CSR90 the United States, China, and Taiwan
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Analyzing the Influence of Major Actors in China's Renewable
Analyzing the Influence of Major Actors in China’s Renewable Energy Policy Process as a Means of Predicting Future Chinese Renewable Energy Policy Trends By Michelle Hung Wai Lee A thesis submitted In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Masters of Science (Natural Resources and Environment) In the University of Michigan April 2012 Thesis Committee: Ming Xu, Assistant Professor (Chair) Shaopeng Huang, Associate Research Scientist Acknowledgements The author expresses thanks to her Thesis Advisors, Assistant Professor Xu Ming and Associate Research Scientist Huang Shaopeng; as well as Associate Professor Mary Gallagher from the Center for Chinese Studies; and Assistant Professor Yuen Yuen Ang from the Department of Political Science for their invaluable advice, patience and guidance. Special thanks to my parents, for supporting me through Graduate School. Any errors in this thesis are the author’s own. i Abstract This thesis identified seven major actors involved in the renewable energy policy process in China, and evaluated their relative levels of influence over the entire process, from drafting to implementation. The research aimed to tease out important actors and their means of influencing policy. The thesis employed a policy analysis framework adapted from Yaffee (2011) that observes each actor’s motivations, resources and strategies. The research revealed that the Chinese Communist Party still possesses the greatest amount of influence over policy-making, followed by government sponsored think tanks. Market-based enterprises—central state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and private firms—as well as the local government are a significant force. Ministries brought up the rear. The results are in contrast to a theoretical understanding of flows of power and influence in Chinese politics. -
Taiwan and China's Cross-Strait Relations" (2018)
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Projects and Capstones Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Spring 5-18-2018 Contending Identities: Taiwan and China's Cross- Strait Relations Jing Feng [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/capstone Recommended Citation Feng, Jing, "Contending Identities: Taiwan and China's Cross-Strait Relations" (2018). Master's Projects and Capstones. 777. https://repository.usfca.edu/capstone/777 This Project/Capstone is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Projects and Capstones by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Contending Identities: Taiwan and China’s Cross-Strait Relationship Jing Feng Capstone Project APS 650 Professor Brian Komei Dempster May 15, 2018 2 Abstract Taiwan’s strategic geopolitical position—along with domestic political developments—have put the country in turmoil ever since the post-Chinese civil war. In particular, its antagonistic, cross-strait relationship with China has led to various negative consequences and cast a spotlight on the country on the international diplomatic front for close to over six decades. After the end of the Cold War, the democratization of Taiwan altered her political identity and released a nation-building process that was seemingly irreversible. Taiwan’s nation-building efforts have moved the nation further away from reunification with China. -
CHINA Worries About Rendition Changes Will Be Allayed
4 | Monday, May 27, 2019 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY CHINA Tong blames foreign View from best seat Briefly SHANXI Five drug dealers meddling for growing sentenced to death Five people were sentenced to extradition controversy death for drug dealing by the Jin cheng Intermediate People’s By CHEN ZIMO in Hong Kong Court on Friday. Three others [email protected] received death sentences with reprieves, and one received a life Executive Councilor and bar Some Hong Kong sentence. The rest of the 23 rister Ronny Tong Kawah has individuals and defendants were sentenced to blamed foreign forces for escalat three to 16 years’ imprisonment. ing the controversy over planned local media The gang sold 84 kilograms of revisions to Hong Kong’s extradi organizations have drugs between September 2016 tion laws. and January 2017. Drug traffick Speaking on a local news pro utterly strayed from ing is a felony in China. A person gram on Saturday, he said such reality by portraying can receive the death penalty if intervention by other countries convicted of selling or producing has raised the central govern the issue as a more than 50 grams of narcotics, ment’s concerns about the issue. political scheme .” such as heroin. As a result, he said it’s unfortu nate that trying to turn things Tong Ka-wah , executive BEIJING around at this stage would be dif councilor and barrister in Hong Kong SAR Community healthcare ficult. The SAR government proposed workers on the rise changing the Fugitive Offenders They have been misleading the China had 582,000 community and the Mutual Legal Assistance public by deliberately dissemi healthcare workers at the end in Criminal Matters Ordinance in nating wrongful information on of 2018, a 5.1 percent increase March in response to a murder the law revision, he said. -
Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO Qingjiang Kong
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2005 Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO Qingjiang Kong Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kong, Qingjiang, "Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO" (2005). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 220. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/220 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO? Qingjiang Kong* INTRODUCTION On December 11, 2001, China acceded to the World Trade Organization (WTO).1 Taiwan followed on January 1, 2002 as the "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu."2 Accession of both China and Taiwan to the world trading body has triggered a fever of activities by Taiwanese businesses, but the governments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait have been slow to make policy adjustments. The coexis- tence of business enthusiasm and governmental indifference * Professor of International Economic Law, Zhejiang Gongshang University (previ- ously: Hangzhou University of Commerce), China. His recent book is China and the World Trade Organization:A Legal Perspective (New Jersey, London, Singapore, Hong Kong, World Scientific Publishing, 2002). Questions or comments may be e- mailed to Professor Kong at [email protected]. -
Revisiting One World Or None
Revisiting One World or None. Sixty years ago, atomic energy was new and the world was still reverberating from the shocks of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Immediately after the end of the Second World War, the first instinct of the administration and Congress was to protect the “secret” of the atomic bomb. The atomic scientists—what today would be called nuclear physicists— who had worked on the Manhattan project to develop atomic bombs recognized that there was no secret, that any technically advanced nation could, with adequate resources, reproduce what they had done. They further believed that when a single aircraft, eventually a single missile, armed with a single bomb could destroy an entire city, no defense system would ever be adequate. Given this combination, the world seemed headed for a period of unprecedented danger. Many of the scientists who had worked on the Manhattan Project felt a special responsibility to encourage a public debate about these new and terrifying products of modern science. They formed an organization, the Federation of Atomic Scientists, dedicated to avoiding the threat of nuclear weapons and nuclear proliferation. Convinced that neither guarding the nuclear “secret” nor any defense could keep the world safe, they encouraged international openness in nuclear physics research and in the expected nuclear power industry as the only way to avoid a disastrous arms race in nuclear weapons. William Higinbotham, the first Chairman of the Association of Los Alamos Scientists and the first Chairman of the Federation of Atomic Scientists, wanted to expand the organization beyond those who had worked on the Manhattan Project, for two reasons. -
Democratic Republic of Congo Constitution
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO, 2005 [1] Table of Contents PREAMBLE TITLE I GENERAL PROVISIONS Chapter 1 The State and Sovereignty Chapter 2 Nationality TITLE II HUMAN RIGHTS, FUNDAMENTAL LIBERTIES AND THE DUTIES OF THE CITIZEN AND THE STATE Chapter 1 Civil and Political Rights Chapter 2 Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Chapter 3 Collective Rights Chapter 4 The Duties of the Citizen TITLE III THE ORGANIZATION AND THE EXERCISE OF POWER Chapter 1 The Institutions of the Republic TITLE IV THE PROVINCES Chapter 1 The Provincial Institutions Chapter 2 The Distribution of Competences Between the Central Authority and the Provinces Chapter 3 Customary Authority TITLE V THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL TITLE VI DEMOCRACY-SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS Chapter 1 The Independent National Electoral Commission Chapter 2 The High Council for Audiovisual Media and Communication TITLE VII INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS TITLE VIII THE REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION TITLE IX TRANSITORY AND FINAL PROVISIONS PREAMBLE We, the Congolese People, United by destiny and history around the noble ideas of liberty, fraternity, solidarity, justice, peace and work; Driven by our common will to build in the heart of Africa a State under the rule of law and a powerful and prosperous Nation based on a real political, economic, social and cultural democracy; Considering that injustice and its corollaries, impunity, nepotism, regionalism, tribalism, clan rule and patronage are, due to their manifold vices, at the origin of the general decline -
Nehru and the Concept of One World
Nehru and the Concept of One World -Idealistic Fantasy or Practical Necessity? by Ambassador Shyam Saran Conference on "Nehru's Worldview and His Legacy-Democracy, Inclusion and Empowerment" New Delhi November 17, 2014 Nehru and the Concept of One World - Idealistic Fantasy or Practical Necessity? Shyam Saran We meet today to honour the memory of one of India’s most illustrious sons, Jawaharlal Nehru, and to celebrate his ideas and vision for the future, a vision not only for his beloved India but for the world as a whole. Nehru was a patriot but was also a committed internationalist. As the historian Arnold Toynbee observed: “Nehru was a pioneer in taking nothing less than the world itself as the field for his public activity”. In this context, one of Nehru’s significant contributions was his passionate advocacy of the concept of One World, which has received less attention than it deserves. Nehru drew upon the ideas of Wendell Willkie who wrote the book entitled One World which attracted Nehru. After the Second World War the Federation of American Scientists which included Albert Einstein also drew attention to how the advent of nuclear weapons had made the establishment of One World necessary to ensure human survival This paper seeks to explore how Nehru came to identify with these ideas, giving them an uniquely Indian and even Nehruvian flavour 1 and the manner in which he sought to promote their realization. Nehru’s vision of One World has a strong resonance today in a world that is riven by violence and conflict and witnessing the viral spread of extremist ideologies and fanaticism, even as the rapid advance of technology and the economics of globalization render national or regional interventions both inadequate and ineffective. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
2019 China Military Power Report
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 Office of the Secretary of Defense Preparation of this report cost the Department of Defense a total of approximately $181,000 in Fiscal Years 2018-2019. This includes $12,000 in expenses and $169,000 in DoD labor. Generated on 2019May02 RefID: E-1F4B924 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 A Report to Congress Pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, as Amended Section 1260, “Annual Report on Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China,” of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, Public Law 115-232, which amends the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, Section 1202, Public Law 106-65, provides that the Secretary of Defense shall submit a report “in both classified and unclassified form, on military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China. The report shall address the current and probable future course of military-technological development of the People’s Liberation Army and the tenets and probable development of Chinese security strategy and military strategy, and of the military organizations and operational concepts supporting such development over the next 20 years. -
The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes
The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes WITH A FOREWORD BY JOHN J. DEGIOIA, PRESIDENT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY Anthony P. Carnevale Nicole Smith Lenka Dražanová Artem Gulish Kathryn Peltier Campbell 2020 Center on Education and the Workforce McCourt School of Public Policy Reprint permissions [TK] Reprint Permission The Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce carries a Creative Commons license, which permits noncommercial reuse of any of our content when proper attribution is provided. You are free to copy, display, and distribute our work, or include our content in derivative works, under the following conditions: Attribution: You must clearly attribute the work to the Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce and provide a print or digital copy of the work to [email protected]. Our preference is to cite figures and tables as follows: Source: Georgetown University Center on Education and the Workforce, The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes, 2020. Noncommercial Use: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. Written permission must be obtained from the owners of the copy/literary rights and from Georgetown University for any publication or commercial use of reproductions. Approval: If you are using one or more of our available data representations (figures, charts, tables, etc.), please visit our website at cew.georgetown.edu/publications/reprint- permission for more information. For the full legal code of this Creative Commons license, please visit creativecommons.org. Email [email protected] with any questions. 2 THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN TAMING AUTHORITARIAN ATTITUDES The Role of Education in Taming Authoritarian Attitudes WITH A FOREWORD BY JOHN J. -
Disputes Over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: Communication Tactics and Grand Strategies Chin-Chung Chao University of Nebraska at Omaha, [email protected]
University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Communication Faculty Publications School of Communication 6-2014 Disputes over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: Communication Tactics and Grand Strategies Chin-Chung Chao University of Nebraska at Omaha, [email protected] Dexin Tian Savannah College of Art and Design, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/commfacpub Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Chao, Chin-Chung and Tian, Dexin, "Disputes over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: Communication Tactics and Grand Strategies" (2014). Communication Faculty Publications. 85. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/commfacpub/85 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Communication at DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Journal of International Relations and Foreign Policy June 2014, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 19-47 ISSN: 2333-5866 (Print), 2333-5874 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). 2014. All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development Disputes over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands: Communication Tactics and Grand Strategies Chin-Chung Chao1 and Dexin Tian2 Abstract This study explores the communication tactics and grand strategies of each of the involved parties in the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands disputes. Under the theoretical balance between liberal