties of the Citizen TITLE III THE ORGANIZATION AND THE EXERCISE OF POWER Chapter 1 The Institutions of the Republic TITLE IV THE PROVINCES Chapter 1 The Provincial Institutions Chapter 2 The Distribution of Competences Between the Central Authority and the Provinces Chapter 3 Customary Authority TITLE V THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL TITLE VI DEMOCRACY-SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS Chapter 1 The Independent National Electoral Commission Chapter 2 The High Council for Audiovisual Media and Communication TITLE VII INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS TITLE VIII THE REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION TITLE IX TRANSITORY AND FINAL PROVISIONS PREAMBLE We, the Congolese People, United by destiny and history around the noble ideas of liberty, fraternity, solidarity, justice, peace and work; Driven by our common will to build in the heart of Africa a State under the rule of law and a powerful and prosperous Nation based on a real political, economic, social and cultural democracy; Considering that injustice and its corollaries, impunity, nepotism, regionalism, tribalism, clan rule and patronage are, due to their manifold vices, at the origin of the general decline -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes
The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes WITH A FOREWORD BY JOHN J. DEGIOIA, PRESIDENT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY Anthony P. Carnevale Nicole Smith Lenka Dražanová Artem Gulish Kathryn Peltier Campbell 2020 Center on Education and the Workforce McCourt School of Public Policy Reprint permissions [TK] Reprint Permission The Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce carries a Creative Commons license, which permits noncommercial reuse of any of our content when proper attribution is provided. You are free to copy, display, and distribute our work, or include our content in derivative works, under the following conditions: Attribution: You must clearly attribute the work to the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce and provide a print or digital copy of the work to [email protected]. Our preference is to cite figures and tables as follows: Source: Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce, The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes, 2020. Noncommercial Use: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. Written permission must be obtained from the owners of the copy/literary rights and from Georgetown University for any publication or commercial use of reproductions. Approval: If you are using one or more of our available data representations (figures, charts, tables, etc.), please visit our website at cew.georgetown.edu/publications/reprint- permission for more information. For the full legal code of this Creative Commons license, please visit creativecommons.org. Email [email protected] with any questions. 2 THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN TAMING AUTHORITARIAN ATTITUDES The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes WITH A FOREWORD BY JOHN J. -
The Chair of the African Union
Th e Chair of the African Union What prospect for institutionalisation? THE EVOLVING PHENOMENA of the Pan-African organisation to react timeously to OF THE CHAIR continental and international events. Th e Moroccan delegation asserted that when an event occurred on the Th e chair of the Pan-African organisation is one position international scene, member states could fail to react as that can be scrutinised and defi ned with diffi culty. Its they would give priority to their national concerns, or real political and institutional signifi cance can only be would make a diff erent assessment of such continental appraised through a historical analysis because it is an and international events, the reason being that, con- institution that has evolved and acquired its current trary to the United Nations, the OAU did not have any shape and weight through practical engagements. Th e permanent representatives that could be convened at any expansion of the powers of the chairperson is the result time to make a timely decision on a given situation.2 of a process dating back to the era of the Organisation of Th e delegation from Sierra Leone, a former member African Unity (OAU) and continuing under the African of the Monrovia group, considered the hypothesis of Union (AU). the loss of powers of the chairperson3 by alluding to the Indeed, the desirability or otherwise of creating eff ect of the possible political fragility of the continent on a chair position had been debated among members the so-called chair function. since the creation of the Pan-African organisation. -
Cities and Infra-State Conflicts
Conflict Studies Research Centre M21 CITIES & INFRA-STATE CONFLICTS Dr Jean-Luc Marret, PhD in Political Science Infra-state conflicts are closely linked to the "city" - in other words, a symbolic area with concentrated bureaucratic organisations, common public assets and demographic resources. Thus cities - and particularly Third World mega-cities - tend to become the main objective for a warlord or a violent political organisation such as the Revolutionary Unity Front in Sierra Leone or the Taleban. This article analyses new kinds of urban warfare. For some years now, the spotlight has tended to focus on infra-state conflicts involving violent political organisations which hope to compete with or even replace states that have little self-assurance, or are perhaps even in a state of "collapse", although the term "collapse" is certainly not devoid of Western-Centrist value judgements ("collapse" compared to what, after all, if not compared to the model of a Western state?), and such conflicts have now become a routine problem. They no longer take place between States, symmetrical and Clausewitzian conflicts between organised, identified, structured and hierarchical armies, but rather between States of greater or lesser substance and organisations with more or less confirmed political programmes which often have predatory economic objectives (asymmetrical conflicts). In this context, infra-state wars are closely connected, and connected in many ways, to the concept of the "city", a concentration of wealth, an organised centre and shantytown, a mixture of the unofficial sector and of legal activities1, of marginality and integration - cities both licit and illicit. Forests or mountainous regions can undoubtedly serve as useful permanent bases or points of departure for axes of conquest. -
Democracy Index 2010 Democracy in Retreat a Report from the Economist Intelligence Unit
Democracy index 2010 Democracy in retreat A report from the Economist Intelligence Unit www.eiu.com Democracy index 2010 Democracy in retreat The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Index of Democracy 2010 Democracy in retreat This is the third edition of the Economist Intelligence Unit’s democracy index. It reflects the situation as of November 2010. The first edition, published in The Economist’sThe World in 2007, measured the state of democracy in September 2006 and the second edition covered the situation towards the end of 2008. The index provides a snapshot of the state of democracy worldwide for 165 independent states and two territories—this covers almost the entire population of the world and the vast majority of the world’s independent states (micro states are excluded). The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Index of Democracy is based on five categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties; the functioning of government; political participation; and political culture. Countries are placed within one of four types of regimes: full democracies; flawed democracies; hybrid regimes; and authoritarian regimes. Free and fair elections and civil liberties are necessary conditions for democracy, but they are unlikely to be sufficient for a full and consolidated democracy if unaccompanied by transparent and at least minimally efficient government, sufficient political participation and a supportive democratic political culture. It is not easy to build a sturdy democracy. Even in long-established ones, if not nurtured and protected, democracy can corrode. Democracy in decline The global record in democratisation since the start of its so-called third wave in 1974, and acceleration after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, has been impressive. -
Rethinking the Somali State
Rethinking the Somali State MPP Professional Paper In Partial Fulfillment of the Master of Public Policy Degree Requirements The Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs The University of Minnesota Aman H.D. Obsiye May 2017 Signature below of Paper Supervisor certifies successful completion of oral presentation and completion of final written version: _________________________________ ____________________ ___________________ Dr. Mary Curtin, Diplomat in Residence Date, oral presentation Date, paper completion Paper Supervisor ________________________________________ ___________________ Steven Andreasen, Lecturer Date Second Committee Member Signature of Second Committee Member, certifying successful completion of professional paper Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology .......................................................................................................................... 5 The Somali Clan System .......................................................................................................... 6 The Colonial Era ..................................................................................................................... 9 British Somaliland Protectorate ................................................................................................. 9 Somalia Italiana and the United Nations Trusteeship .............................................................. 14 Colonial -
SOMALI DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Document Date: 1981
Date Printed: 01/15/2009 JTS Box Number: IFES 30 Tab Number: 1 Document Title: CONSTITUTIONS OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD: SOMALI DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC Document Date: 1981 Document Country: SOM Documen t Language: ENG IFES 10: CON00170 44-II~ I~ 433I~II ~II ~/SOM /lq<il JOOI /0-'j . " SOMALIA . • CONSTITUTIONS OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD Editors ALBERT P. BLAUSTEIN & GISBERT 1-1. FLANZ SOMALI DEMOCRATIC • REPUBLIC by MARTIN R. GANZGLASS Issued November 1981 • Oceana Publications. Inc. Dobbs Ferry. New York 5 0 MAL I D E Moe RAT I C REP U B LIe The Somali Democratic Republic (Somalia) is a "union" of two former colonies. The Northern Region CONTENTS comprises the former British territory known as the Somali land Protectorate. The Southern Region com • prises the former Italian Sornaliland which, after World War II, became a United Nations Trust Terri tory. CONSTITUTIONAL CHRONOLOGY Till': CONSTITUTION 1889 Following treaties with local Sultans, Britain proclaimed the Sornaliland ,INNOT,I'I'FIl BIBLIOGRAPHY Protectorate over the Northern Regions of Hargeisa and Burao. This became ~<the Northern Region of what is now Somalla. The Protectorate also included the Baud which became part of Ethiopia in 1955. The Protectorate, located at the southern end of the Red Sea, was on the direct route from England to India via the Suez Canal. 1894 Tripartite Accord was reached by Great' Britain, Italy and Ethiopia over other Somali territories. Italian control was established over an area on the Indian Ocean to a point south of Mogadishu. • This became Italian Somaliland and the Southern Regions of what is now Somalia. -
Beyond Electoral Authoritarianism: the Spectrum of Nondemocratic Regimes
13 Beyond Electoral Authoritarianism: The Spectrum of Nondemocratic Regimes Richard Snyder It is increasingly evident that the Third Wave of democracy had a strong undemocratic undertow. Despite the fact that an unprecedented number of countries experienced transitions to democracy since the mid-1970s, a wide range of nondemocratic regimes persisted across the globe. For example, entrenched totalitarian or post-totalitarian regimes kept a firm grip on power in North Korea, Cuba, China, Laos, and Vietnam. Long-standing monarchies endured in Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and Jordan.' Personalistic dictators sur vived in Libya, Zimbabwe, and Togo. And theocracies, ethnocracies, and military regimes remained in power in Iran, Syria, and Burma. Moreover, many countries experienced processes of political regime change that did not result in democracy. Regime change led to state collapse and protracted civil wars in Liberia, Cambodia, Somalia, Afghanistan, and Zaire. In other instances, including many of the countries analyzed by the contributors to this volume, regime change resulted in the emergence of new nondemocra tic regimes. The growing realization that the "victory of democracy" cele brated during the euphoria at the end of the Cold War was far from complete has led scholars increasingly to switch their focus from democratic transi tions to the nondemocratic regimes of the contemporary era. This switch requires that we tackle a key conceptual challenge: how to get beyond studying politics through the prism of democracy. The contrib utors to this book take a significant step in this direction because they break with what Thomas Carothers (2002) calls the "transition paradigm."2 From this perspective, which dominated the comparative study of regimes dur ing the 1980s and 1990s, the many countries across the world in the "gray zone" between liberal democracy and full-blown authoritarianism were seen as qualified democracies in the process of moving toward full democ racy. -
Democracy Index 2020 in Sickness and in Health?
Democracy Index 2020 In sickness and in health? A report by The Economist Intelligence Unit www.eiu.com The world leader in global business intelligence The Economist Intelligence Unit (The EIU) is the research and analysis division of The Economist Group, the sister company to The Economist newspaper. Created in 1946, we have over 70 years’ experience in helping businesses, financial firms and governments to understand how the world is changing and how that creates opportunities to be seized and risks to be managed. Given that many of the issues facing the world have an international (if not global) dimension, The EIU is ideally positioned to be commentator, interpreter and forecaster on the phenomenon of globalisation as it gathers pace and impact. EIU subscription services The world’s leading organisations rely on our subscription services for data, analysis and forecasts to keep them informed about what is happening around the world. We specialise in: • Country Analysis: Access to regular, detailed country-specific economic and political forecasts, as well as assessments of the business and regulatory environments in different markets. • Risk Analysis: Our risk services identify actual and potential threats around the world and help our clients understand the implications for their organisations. • Industry Analysis: Five year forecasts, analysis of key themes and news analysis for six key industries in 60 major economies. These forecasts are based on the latest data and in-depth analysis of industry trends. EIU Consulting EIU Consulting is a bespoke service designed to provide solutions specific to our customers’ needs. We specialise in these key sectors: • Healthcare: Together with our two specialised consultancies, Bazian and Clearstate, The EIU helps healthcare organisations build and maintain successful and sustainable businesses across the healthcare ecosystem. -
UNPLAN Republic of Congo 2002 English
UN PLAN 2002 Together... Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) UN COUNTRY TEAM Published by the Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator and Humanitarian Coordinator BP 465, Avenue Foch, Brazzaville, Republic of Congo Telephone: (242) 81 03 88 Facsimilie: (242) 81 16 79 E-mail: [email protected] REPUBLIC OF CONGO FAO ILO IOM UNDP UNESCO UNFPA UNHCR UNICEF WFP WHO ...from the ground up Congo is located in western central Africa astride the equator. It borders Gabon, Cameroon, the Cen- tral African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Angolan exclave of Cabinda, with a short stretch of coast along the South Atlantic. Congo is divided into 11 administrative regions (Brazzaville, the Capital, constitutes a region). C INTRODUCTION ONTENTS Foreword 4 Executive Summary 5 UN Country Team Goals 6 COUNTRY BRIEF History 9 Civil War 10 Foundations for Peace 11 Building Democratic Institutions 12 Economic Management 13 CROSS-SECTOR THEMES Responding to Emergency 16 Gender Equity 17 HIV/AIDS 19 Human Rights 20 Poverty Reduction 22 SECTORS Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition 23 Children and Family 25 Culture and Communications 26 Education and Science 27 Employment and Income-Generation 29 Environment 30 Health 31 Refugees 33 Reintegration Ex-Combatants 34 Water, Hygiene and Sanitation 35 UN PROJECTS FOR 2002 UN PROJECTS FOR 2002 Project Index 38 Project Index PARTNERS NGOS 82 FOREWORD This is the second year that we have produced an all-in-one ‘UN Plan’ for our work in Republic of Congo, fusing together the elements of the United Nation’s humanitarian OREWORD appeal, its common assessment, and its development framework into a unitary approach. -
DANISH INSTITUTE for INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] •
DANISH INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES STRANDGADE 56 • 1401 COPENHAGEN K • DENMARK TEL +45 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] • www.diis.dk CAN NEPAD SUCCEED WITHOUT PRIOR POLITICAL REFORM? Ian Taylor DIIS Working Paper no 2005/23 © Copenhagen 2005 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mails: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi as ISBN: 87-7605-112-9 Price: DKK 25.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk Ian Taylor, Dr., Lecturer at University of St. Andrews, Department for International Relations CONTENTS Nepad Elites and their Democratic Qualifications............................................................................4 The African Peer Review Mechanism................................................................................................10 The Great Retreat .................................................................................................................................13 Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................................................19 Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................23 DIIS WORKING PAPER 2005/23 Can NEPAD Succeed without prior Political Reform? Ian Taylor The New Partnership for Africa’s Development or Nepad has