Kristina Moore Environmental Inspection Managing Director Strategic Communications and Enforcement Actions FTI Consulting

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Kristina Moore Environmental Inspection Managing Director Strategic Communications and Enforcement Actions FTI Consulting Just Good Business: CONGRESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS Mitigating Environmental Prepared By Liability & Responding to Kristina Moore Environmental Inspection Managing Director Strategic Communications and Enforcement Actions FTI Consulting May 2019 1 Overview The U.S. Congress’s investigative powers are part of our democracy’s system of checks and balances. Fundamentally, oversight hearings and the investigative process allow Congress, and its staff, to deeply explore matters of public concern. The premise is fairly straight forward - Before Congress can legislate effectively, they must first understand. Moreover, as keepers of the public purse, they have the right to understand how the executive branch has spent tax dollars. Matters of Public Concern Congress’s investigative powers enable it uniquely to speak to matters of great public concern. In other words, Congress has a responsibility to engage in high profile issues that impact Americans. Congress’s power of discovery are expansive, and not the same as procedural rules that govern civil and criminal matters. The only privilege Congress must respect is Executive Privilege. Everything else is an inequitable negotiation based on the weighing and evaluation possible policy outcomes. 3 Matters of Public Concern: Special Tools The Constitution grants the Legislative Branch broad authority to conduct investigations to oversee implementation of existing laws and consider new ones. Special tools at its disposal includes the power to issue subpoenas. A Chairman sits in the shoes of Congress and is therefore within his or her bounds to insist that a party turn over everything that is not covered by executive privilege – provided the Chairperson can articulate a legitimate legislative need for the information. Ranking Members can also engage in oversight activities; however, they do not have the power to compel a party to turn over documents or testify. The vast majority of Congressional investigations are conducted by Committee staff who specialize in oversight and investigations and not the particular subject matter. Because Congress is inherently a political body, so too are their investigations. Given the nature of the rules that govern the House and the Senate – House led investigations tend to be more overtly partisan. In a split government, like we have today – when there is very little legislating going on, there is always an increased focus on Oversight. Courts are notoriously reluctant to rule on matters that are essentially a dispute between two co-equal branches of government. 4 Nuts and Bolts of a Congressional Investigation The lack of clear rules governing the investigative process can be surprising and jarring to clients not used to Congressional scrutiny. Traditional rules of scope, privilege, and confidentiality are recognized at the complete discretion of committee chairmen. In addition to public hearings, certain committees, like House Oversight, have the authority to conduct depositions behind closed doors. While a lawyer for a witness being deposed can certainly object to questions being asked by congressional counsel, the Chairman is the sole arbiter of what objections he or she will recognize. These are just a few examples of the differences between congressional inquiries and other disputes that are settled in a courtroom. 5 Nuts and Bolts of a Congressional Investigation: House Oversight House Oversight is usually the “wild card” Committee. Teeming with freshman members eager to distinguish themselves and seasoned veterans who know how to ask difficult questions that make in house counsel uncomfortable. The current Chairman is Elijah Cummings – a seasoned member from Baltimore who has cultivated an authentic and compelling presence. The Ranking Member is Jim Jordan of Ohio – a leader in the Freedom Caucus – he doesn’t shy away from controversy. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) is a standout Freshman on the Committee who knows how to make waves. For those unfamiliar with the structure of the U.S. House of Representatives, the House Oversight Committee – which is the principal investigatory Committee - employs a massive staff of up to 120 professionals, a healthy mix of seasoned political operatives, attorneys, and communicators. Under House Rule X, the Oversight Committee may at any time conduct investigations of any matter. For past Chairmen, this meant investigating the prevalence of steroids in baseball, the impact of climate change, misdeeds by the private security firm Blackwater, Dick Cheney’s Energy task force, Toyota’s Sticky Gas Pedal and the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill. This Committee, both the majority and minority, uniquely understands how to leverage the media to accomplish their oversight goals. 6 Congress’s Soft Powers Congress’ institutional powers and prerogatives are multiplied several- fold by its soft powers – its ability to command the attention of the media. To be clear, one of Congress’ greatest assets is its ability to focus the attention of the media and the public on its investigations. Investigative reporters, NGO’s, and other government actors are force multipliers that supercharge congressional action, mostly obviating the need for Congress to seek legal enforcement of their demands. 7 Congress and the 24 Hour News Cycle Reporters closely follow Congressional investigations, and some reporters exclusively cover Congressional Oversight. Investigations make great copy for reporters… they are filled with drama: Legislative titans challenging industrial titans and captains of industry in the name of the public good; the big reveal of private emails that the author never thought would see the light of day; and sometimes – significant fallout – like a CEO resignation or abrupt change in policy. The theatrics of a Congressional Hearing make excellent fodder for the 24 hour cable news cycle, as well as national and state newspapers. Therefore, hearings and investigations carry great reputational risk for anyone unlucky enough to be caught in the crosshairs. 8 Reputational Risk While Congress’s power to compel is immense - Chairmen have very imperfect legal tools to actually enforce their authority. Congress can vote to hold an uncooperative individual in contempt of Congress, but it is up to DOJ to prosecute. Accordingly, the principal cost of not cooperating with Congress is reputational harm. The real power of Congressional Oversight is their bully pulpit and the ability to direct the attention of the media, and other stakeholder, to focus on their agenda. Arguments of Congressional enforcement miss the point entirely. It is not the legal threat of contempt that persuades private actors to comply with congressional commands. Rather, it is the reputational risk that arises when positioned as an adversary to Congress that causes a CEO to respond. 9 Power of the Media Narrative The logic is fairly simple - Members of Congress like to be relevant and impactful on matters that resonate with the public. Therefore – the more attention a controversy gets in the news; the more likely a Chairman is to pay attention and join the conversation by launching an investigation. Moreover, deep investigative pieces by the New York Times, The Washington Post, and more recently – outlets like The Intercept – often provide Chairmen and women with the script of what questions they should be asking to whom. But the current flows both ways - the more Congress pays attention to an issue, the more media attention it gets. Once it matters to a Chairperson – it matters to the media as well. 10 A Smart Media Plan How does a Company protect its reputation? The best defense is a good offense. If your client has reason to believe they Lesson 1 could become the target of a Congressional investigation because of a connection to a policy debate; a crisis; or a scandal – take steps to both control and contain the media narrative early – before a letter arrives at corporate HQ. Know the Terrain and the Rules of Engagement. Make sure your client Lesson 2 understands the political terrain they are operating in – the relevant politics, politicians, staff members, reporters – but most importantly – the rules of engagement. Will the Committee keep your documents confidential or agree to give the company an opportunity to object to their release? What other sources of information as the staff using? Are they known to collaborate with major outlets? Know Your Role – Private actors can get caught up in Congressional Lesson 3 Investigations for several reasons. Is your client the target of the investigation or a tool to get to the real target? This critical distinction helps inform strategy. Know your Allies – and ask them for help. A counter echo chamber supporting Lesson 4 your point of view, or your company, will be key to balancing the narrative, getting key messages out, and ultimately surviving. 11.
Recommended publications
  • No. 19-5331 in the UNITED STATES COURT of APPEALS for the DISTRICT of COLUMBIA C
    USCA Case #19-5331 Document #1871493 Filed: 11/16/2020 Page 1 of 87 [ORAL ARGUMENT SCHEDULED FOR FEBRUARY 23, 2021] No. 19-5331 IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY OF THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. DONALD F. MCGAHN, II, Defendant-Appellant. On Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia EN BANC BRIEF FOR APPELLANT JEFFREY BOSSERT CLARK Acting Assistant Attorney General SOPAN JOSHI Senior Counsel to the Assistant Attorney General MARK R. FREEMAN MICHAEL S. RAAB COURTNEY L. DIXON DENNIS FAN Attorneys, Appellate Staff Civil Division, Room 7243 U.S. Department of Justice 950 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20530 (202) 353-8189 USCA Case #19-5331 Document #1871493 Filed: 11/16/2020 Page 2 of 87 CERTIFICATE AS TO PARTIES, RULINGS, AND RELATED CASES Pursuant to D.C. Circuit Rule 28(a)(1), the undersigned counsel certifies: A. Parties and Amici The defendant-appellant is Donald F. McGahn, II. The plaintiff-appellee is the Committee on the Judiciary of the United States House of Representatives. Amici curiae in this Court are: Republican legal experts, former government officials, and former members of Congress (Steve Bartlett, Jack Buechner, Tom Coleman, George Conway III, Mickey Edwards, Stuart Gerson, Gordon Humphrey, Bob Inglis, James Kolbe, Steven Kuykendall, Jim Leach, Mike Parker, Thomas Petri, Trevor Potter, Reid Ribble, Jonathan Rose, Paul Rosenzweig, Peter Smith, J.W. Verret, Dick Zimmer); James Murray; former members of Congress and former Executive Branch officials (Thomas Andrews, William Baer, Brian Baird, Michael Barnes, John Barrow, Douglas Bereuter, Howard Berman, Rick Boucher, Barbara Boxer, Bruce Braley, Carol Mosley Braun, Roland Burria, Lois Cappa, Jean Carnahan, Robert Carr, Rod Chandler, Linda Chavez, Bill Cohen, James Cole, Jerry Costello, Mark S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Breadth of Congress' Authority to Access Information in Our Scheme
    H H H H H H H H H H H 5. The Breadth of Congress’s Authority to Access Information in Our Scheme of Separated Powers Overview Congress’s broad investigatory powers are constrained both by the structural limitations imposed by our constitutional system of separated and balanced powers and by the individual rights guaranteed by the Bill of Rights. Thus, the president, subordinate officials, and individuals called as witnesses can assert various privileges, which enable them to resist or limit the scope of congressional inquiries. These privileges, however, are also limited. The Supreme Court has recognized the president’s constitutionally based privilege to protect the confidentiality of documents or other information that reflects presidential decision-making and deliberations. This presidential executive privilege, however, is qualified. Congress and other appropriate investigative entities may overcome the privilege by a sufficient showing of need and the inability to obtain the information elsewhere. Moreover, neither the Constitution nor the courts have provided a special exemption protecting the confidentiality of national security or foreign affairs information. But self-imposed congressional constraints on information access in these sensitive areas have raised serious institutional and practical concerns as to the current effectiveness of oversight of executive actions in these areas. With regard to individual rights, the Supreme Court has recognized that individuals subject to congressional inquiries are protected by the First, Fourth, and Fifth Amendments, though in many important respects those rights may be qualified by Congress’s constitutionally rooted investigatory authority. A. Executive Privilege Executive privilege is a doctrine that enables the president to withhold certain information from disclosure to the public or even Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • Congress's Authority to Influence and Control Executive
    Congress’s Authority to Influence and Control Executive Branch Agencies Updated December 19, 2018 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45442 SUMMARY R45442 Congress’s Authority to Influence and Control December 19, 2018 Executive Branch Agencies Todd Garvey The Constitution neither establishes administrative agencies nor explicitly prescribes the manner Legislative Attorney by which they may be created. Even so, the Supreme Court has generally recognized that Congress has broad constitutional authority to establish and shape the federal bureaucracy. Daniel J. Sheffner Congress may use its Article I lawmaking powers to create federal agencies and individual Legislative Attorney offices within those agencies, design agencies’ basic structures and operations, and prescribe, subject to certain constitutional limitations, how those holding agency offices are appointed and removed. Congress also may enumerate the powers, duties, and functions to be exercised by agencies, as well as directly counteract, through later legislation, certain agency actions implementing delegated authority. The most potent tools of congressional control over agencies, including those addressing the structuring, empowering, regulating, and funding of agencies, typically require enactment of legislation. Such legislation must comport with constitutional requirements related to bicameralism (i.e., it must be approved by both houses of Congress) and presentment (i.e., it must be presented to the President for signature). The constitutional process to enact effective legislation requires the support of the House, Senate, and the President, unless the support in both houses is sufficient to override the President’s veto. There also are many non-statutory tools (i.e., tools not requiring legislative enactment to exercise) that may be used by the House, Senate, congressional committees, or individual Members of Congress to influence and control agency action.
    [Show full text]
  • Contempt of Courts? President Trump's
    CONTEMPT OF COURTS? PRESIDENT TRUMP’S TRANSFORMATION OF THE JUDICIARY Brendan Williams* Faced with a letter from the American Bar Association (ABA) assessing him as “arrogant, lazy, an ideologue, and lacking in knowledge of the day-to-day practice,” Lawrence VanDyke, nominated by President Trump to serve on the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, cried during an October 2019 confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee.1 Republican senators dutifully attacked the ABA as liberally-biased.2 In a Wall Street Journal column, a defender of VanDyke assailed what he called a “smear campaign” and wrote that “[t]he ABA’s aggressive politicization is especially frustrating for someone like me, an active member of the ABA[.]”3 VanDyke was confirmed anyway.4 Contrary to Republican protestations, the ABA has deemed 97% of President Trump’s nominees to be “well qualified” or “qualified.”5 Indeed, in the most polarizing judicial nomination of the Trump Administration, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, Kavanaugh’s defenders pointed to the ABA having rated him “well qualified” despite the association having once, in 2006, dropped his rating to “qualified” due to concerns about his temperament.6 *Attorney Brendan Williams is the author of over 30 law review articles, predominantly on civil rights and health care issues. A former Washington Supreme Court judicial clerk, Brendan is a New Hampshire long-term care advocate. This article is dedicated to his father Wayne Williams, admitted to the Washington bar in 1970. 1Hannah Knowles, Trump Judicial Nominee Cries over Scathing Letter from the American Bar Association, WASH. POST (Oct. 30, 2015). 2Id.
    [Show full text]
  • When Congress Comes Calling: a Study on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry When Congress
    When Congress Comes Calling: A Study on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry of Legislative on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics A Study When Congress 1200 18th Street, NW, Suite 1000 Washington, DC 20036 Comes Calling 202.580.6920 Email: [email protected] A Study on the www.constitutionproject.org Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry Morton Rosenberg Constitution Project Fellow WHEN CONGRESS COMES CALLING: A Study on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry © 2017 The Constitution Project All Rights Reserved. Requests for permission to reproduce selections from this book should be sent to: The Constitution Project, 1200 18th Street NW, Suite 1000, Washington, DC 20036; or by e-mail to [email protected] The Constitution Project’s mission is to safeguard constitutional rights and values when they are threatened by our government’s criminal justice and national security practices, and to strengthen our system of checks and balances. The views expressed in this study do not necessarily reflect the views of individual members of The Constitution Project’s Board of Directors. For information about this report, or any other work of The Constitution Project, please visit our website at www.constitutionproject.org or e-mail us at [email protected]. Book design by Keane Design & Communications, Inc., keanedesign.com. Contents Preface Part I: Principles, Practices and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry Chapter 1 – Introduction: Updating the Study of Legislative Inquiry and Adapting it to the Changed Climate of Congressional Oversight ............................................................................. 1 Chapter 2 – The Institutional Framework of Congressional Oversight: Purposes, Powers, Limitations and Practicalities ................................................................................................... 5 A.
    [Show full text]
  • Congress's Contempt Power: Law, History, Practice, and Procedure
    Congress’s Contempt Power and the Enforcement of Congressional Subpoenas: Law, History, Practice, and Procedure Todd Garvey Legislative Attorney May 12, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34097 Congress’s Contempt Power and the Enforcement of Congressional Subpoenas Summary Congress’s contempt power is the means by which Congress responds to certain acts that in its view obstruct the legislative process. Contempt may be used either to coerce compliance, to punish the contemnor, and/or to remove the obstruction. Although arguably any action that directly obstructs the effort of Congress to exercise its constitutional powers may constitute a contempt, in recent times the contempt power has most often been employed in response to non- compliance with a duly issued congressional subpoena—whether in the form of a refusal to appear before a committee for purposes of providing testimony, or a refusal to produce requested documents. Congress has three formal methods by which it can combat non-compliance with a duly issued subpoena. Each of these methods invokes the authority of a separate branch of government. First, the long dormant inherent contempt power permits Congress to rely on its own constitutional authority to detain and imprison a contemnor until the individual complies with congressional demands. Second, the criminal contempt statute permits Congress to certify a contempt citation to the executive branch for the criminal prosecution of the contemnor. Finally, Congress may rely on the judicial branch to enforce a congressional subpoena. Under this procedure, Congress may seek a civil judgment from a federal court declaring that the individual in question is legally obligated to comply with the congressional subpoena.
    [Show full text]
  • Executive Authority for National Security Surveillance William C
    American University Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 1 Article 2 2000 Executive Authority for National Security Surveillance William C. Banks M. E. Bowman Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/aulr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Banks, William C., and M.E. Bowman. "Executive Authority for National Security Surveillance." American University Law Review 50, no.1 (2000): 1-130. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Executive Authority for National Security Surveillance This article is available in American University Law Review: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/aulr/vol50/iss1/2 BANKSPP.DOC 8/15/2001 11:33 AM ARTICLES EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY FOR NATIONAL SECURITY SURVEILLANCE * WILLIAM C. BANKS ** M.E. BOWMAN TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction............................................................................................ 2 I. National Security Surveillance: The Early Years ...................... 10 II. The Components of Modern National Security Law................ 19 A. Awakening to the Modern World....................................... 19 B. Assigning Responsibility for Domestic Intelligence........... 26 C. Legislative
    [Show full text]
  • 3. the Powers and Tools Available to Congress for Conducting Investigative Oversight A
    H H H H H H H H H H H 3. The Powers and Tools Available to Congress for Conducting Investigative Oversight A. Congress’s Power to Investigate 1. The Breadth of the Investigatory Power Congress possesses broad and encompassing powers to engage in oversight and conduct investigations reaching all sources of information necessary to carry out its legislative functions. In the absence of a countervailing constitutional privilege or a self-imposed restriction upon its authority, Congress and its committees have virtually plenary power to compel production of information needed to discharge their legislative functions. This applies whether the information is sought from executive agencies, private persons, or organizations. Within certain constraints, the information so obtained may be made public. These powers have been recognized in numerous Supreme Court cases, and the broad legislative authority to seek information and enforce demands was unequivocally established in two Supreme Court rulings arising out of the 1920s Teapot Dome scandal. In McGrain v. Daugherty,1 which considered a Senate investigation of the Justice Department, the Supreme Court described the power of inquiry, with accompanying process to enforce it, as “an essential and appropriate auxiliary to the legislative function.” The court explained: A legislative body cannot legislate wisely or effectively in the absence of information respecting the conditions which the legislation is intended to affect or change; and where the legislative body does not possess the requisite
    [Show full text]
  • Response to Congressional Requests for Information Regarding Decisions Made Under the Independent Counsel Act
    Response to Congressional Requests for Information Regarding Decisions made Under the Independent Counsel Act With one narrow exception, the Attorney General may not disclose to Congress the contents of any application or report filed with the court pursuant to the Independent Counsel Act unless the court agrees. All congressional requests for information about a decision regarding the appointment of an independent counsel must be supported by a legitimate legislative purpose. In addition, before such disclosures are made other considerations, such as whether or not to assert executive privilege, whether the information is covered by the attomey-client privilege, and whether the information must be kept confidential to preserve the integrity of the prosecutorial function, must be reviewed. Congress may not, as a matter of statutory or constitutional law, invoke the criminal contempt of Congress procedure against the head of an Executive agency acting on the President’s instructions to assert executive privilege in response to a congressional subpoena. An assertion of executive privilege must be based upon an evaluation of the Executive Branch’s interest in keeping the requested information confidential, the strength of Congress’ need for the information, and whether those needs can be accommodated in some other way. April 28, 1986 M e m o r a n d u m O p i n i o n f o r t h e A t t o r n e y G e n e r a l I. Introduction and Summary You have asked this Office to review the legal principles that should inform the Department’s response to congressional inquiries about any decision re­ garding appointment of an independent counsel under the Independent Counsel Act, 28 U.S.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Congress's Contempt Power: a Sketch
    Order Code RL34114 Congress’s Contempt Power: A Sketch August 1, 2007 Morton Rosenberg Specialist in American Public Law American Law Division Todd B. Tatelman Legislative Attorney American Law Division Congress’s Contempt Power: A Sketch Summary Congress’s contempt power is the means by which Congress responds to certain acts that in its view obstruct the legislative process. Contempt may be used either to coerce compliance (inherent contempt), punish the contemnor (criminal contempt), and/or to remove the obstruction (civil contempt). Although arguably any action that directly obstructs the effort of Congress to exercise its constitutional powers may constitute a contempt, in the last seventy years the contempt power (primarily through the criminal contempt process) has generally been employed only in instances of refusals of witnesses to appear before committees, to respond to questions, or to produce documents. This report outlines the source of the contempt power, reviews major developments in the case law, and analyzes the procedures associated with each of the three different types of contempt proceedings. A more fully developed and detailed version, complete with sources and references, can be found in CRS Report RL34097, Congress’s Contempt Power: Law, History, Practice, and Procedure, by Morton Rosenberg and Todd B. Tatelman. Contents Congress’s Power to Investigate ..................................1 Early History of Congressional Contempt...........................3 Inherent Contempt.............................................5
    [Show full text]
  • When Congress Comes Calling a Primer on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry
    When Congress Comes Calling A Primer on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry Morton Rosenberg Constitution Project Fellow WHEN CONGRESS COMES CALLING: A PRIMER ON THE PRINCIPLES, PRACTICES, AND PRAGMATICS OF LEGISLATIVE INQUIRY MORTON ROSENBERG CONSTITUTION PROJECT FELLOW The Constitution Project 1200 18th Street, NW Suite 1000 Washington, DC 20036 (202) 580-6920 (tel) (202) 580-6929 (fax) [email protected] www.constitutionproject.org Copyright © 2009 by the Constitution Project. All rights reserved. No part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Constitution Project. For information about this report, or any other work of the Constitution Project, please visit our website at www.constitutionproject.org or e-mail us at [email protected]. When Congress Comes Calling: A Primer on the Principles, Practices, and Pragmatics of Legislative Inquiry TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface vii I Introduction: The Challenges to Effective Investigative Oversight 1 A. The Purposes and Powers of Congressional Oversight . 1 B. The Power of Congress Over Executive Branch Agencies . 2 C. Barriers to Effective Oversight . 3 D. How to Conduct Effective Oversight. 4 II The Powers and Tools Available to Congress for Conducting Investigative Oversight 7 A. Congress’ Power to Investigate. 7 1. The Breadth of the Investigatory Power. 7 2. The Limits of the Investigatory Power. 8 B. Congress’ Ability to Obtain Documents and Witness Testimony . 8 1. The Subpoena Power . 8 a. The Power to Issue a Subpoena. 8 b. The Permissible Scope of a Subpoena .
    [Show full text]
  • Case 1:19-Cv-01136 Document 1 Filed 04/22/19 Page 1 of 14
    Case 1:19-cv-01136 Document 1 Filed 04/22/19 Page 1 of 14 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA DONALD J. TRUMP, 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20500, THE TRUMP ORGANIZATION, INC., Civil Action No. _______________ TRUMP ORGANIZATION LLC, THE TRUMP CORPORATION, DJT HOLDINGS LLC, THE DONALD J. TRUMP REVOCABLE TRUST, 725 Fifth Avenue New York, NY 10022, TRUMP OLD POST OFFICE LLC, 1100 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004, Plaintiffs, v. ELIJAH E. CUMMINGS, in his official capacity as Chairman of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform, PETER KENNY, in his official capacity as Chief Investigative Counsel of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform, 2157 Rayburn House Office Building Washington, D.C. 20515, MAZARS USA LLP, 135 West 50th Street New York, NY 10020, Defendants. COMPLAINT Plaintiffs bring this action against Defendants for declaratory and injunctive relief and allege as follows: Case 1:19-cv-01136 Document 1 Filed 04/22/19 Page 2 of 14 INTRODUCTION 1. The Democrat Party, with its newfound control of the U.S. House of Representatives, has declared all-out political war against President Donald J. Trump. Subpoenas are their weapon of choice. 2. Democrats are using their new control of congressional committees to investigate every aspect of President Trump’s personal finances, businesses, and even his family. Instead of working with the President to pass bipartisan legislation that would actually benefit Americans, House Democrats are singularly obsessed with finding something they can use to damage the President politically. They have issued more than 100 subpoenas and requests to anyone with even the most tangential connection to the President.
    [Show full text]