DOCSLIB.ORG

A Debate Between Alok Rai and Shahid Amin Regarding Hindi*

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
A Debate Between Alok Rai and Shahid Amin Regarding Hindi* debate A Debate Between Alok Rai and Shahid Amin Regarding Hindi* [Alok Rai’s Hindi Nationalism was released earlier this year in Orient Long- man’s “Tracts for the Times” series. Engaging and erudite, the book traces the decline of Hindi from its glory days to the stilted, bureaucratic, homoge- nized language that it has become today. Rai attributes this decline to the politicization of Hindi by communalists and sectarians who are increasingly being perceived as the “owners” of the new Hindi. Hindi has, over the years, been used to counter the perceived or real “threat” posed by first Urdu and then English. En route it has been hijacked to serve the agendas of various factions, notably the upper castes. This has resulted in its degradation into an artificial language, a sort of “high Hindi” that is far removed from common speech, Rai explains. He explores the history of Hindi—from the first indications of linguistic polarization that arose during the Raj to the connotations of chauvinism that have come to be linked with Hindi in the post-independence era with the rise of the “one nation” theory where Hindi was touted as the language of the unified Hindustan. In the following discussion, historian Shahid Amin and Alok Rai debate the finer points of the book: Why does Rai fight shy of the term “Hin- dustani”? Has he been soft on official Urduwallahs? Why is there an air of “fatedness” about the argument?—“every decision regarding Hindi seems to lead towards 1947 and Pakistan.” Does Rai really believe that “somebody who is able to distinguish between two words, one jaleel [jal!l] and the other zaleel ["al!l], is being élitist?” And when did Hindi lose the intellectual ambi- tion to appropriate the world?] * Alok Rai and Shahid Amin wish to thank Palash Mehrotra for taping this debate and for taking the trouble to transcribe it. 181 182 • The Annual of Urdu Studies Part 1: “I’m trying to counter the Babhani takeover of the Hindi belt.” s h a h i d a m i n : You have titled your book Hindi Nationalism. Cu- riously, there has been a lot of discussion of nationalism from various per- spectives, but there is supposed to be only one unitary history of Hindi. I find that paradoxical. As far as Hindi was concerned, you were either for Hindi or against Hindi but there could be no discussion from within Hindi. Hindi had no history whereas nationalism, which really defined us, had by the 1970s begun to have different histories. So what does this sig- nify? What does this tell us about the way Hindi and nationalism have been related? There have been two different moments. The period of questioning of nationalism has not coincided with the questioning of Hindi. National- ism began to be questioned post-Naxalbari, while Hindi is only being questioned now when Indians writing in English have made certain ad- vances. In your book, you write basically as a disappointed bilingual en- thusiast, not just as a disappointed enthusiast. So this is one set of ques- tions. Secondly, someone might get up and say who are you to criticize Hindi? You are looking at Hindi from the viewpoint of somebody who doesn’t have a stake only in Hindi. Is that a valid position? a l o k r a i : Yes, it can be the position of those who feel the need to distance themselves from the way in which Hindi has been defined in the first half of the twentieth century. S A : And it is not that one is anti-Hindi or anti-national but one is trying to understand what is constitutive of the larger claims being made both by Hindi and nationalism. a r : I don’t know how clearly it comes through in the book, but it was certainly part of my intention to create a distinction between what I call “Hindi” and the nationalism that corresponds to that, and what I think of as a possible nationalism, which uses the language or languages of the people. I believe that as long as “Hindi” represents or is perceived to rep- Shahid Amin and Alok Rai • 183 resent the language of the people, our nationalism is in deep trouble. People are being represented fraudulently. I am trying to make a distinc- tion between, as it were, Hindi nationalism and “Hindi” nationalism. Hindi nationalism may be a utopian thing in the sense that it doesn’t exist. Right now it exists as a kind of unfulfilled possibility. It’s a kind of mass nationalism which can actually mobilize people who are at the moment not represented, except by those who presume to speak in their name. To be very blunt, and I have been blunt in the book also, there is a kind of Sanskritizing upper caste which is responsible for this. This savarna San- skritizing élite which speaks in the name of the people is unchallenged because the challenge cannot come from English. The challenge can only come from below. The challenge can only come in the name of the people. s a : I’ll come to that later but let me just dwell a bit longer on the title of the book: Hindi Nationalism. When you say Hindi nationalism, you don’t wish to suggest Hindi and the issue of nationalism. a r : No. s a : If not, then would there be a space for a Hindustani nationalism? You say that you don’t want to use the term Hindustani since it has con- notations of élitism and privilege. a r : Shahid, the sense in which I mean Hindi nationalism is actually very close to Hindustani nationalism. I have shied clear of the term Hindustani because it has got so encrusted with a particular politics that it would constantly need to be footnoted. In fact, the idea that I have is precisely this, of a shared common language, and therefore it might have been easier in some sense to talk about Hindustani nationalism and Hindi na- tionalism rather than Hindi nationalism and “Hindi” nationalism. Except for what has happened to the term Hindustani…. s a : Tell me, what has happened to the term Hindustani which has teth- ered it to a kind of politics that you will find unacceptable? I want to push you on that. So when you talk about Hindustani music it’s all right. Take 184 • The Annual of Urdu Studies the use of the term “Hindustani” in that famous Mukesh song: #$%&% kal k! b't(ñ Kal k! b't pur'n! Na)( *$añg s( lik$(ñg( mil k( na)! kah'n! Ham Hindust'n!. That you do not have problems with. But when the term Hindustani is applied to language, you feel that it has a baggage. Doesn’t this baggage really attach more to Urdu than to Hindustani? a r : Shahid, I don’t think we really have a difference, I’m not saying don’t push me…. s a : I quote you from page 113: “Because of its origins in a specific re- gional politics the defence of ‘Hindustani’ had become identified with a status quoist defence of privilege.” This is one of the reasons you don’t want to use the term. But this Hindustani or this Urdu also produced a Josh Malihabadi, also produced a Majaz, also produced a Kaifi Azmi. So to say that language was rooted in a defense of privilege … I find that trou- bling because it appears in a book which otherwise hits out against offi- cial Hindi. I just got an e-mail from Professor C. M. Naim from Chicago—he has translated the autobiography of the eighteenth-century Mughal poet M!r Mu"ammad Taq! “M!r”—and he suggested that you have been a bit soft on official Urduwallahs. Naim Sahib may have a point, but in a way it doesn’t matter because you have been very hard on non-official Hin- dustani. How would you react to that? I want to push you on that because this is a term I for one would not easily let go because it also allows you to contest this alliterative haiku that is Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. What I am doing is making Hindustan into Hindustani and cutting that natural con- nection between Hindu and Hindustan. I thought Hindustani gives us that mileage purely in a semantic battle. a r : Does it? I don’t think there’s a difference. The linguistic domain that I am seeking to describe by the term Hindi is identical with the linguistic domain described by Hindustani. It’s merely the term I have a problem with and I think the problem is simply that it’s unavailable in contempo- Shahid Amin and Alok Rai • 185 rary discourse, that the term Hindustani doesn’t seem to cross the thresh- old of 1950. The Constitution kills it. s a : The Constituent Assembly kills it. a r : I was worried that the term might complicate the argument. I needed to free myself, as it were, to say what I wanted to say. But you have a problem with the defense of privilege also. s a : I do, I do. What you are implying is that a language, which appears in the hands of some people as a defense of privilege at a particular point of time, doesn’t provide any wherewithal for experimentation, for using privileged positions, which a lot of us are born into, to then make an ar- gument which is really an attack on privilege.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Honorificity, Indexicality and Their Interaction in Magahi
    SPEAKER AND ADDRESSEE IN NATURAL LANGUAGE: HONORIFICITY, INDEXICALITY AND THEIR INTERACTION IN MAGAHI BY DEEPAK ALOK A dissertation submitted to the School of Graduate Studies Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Linguistics Written under the direction of Mark Baker and Veneeta Dayal and approved by New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Speaker and Addressee in Natural Language: Honorificity, Indexicality and their Interaction in Magahi By Deepak Alok Dissertation Director: Mark Baker and Veneeta Dayal Natural language uses first and second person pronouns to refer to the speaker and addressee. This dissertation takes as its starting point the view that speaker and addressee are also implicated in sentences that do not have such pronouns (Speas and Tenny 2003). It investigates two linguistic phenomena: honorification and indexical shift, and the interactions between them, andshow that these discourse participants have an important role to play. The investigation is based on Magahi, an Eastern Indo-Aryan language spoken mainly in the state of Bihar (India), where these phenomena manifest themselves in ways not previously attested in the literature. The phenomena are analyzed based on the native speaker judgements of the author along with judgements of one more native speaker, and sometimes with others as the occasion has presented itself. Magahi shows a rich honorification system (the encoding of “social status” in grammar) along several interrelated dimensions. Not only 2nd person pronouns but 3rd person pronouns also morphologically mark the honorificity of the referent with respect to the speaker.
    [Show full text]
  • Minority Languages in India
    Thomas Benedikter Minority Languages in India An appraisal of the linguistic rights of minorities in India ---------------------------- EURASIA-Net Europe-South Asia Exchange on Supranational (Regional) Policies and Instruments for the Promotion of Human Rights and the Management of Minority Issues 2 Linguistic minorities in India An appraisal of the linguistic rights of minorities in India Bozen/Bolzano, March 2013 This study was originally written for the European Academy of Bolzano/Bozen (EURAC), Institute for Minority Rights, in the frame of the project Europe-South Asia Exchange on Supranational (Regional) Policies and Instruments for the Promotion of Human Rights and the Management of Minority Issues (EURASIA-Net). The publication is based on extensive research in eight Indian States, with the support of the European Academy of Bozen/Bolzano and the Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group, Kolkata. EURASIA-Net Partners Accademia Europea Bolzano/Europäische Akademie Bozen (EURAC) – Bolzano/Bozen (Italy) Brunel University – West London (UK) Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität – Frankfurt am Main (Germany) Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group (India) South Asian Forum for Human Rights (Nepal) Democratic Commission of Human Development (Pakistan), and University of Dhaka (Bangladesh) Edited by © Thomas Benedikter 2013 Rights and permissions Copying and/or transmitting parts of this work without prior permission, may be a violation of applicable law. The publishers encourage dissemination of this publication and would be happy to grant permission.
    [Show full text]
  • The British Learning of Hindustani
    The British Learning of Hindustani Tariq Rahman The British considered Hindustani, an urban language of north India, the lingua franca of the whole country. They associated it with (easy) Urdu and not modern, or Sanskritized, Hindi. They learned it to exercise power and, because of that, were not careful of mastering the polite usages of the language or its grammar. The British perceptions of the language spread it widely throughout India, especially the urban areas, making it much more widespread than it was when they had arrived. Moreover, their tilt towards Urdu associated it with the Muslims and the language was officially discarded in favour of Hindi in India after independence. The literature of Anglo-India (used here in the earlier sense for the British in India and not for those born of marriages between Europeans and Indians as it came to be understood later) is full of words from Hindustani (also called Urdu by some authors). Rudyard Kipling (1865-1936) can hardly be enjoyed unless one is provided with a glossary of these words and even then the authenticity of the experience of the raj is lost in the translation and the interpretation. Many of those who had been in India used words of Hindustani as an identity marker. According to Ivor Lewis, author of a dictionary of Anglo-Indian words: They [the Hindustani words] could not have been much used except (with fading relevance) among a declining number of 20 Pakistan Vision Vol. 8 No. 2 retired Anglo-Indians in the evening of their lives spent in their salubrious English compounds and cantonments.
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping India's Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and Its
    Mapping India’s Language and Mother Tongue Diversity and its Exclusion in the Indian Census Dr. Shivakumar Jolad1 and Aayush Agarwal2 1FLAME University, Lavale, Pune, India 2Centre for Social and Behavioural Change, Ashoka University, New Delhi, India Abstract In this article, we critique the process of linguistic data enumeration and classification by the Census of India. We map out inclusion and exclusion under Scheduled and non-Scheduled languages and their mother tongues and their representation in state bureaucracies, the judiciary, and education. We highlight that Census classification leads to delegitimization of ‘mother tongues’ that deserve the status of language and official recognition by the state. We argue that the blanket exclusion of languages and mother tongues based on numerical thresholds disregards the languages of about 18.7 million speakers in India. We compute and map the Linguistic Diversity Index of India at the national and state levels and show that the exclusion of mother tongues undermines the linguistic diversity of states. We show that the Hindi belt shows the maximum divergence in Language and Mother Tongue Diversity. We stress the need for India to officially acknowledge the linguistic diversity of states and make the Census classification and enumeration to reflect the true Linguistic diversity. Introduction India and the Indian subcontinent have long been known for their rich diversity in languages and cultures which had baffled travelers, invaders, and colonizers. Amir Khusru, Sufi poet and scholar of the 13th century, wrote about the diversity of languages in Northern India from Sindhi, Punjabi, and Gujarati to Telugu and Bengali (Grierson, 1903-27, vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Languages of New York State Is Designed As a Resource for All Education Professionals, but with Particular Consideration to Those Who Work with Bilingual1 Students
    TTHE LLANGUAGES OF NNEW YYORK SSTATE:: A CUNY-NYSIEB GUIDE FOR EDUCATORS LUISANGELYN MOLINA, GRADE 9 ALEXANDER FFUNK This guide was developed by CUNY-NYSIEB, a collaborative project of the Research Institute for the Study of Language in Urban Society (RISLUS) and the Ph.D. Program in Urban Education at the Graduate Center, The City University of New York, and funded by the New York State Education Department. The guide was written under the direction of CUNY-NYSIEB's Project Director, Nelson Flores, and the Principal Investigators of the project: Ricardo Otheguy, Ofelia García and Kate Menken. For more information about CUNY-NYSIEB, visit www.cuny-nysieb.org. Published in 2012 by CUNY-NYSIEB, The Graduate Center, The City University of New York, 365 Fifth Avenue, NY, NY 10016. [email protected]. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Alexander Funk has a Bachelor of Arts in music and English from Yale University, and is a doctoral student in linguistics at the CUNY Graduate Center, where his theoretical research focuses on the semantics and syntax of a phenomenon known as ‘non-intersective modification.’ He has taught for several years in the Department of English at Hunter College and the Department of Linguistics and Communications Disorders at Queens College, and has served on the research staff for the Long-Term English Language Learner Project headed by Kate Menken, as well as on the development team for CUNY’s nascent Institute for Language Education in Transcultural Context. Prior to his graduate studies, Mr. Funk worked for nearly a decade in education: as an ESL instructor and teacher trainer in New York City, and as a gym, math and English teacher in Barcelona.
    [Show full text]
  • Interferrence of Hindi and English in the Political Discourse of Parliament of India
    Interferrence of Hindi and English in the political discourse of Parliament of India Janjić, Marijana Doctoral thesis / Disertacija 2018 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: University of Zadar / Sveučilište u Zadru Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:162:106407 Rights / Prava: In copyright Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-10-03 Repository / Repozitorij: University of Zadar Institutional Repository of evaluation works SVEUČILIŠTE U ZADRU POSLIJEDIPLOMSKI SVEUČILIŠNI STUDIJ HUMANISTIČKE ZNANOSTI Marijana Janjić INTERFERRENCE OF HINDI AND ENGLISH IN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF PARLIAMENET OF INDIA Doktorski rad Zadar, 2018. SVEUČILIŠTE U ZADRU POSLIJEDIPLOMSKI SVEUČILIŠNI STUDIJ HUMANISTIČKE ZNANOSTI Marijana Janjić INTERFERRENCE OF HINDI AND ENGLISH IN THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF PARLIAMENT OF INDIA Doktorski rad mentorica dr. sc. Zdravka Matišić redovita profesorica u miru Zadar, 2018. SVEUČILIŠTE U ZADRU TEMELJNA DOKUMENTACIJSKA KARTICA I. Autor i studij Ime i prezime: Marijana Janjić Naziv studijskog programa: Poslijediplomski studij Humanističke znanosti Mentor/Mentorica: dr. sc. Zdravka Matišić, redovita profesorica u miru Datum obrane: 26. 2. 2018. Znanstveno područje i polje u kojem je postignut doktorat znanosti: filologija II. Doktorski rad Naslov: Interferrence of Hindi and English in the political discourse of Parliament of India UDK oznaka: 811.214.21'27:811.111 Broj stranica: 306 Broj slika/grafičkih prikaza/tablica: 33 tablice, 17 grafikona, 1 slika, 23 zemljovida Broj bilježaka: 268 Broj korištenih bibliografskih jedinica i izvora: 298 Broj priloga: 9 Jezik rada: engleski III. Stručna povjerenstva Stručno povjerenstvo za ocjenu doktorskog rada: 1. doc. dr. sc. Marijana Kresić, predsjednica 2. dr. sc. Zdravka Matišić, red. prof. u miru, članica 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Indo-Aryan Languages: a Tour of the Hindi Belt: Bhojpuri, Magahi, Maithili
    1.2 East of the Hindi Belt The following languages are quite closely related: 24.956 ¯ Assamese (Assam) Topics in the Syntax of the Modern Indo-Aryan Languages February 7, 2003 ¯ Bengali (West Bengal, Tripura, Bangladesh) ¯ Or.iya (Orissa) ¯ Bishnupriya Manipuri This group of languages is also quite closely related to the ‘Bihari’ languages that are part 1 The Indo-Aryan Languages: a tour of the Hindi belt: Bhojpuri, Magahi, Maithili. ¯ sub-branch of the Indo-European family, spoken mainly in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and the Maldive Islands by at least 640 million people (according to the 1.3 Central Indo-Aryan 1981 census). (Masica (1991)). ¯ Eastern Punjabi ¯ Together with the Iranian languages to the west (Persian, Kurdish, Dari, Pashto, Baluchi, Ormuri etc.) , the Indo-Aryan languages form the Indo-Iranian subgroup of the Indo- ¯ ‘Rajasthani’: Marwar.i, Mewar.i, Har.auti, Malvi etc. European family. ¯ ¯ Most of the subcontinent can be looked at as a dialect continuum. There seem to be no Bhil Languages: Bhili, Garasia, Rathawi, Wagdi etc. major geographical barriers to the movement of people in the subcontinent. ¯ Gujarati, Saurashtra 1.1 The Hindi Belt The Bhil languages occupy an area that abuts ‘Rajasthani’, Gujarati, and Marathi. They have several properties in common with the surrounding languages. According to the Ethnologue, in 1999, there were 491 million people who reported Hindi Central Indo-Aryan is also where Modern Standard Hindi fits in. as their first language, and 58 million people who reported Urdu as their first language. Some central Indo-Aryan languages are spoken far from the subcontinent.
    [Show full text]
  • Conceptions of Hindi
    Hindi 1 Hindi Hindi (Devanāgarī: हिन्दी or हिंदी, IAST: Hindī, IPA: [ˈɦɪndiː] ( listen)) is the name given to various Indo-Aryan languages, dialects, and language registers spoken in northern and central India (the Hindi belt),[1] Pakistan, Fiji, Mauritius, and Suriname. Prototypically, Hindi is one of these varieties, called Hindustani or Hindi-Urdu, as spoken by Hindus. Standard Hindi, a standardized register of Hindustani, is one of the 22 scheduled languages of India, one of the official languages of the Indian Union Government and of many states in India. The traditional extent of Hindi in the broadest sense of the word. Conceptions of Hindi Hindi languages Geographic South Asia distribution: Genetic Indo-European classification: Indo-Iranian Indo-Aryan Hindi languages Subdivisions: Western Hindi Eastern Hindi Bihari Pahari Rajasthani The Hindi belt (left) and Eastern + Western Hindi (right) In the broadest sense of the word, "Hindi" refers to the Hindi languages, a culturally defined part of a dialect continuum that covers the "Hindi belt" of northern India. It includes Bhojpuri, an important language not only of India but, due to 19th and 20th century migrations, of Suriname, Guyana, Trinidad and Mauritius, where it is called Hindi or Hindustani; and Awadhi, a medieval literary standard in India and the Hindi of Fiji. Hindi 2 Rajasthani has been seen variously as a dialect of Hindi and as a separate language, though the lack of a dominant Rajasthani dialect as the basis for standardization has impeded its recognition as a language. Two other traditional varieties of Hindi, Chhattisgarhi and Dogri (a variety of Pahari), have recently been accorded status as official languages of their respective states, and so at times considered languages separate from Hindi.
    [Show full text]
  • Outer and Inner Indo-Aryan, and Northern India As an Ancient Linguistic Area
    Acta Orientalia 2016: 77, 71–132. Copyright © 2016 Printed in India – all rights reserved ACTA ORIENTALIA ISSN 0001-6438 Outer and Inner Indo-Aryan, and northern India as an ancient linguistic area Claus Peter Zoller University of Oslo Abstract The article presents a new approach to the old controversy concerning the veracity of a distinction between Outer and Inner Languages in Indo-Aryan. A number of arguments and data are presented which substantiate the reality of this distinction. This new approach combines this issue with a new interpretation of the history of Indo- Iranian and with the linguistic prehistory of northern India. Data are presented to show that prehistorical northern India was dominated by Munda/Austro-Asiatic languages. Keywords: Indo-Aryan, Indo-Iranian, Nuristani, Munda/Austro- Asiatic history and prehistory. Introduction This article gives a summary of the most important arguments contained in my forthcoming book on Outer and Inner languages before and after the arrival of Indo-Aryan in South Asia. The 72 Claus Peter Zoller traditional version of the hypothesis of Outer and Inner Indo-Aryan purports the idea that the Indo-Aryan Language immigration1 was not a singular event. Yet, even though it is known that the actual historical movements and processes in connection with this immigration were remarkably complex, the concerns of the hypothesis are not to reconstruct the details of these events but merely to show that the original non-singular immigrations have left revealing linguistic traces in the modern Indo-Aryan languages. Actually, this task is challenging enough, as the long-lasting controversy shows.2 Previous and present proponents of the hypothesis have tried to fix the difference between Outer and Inner Languages in terms of language geography (one graphical attempt as an example is shown below p.
    [Show full text]
  • Dialects in the Indo-Aryan Landscape Ashwini Deo Yale University for the Handbook of Dialectology, Ed
    Dialects in the Indo-Aryan landscape Ashwini Deo Yale University For The Handbook of Dialectology, ed. by Charles Boberg, John Nerbonne, and Dominic Watt 1. Introduction The Indo-Aryan language family currently occupies a significant region of the Indian subcontinent, its member languages being spoken in the bulk of North India, as well as in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. The historical depth of the textual record and the geographical breadth of the Indo-Aryan linguistic area, the diversity of its languages (226 in all), and its many speakers (∼1.5 billion in number) all serve to make Indo-Aryan a complex object of linguistic investigation. This chapter offers an overview of the broad structure of the Indo-Aryan family and a classification of its major member languages, tracing briefly the historical record which leads to its synchronic distribution. It is crucial to note that Indo-Aryan is not one language, and a comparative study of the “dialects” of Indo-Aryan necessarily involves a (historical) comparison between several mutually unintelligible languages – many of them with millions of speakers, deep literary records, and complex dialectal differences within. The level of resolution at which variation within Indo-Aryan can be considered in this brief survey is thus different from the intra-linguistic level at which dialectal variation is usually studied. The presence of Indo-Aryan (whose closest relatives within the Indo-European language family are the neighboring Iranian languages) in the Indian subcontinent can be dated back to ap- proximately the early second millenium B.C.E. The influx of Indo-Aryan speakers first occurred in the mountainous areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan and the river plains of Punjab, with grad- ual migrations eastward and southward over the millennia.
    [Show full text]
  • Sikkim University
    The Madheshi Question in Nepal: Implications for India-Nepal Relations A Dissertation Submitted To Sikkim University In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy By Rasik Rai Department of International Relations School of Social Sciences February 2017 Gangtok 737102 INDIA ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A note of gratitude to a number of people, whose genuine support and encouragements made this dissertation a successful work. The dissertation began and ended with the dedicated guidance and enormous help of my supervisor Mr. Ph. Newton Singh. Sir, without whom it would be almost impossible for the completion of the same. I would like to express my heartiest thankfulness and acknowledge him for the guidance and enduring support he bestowed upon me throughout. I also express my sincere thanks to the faculty members of my Department (International Relations), Dr. Manish, Dr. Teiborlang and Dr. Sebastian N. for their valuable suggestions. One of the major resources throughout the dissertation writing has been the library of Sikkim University and Central Library of Sikkim. Therefore, I am thankful to all the concerned authorities of these libraries who provided me access to the library and procure relevant materials during the course of my research. In the end, I extend my thanks to the entire family members especially papa, friends and relatives who believed on me. It was indeed their constant support, encouragement and patience which contributed at large in the process of this research. Rasik Rai Lists of Abbreviation
    [Show full text]
  • Khabar Lahariya: a Feminist Critique of Mainstream Hindi Print Media
    Khabar Lahariya: A Feminist Critique of Mainstream Hindi Print Media Ranu Tomar Abstract The Hindi media is rapidly expanding its market in Hindi heartland of India. Hindi newspapers are increasing their readership in areas of the Hindi- speaking belt. In contrast to this scenario there is a rural newspaper called ‘Khabar Lahariya’, which is paving its own way against the mainstream Hindi print media. It is a weekly newspaper in the local language -Bundeli and is run completely by women from Dalit, Muslim, and lower caste communities. This newspaper was started in 2002 in the Chitrakoot district of Uttar Pradesh, India. Khabar Lahariya employs neo-literate and semi-literate journalists and many of them have been working for the newspapers since it started. This paper is an attempt to analyse Khabar Lahariya as a feminist critique of mainstream Hindi media hegemony. It tries to understand the women working with Khabar Lahariya and their struggles against the rural-patriarchal society. It reflects on the under discussed and ignored issue of family versus work. My research suggests that Khabar Lahariya, this completely women-run newspaper, embodies an inclusive work-culture that is not sexist or masculinist. I reflect on the relationship between women journalists and their location in the media amidst existing choices in market-driven media hegemony. Khabar Lahariya’s work challenges the existing division of labour in mainstream media where newsrooms tend to be upper caste and male dominated. Since it is published in local languages, Khabar Lahariya also breaks the language hegemony of mainstream Hindi media. This paper explores the personal journeys of women journalists in Khabar Lahariya drawing on my experience while working on a project with a non-profit organisation called ‘Point of View’.
    [Show full text]