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1 Contents Introduction I STRATEGIC VISIONS for EAST ASIA Toward
Contents Introduction I STRATEGIC VISIONS FOR EAST ASIA Toward Greater U.S.-Japan-India Strategic Dialogue and Coordination Mike Green Arc of Freedom and Prosperity Heigo Sato India’s Strategic Vision Suba Chandran II THE RISE OF CHINA Dealing with a Rising Power: India-China Relations and the Reconstruction of Strategic Partnerships Alka Acharya The Prospect of China Up to 2020: A View from Japan Yasuhiro Matsuda The United States and a Rising China Derek Mitchell III NONPROLIFERATION Strengthening the Nonproliferation Regime in the Era of Nuclear Renaissance: A Common Agenda for Japan, the United States, and India Nobumasa Akiyama Global Nonproliferation Dynamics: An Indian Perspective Lawrence Prabhakar Nonproliferation Players and their Policies Jon Wolfstal IV ENERGY SECURITY Trends in Energy Security Mikkal Herberg 1 Japan ’s Energy Security Policy Manabu Miyagawa India’s Energy Security Chietigj Bajpaee V ECONOMIC CONVERGENCE A U.S. Perspective of Economic Convergence in East Asia Krishen Mehta New Open Regionalism? Current Trends and Perspectives in the Asia-Pacific Fukunari Kimura VI SOUTHEAST ASIA U.S. Perspectives on Southeast Asia: Opportunities for a Rethink Ben Dolven Southeast Asia: A New Regional Order Nobuto Yamamoto India’s Role in Southeast Asia: The Logic and Limits of Cooperation with the United States and Japan Sadanand Dhume VII COUNTER-TERRORISM Japan’s Counterterrorism Policy Naofumi Miyasaka Counterterrorism Cooperation with the United States and Japan: An Indian Perspective Manjeet Singh Pardesi VIII MARITIME -
The Abduction of Japanese People by North Korea And
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Ritsumeikan Research Repository THE ABDUCTION OF JAPANESE PEOPLE BY NORTH KOREA AND THE DYNAMICS OF JAPANESE DOMESTIC POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY: CASE STUDIES OF SHIN KANEMARU AND JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS IN 1990, 2002 AND 2004’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS by PARK Seohee 51114605 March 2017 Master’s Thesis / Independent Final Report Presented to Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Asia Pacific Studies ACKNOLEGEMENTS First and foremost, I praise and thank my Lord, who gives me the opportunity and talent to accomplish this research. You gave me the power to trust in my passion and pursue my dreams. I could never have done this without the faith I have in You, the Almighty. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Yoichiro Sato for your excellent support and guidance. You gave me the will to carry on and never give up in any hardship. Under your great supervision, this work came into existence. Again, I am so grateful for your trust, informative advice, and encouragement. I am deeply thankful and honored to my loving family. My two Mr. Parks and Mrs. Keum for your support, love and trust. Every moment of every day, I thank our Lord Almighty for giving me such a wonderful family. I would like to express my gratitude to Rotary Yoneyama Memorial Foundation, particularly to Mrs. Toshiko Takahashi (and her family), Kunisaki Club, Mr. Minoru Akiyoshi and Mr. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Policy Networks in Japan: Case of the Automobile Air Pollution Policies Takashi Sagara A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i UMI Number: U615939 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615939 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "KSCSES p m r . rrti - S • - g r t W - • Declaration I, Takashi Sagara, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract The thesis seeks to examine whether the concept of the British policy network framework helps to explain policy change in Japan. For public policy studies in Japan, such an examination is significant because the framework has been rarely been used in analysis of Japanese policy. For public policy studies in Britain and elsewhere, such an examination would also bring benefits as it would help to answer the important question of whether it can be usefully applied in the other contexts. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA). -
Akbar, Jason 03-08-12
Institutional Reform in Japan: The Impact of Electoral, Governmental, and Administrative reforms on the Policymaking Process A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Jason A. Akbar March 2012 © 2012 Jason A. Akbar. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Institutional Reform in Japan: The Impact of Electoral, Governmental, and Administrative reforms on the Policymaking Process by JASON A. AKBAR has been approved for the Department of Political Science and the College of Arts and Sciences by Takaaki Suzuki Associate Professor of Political Science Howard Dewald Interim Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 Abstract AKBAR, JASON A., M.A., March 2012, Political Science Institutional Reform in Japan: The Impact of Electoral, Governmental, and Administrative reforms on the Policymaking Process Director of Thesis: Takaaki Suzuki This thesis is a study of the institutional reforms in Japan, particularly the impact of electoral, governmental, and administrative reforms enacted during 1990s on the current policymaking structure and process. It is well documented that the LDP politicians, government bureaucrats and powerful special interest groups controlled the policymaking process prior to the reforms. Different Japan scholars have offered differing opinions on the impact of the 1994 electoral reform, 1999 Diet and government reform, and 2001 administrative reform on policymaking process. Here I have evaluated the impact of the 1990s reforms by examining three policymaking initiatives of the Koizumi administration. I suggest that understanding the impact of the 1990s reforms requires examining the specific details of each policy initiative at each stage of the policymaking process from creation to implementation. -
Deming Rust M
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project RUST DEMING Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: December 8, 2004 Copyright 2014 ADST INTERVIEW Q: Today is the 8th of December 2004. This is an interview with what is it Rust? DEMING: Rust, R-U-S-T. Q: R-U-S-T. Any middle initial? DEMING: M. Q: M. Deming. D-E-M-I-N-G. What does the Rust stand for? I haven’t seen that. DEMING: It’s a family name. It was my grandmother’s paternal name, and my parents decided to inflict it on me. Q: Did you immediately become Rusty? DEMING: Yes, I’m one of those people whose nickname is longer than his given name. Q: I know. For example, I’ve been interviewing Rand Beers and of course you can imagine that ends up as Randy. DEMING: A lot of confusion. I was Russ, Russell. Q: Yes. Let’s start at the beginning. Can you tell me when and where you were born? DEMING: I was born in Greenwich, Connecticut, on October 11, 1941. Q: Oh, just prior to the war. DEMING: Yes, but I’m not responsible for the war. Q: I was born just before the stock market crash. Let’s talk a little bit about your family, first on your father’s side. Do you know where the Demings come from? 1 DEMING: Yes, they come from England, from Bath, England in fact. They go back, Julian Deming was the first governor of Connecticut and on my father’s maternal side, he’s the great grandson of Nathaniel Hawthorne. -
Explaining the Dispatch of Japan's Self- Defense
LEARNING HOW TO SWEAT: EXPLAINING THE DISPATCH OF JAPAN’S SELF- DEFENSE FORCES IN THE GULF WAR AND IRAQ WAR By Jeffrey Wayne Hornung A Dissertation Submitted To The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences Of the George Washington University In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 31, 2009 Dissertation directed by Mike Mochizuki Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University certifies that Jeffrey Wayne Hornung has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of July 13, 2009. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. LEARNING HOW TO SWEAT: EXPLAINING THE DISPATCH OF JAPAN’S SELF- DEFENSE FORCES IN THE GULF WAR AND IRAQ WAR Jeffrey Wayne Hornung Dissertation Research Committee: Mike Mochizuki , Associate Professor of Political Science and International Affairs Dissertation Director James Goldgeier , Professor of Political Science and International Affairs Committee Member Deborah Avant , Professor of Political Science, University of California-Irvine Committee Member ii © Copyright 2009 by Jeffrey Wayne Hornung All rights reserved iii To Maki Without your tireless support and understanding, this project would not have happened. iv Acknowledgements This work is the product of four years of research, writing and revisions. Its completion would not have been possible without the intellectual and emotional support of many individuals. There are several groups of people in particular that I would like to mention. First and foremost are two individuals who have had the greatest impact on my intellect regarding Japan: Nat Thayer and Mike Mochizuki. -
Japanese High Technology, Politics, and Power
Japanese High Technology, Politics, and Power Steven K. Vogel r, ., -- :t - , ' _,, ~ L - 1 ,,'\ !::CON0~.-1 1 r- , _,.1,..,.,.., ''";• r,., C' ·:· ·, a,:::39 v __ - r J... J March 1989 I I Research Paper #2 BRIE L]"erkeley Roundtable on the International Econo~ IBRIE I Research Paper #2 Japanese High Technology, Politics, and Power Steven K. Vogel Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy University of California, Berkeley, CA March 1989 Steven K. Vogel is a research fellow at the Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy (BRIE). He is the author of A New Direction in Japanese Defense Policy: Views from the Liberal Democratic Party Diet Members, Occasional Papers / Reprints Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, University of Maryland School of Law (1984-). He has been a staff writer for the Japan Times and a free-lance correspondent for Le Figaro, the International Herald Tribune, and others. This study was undertaken as part of the Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy (BRIE) Project on Technology, Economy, and Security. This project has been generously supported by grants from the MacArthur Foundation. The author would like to thank all those in the United States and Japan who agreed to speak with him on the topic of this paper. He is particularly indebted to Justin Bloom, Gregg Rubinstein, Richard Samuels, and John Zysman for detailed comments on an earlier draft. Berkeley Roundtable on the International Economy Stephen S. Cohen and John Zysman, Co-Directors Laura D"Andrea 1yson, Director of Research Michael G. Borrus, Deputy Director Akihiro Yoshikawa, Director of Bio-Medical Research James M. -
A Japanese Perspective on North Korea: Troubled Bilateral Relations in a Complex Multilateral Framework
54 A Japanese Perspective on North Korea International Journal of Korean Unification Studies A Japanese Perspective on North Korea: Troubled Bilateral Relations in a Complex Multilateral Framework Heigo Sato Abstract North Korea’s missile and nuclear tests in 2009 highlighted the strategic environ- ment of Northeast Asia as well as the current tactical calculation of countries involved. North Korea is benefiting from its relative strategic weakness and lack of policy and tactical coordination among members of the Six-Party Talks. With- out the effective military capability to deal with the North Korean threat, Japan relies heavily on economic sanctions to deal with the issue. This paper argues that Japan’s North Korea policy is currently regarding the abduction issue as its foremost priority; its policy in approaching North Korea is becoming static and inflexible. Without a diplomatic solution in sight, Japan has established non-military means to pressure North Korea, as well as a contingency plan to deal with incoming threats. Under the auspices of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1718 and its domestic arrangements, Japan virtually curtailed economic relations with North Korea. Furthermore, Japan prepared crisis arrangement exercises which may be applicable to bio-terrorism and pandemics. Recently, there have been some political debates regarding options to attack defensively. These debates reflect Japan’s activism in regional affairs, and the seriousness of threat posed by North Korea. Along with other members of the Six-Party Talks, Japan may have to seek an appropriate balance between pressure and negotiation in order to maintain the status quo and reduce the threats posed by North Korea. -
JCIE at : Pioneering US-Japan Political Exchange
JCIE at : Pioneering US-Japan Political Exchange Japan Center for International Exchange (JCIE) Executive Director & Chief Operating Officer October Introduction for International Exchange (JCIE) was officially established in Tand its first president, Tadashi Yamamoto, made it his primary mission to continue the political and parliamentary exchange activities with the United States that he had been engaged in since . Now that half a century has passed since the official establishment of JCIE, I believe that taking this opportunity to look back on the various political and par- liamentary exchanges and their impact on US-Japan relations and international relations in general, is to reflect on the very history of JCIE, which can then serve as a guide for the future. US-Japan political and parliamentary exchange has played a major role in shoring up and developing the bilateral relationship even as it has become more complex. In a post- COVID world with US-China antagonism and anticipated destabilization to internation- al relations, I expect the US-Japan relationship to be of increasing significance. JCIE has indeed been charged with an important role in further activating US-Japan political and parliamentary exchange. At regular intervals over the years, JCIE has conducted surveys and research into the cur- rent situation of US-Japan exchange and parliamentary exchange with a goal to implement ever more effective programs. Of those, the most comprehensive is a survey report entitled A Survey and Study Report on Inter-Parliamentary and Political Leaders Exchanges between the United States and Japan (March ), commissioned by the Japan Foundation Center for Global Partnership (CGP)’s New York Office. -
Embedded Symbolism and Post-2001 Kyoto Protocol Politics • Yves Tiberghien and Miranda A
YvesHigh TiberghienNoon in Japan and Miranda A. Schreurs High Noon in Japan: Embedded Symbolism and Post-2001 Kyoto Protocol Politics • Yves Tiberghien and Miranda A. Schreurs* Introduction After the George W. Bush administration pulled the United States out of the Kyoto Protocol in March 2001, Japan found itself the pivotal actor in the global battle over the survival of the treaty. With the US out of Kyoto, the costs of ratiªcation rose signiªcantly. Japan would be expected to take painful and costly measures to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions without US industries having to take similar steps; this threatened to place Japan at a competitive disadvan- tage with the US and developing countries, which were exempted from taking action under the agreement. For numerous industries this was seen as making what was already a tough set of requirements even more unpalatable. As a re- sult, they pressured politicians and bureaucrats to do something to assure that they would not be left with unacceptably high costs. This meant either getting the US to return to the agreement, abandoning the agreement, or at a minimum reducing its impact on the economy by assuring industry that they would not have to carry the bulk of national emission reduction requirements. Still, many interests within the government (and especially the Ministry of Environment (MOE) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA)), and some in- dustries (e.g. the nuclear, insurance, and pollution control industries) had a strong interest in seeing the agreement enter into force.1 Perhaps even more im- portantly, the Japanese public and NGOs were largely behind the Kyoto Proto- col. -
Japan Politics.Qxd
ASIA PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT NO. 117 JANUARY 2004 INSIDE DEMOCRACY: Japanese Political Reform: SHIN’ICHI KITAOKA Japan’s Dysfunctional Progress in Process Democracy page 6 ABSTRACT: The six contributors to this Special Report are cautiously optimistic about the ROBERT PEKKANEN future of Japanese political reform. Sudden transformation is unlikely, but such factors as gen- Sources of Policy Innovation erational change and the slow cumulative impact of electoral and bureaucratic reforms are grad- in Japanese Democracy ually contributing to a more open and innovative system. These essays focus not on the elec- torate, but on the leaders—politicians and bureaucrats—and how their choices are shaped by page 9 education, age, foreign pressure, American example, and the decade-old electoral system to LEADERSHIP: which they are still adapting. The expansion of civil society and shifting perceptions of “leader- RICHARD J. SAMUELS ship” are also highlighted as important developments of the 1990s. Generational Change and Japanese Leadership Introduction None of the six essayists in this report are page 16 pessimistic about Japan’s future, but transform- Amy McCreedy VERENA BLECHINGER-TALCOTT ing political institutions will involve consider- apanese politics appear to be stuck. able uncertainty and dislocation. On the eco- Learning to Lead: Incentives Deregulation proceeds slowly, and bad nomic side, a system that allows innovation will and Disincentives for loans continue to clot the country’s eco- also permit bankruptcy and job loss. On the Leadership in Japanese J nomic arteries. The government seems unable political side, the dangers are demagoguery and Politics to set priorities, work toward goals, or imple- instability.