DOCSLIB.ORG

Congrès AFSP Paris 13

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Congrès AFSP Paris 13 Congrès AFSP Paris 13 ST 25 Hérédité et compétition politique : Le paradoxe de la transmission familiale du pouvoir politique dans les systèmes politiques concurrentiels Tassiopoulos Georges, Université Paris Est [email protected] Au nom du père, du fils et du pouvoir : la démocratie familiale grecque Introduction Le cas grec est très particulier1. Son système d'élites2 ne fonctionne pas comme celui des grandes nations occidentales au sein desquels l'héritage en politique est l'exception et pas la règle. Ceci est beaucoup plus fréquent que dans des pays comme les États Unis d’autant plus et ses dynasties politiques comme les Kennedy3, les Bush4 et les Clinton5. Dans le cas grec ceci est banal qu'on peut parler d'une véritable « démocratie familiale » (Οικογενειακή Δημοκρατία), ou famillio-kratie6 (Οικογενειοκρατία) dans laquelle les postes de Premier Ministre7, de Ministre, ou de député sont d'une autre façon ou d'autre attribuées assez fréquemment aux membres des grandes familles politiques. De filiation directe, de père en fils (comme dans les cas des Papandreou) ou au petit fils, mais aussi au neveu (comme chez les Karamanlis), ou la nièce. Ainsi le terme "tzàkia" (τζάκια) est largement utilisé pour décrire ce phénomène. Tzaki, traduit comme "la cheminée" vient du fait que le futur élu doit appartenir à une grande maison de préférence ancienne. Largement décriés, les tzakia reviennent à la surface à chaque élection législative, et pendant la formation de chaque gouvernement, dans la mesure où une partie des postes ministérielles8, des députés européens9 et des hauts responsables10 sont de facto attribuées aux représentants des différents clans. Mais l’utilisation de ce terme dépasse largement l’hérédité en politique. Il décrit aussi des grandes familles d'hommes d'affaires, des armateurs11, et des artistes. Il est étroitement lié à l'héritage des fortunes par des 1Nikos Dimou (Νίκος Δήμου) parle des orientaux de l’Europe, ou des occidentaux de le l’Orient, sans avoir de repères bien fixes entre deux mondes et entre deux systèmes des valeurs. Dimou Nikos, Le malheur d’être Grec, Payot, Paris, 2012 2 Ρηγούτσου Μαρία (επιμέλεια), Επισκόπιση τύπου, η Ελλάδα χωρίς ελίτ, Deutsche Welle, 30/12/2012 http://www.dw.de/%CE%B7-%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%BB%CE%AC%CE%B4%CE%B1- %CF%87%CF%89%CF%81%CE%AF%CF%82-%CE%B5%CE%BB%CE%AF%CF%84/a-16342118 3 Davis H. John, The Kennedys: Dynasty and Disaster, SPI Books, New York, 1984 4 Duffy Michael and Gibbs Nancy, Republican Convention: The Quiet Dynasty, TIME Magazine, 7 August 2000, Vol. 156, No 6 5 Steinhauser Paul, 2016 Poll: Hillary Clinton lapping potential Democratic field, April 30th 2013, http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/2013/04/30/2016-poll-hillary-clinton-lapping-potential-democratic-field/comment-page-1/ 6 Terme issu des mots famille (Οικογένεια) et État (Κράτος). Il est largement utilisé par les medias grecs. Παπασταθοπούλου Χριστίνα, Δεδέ Μαρία, Οικογενειακή υπόθεση..., Ελευθεροτυπία, Αθήνα, 26 Σεπτεμβρίου 2009 7 En Grèce, le Premier Ministre gouverne le pays tandis que le rôle du Président de la République est plutôt symbolique. 8 Comme par exemple Michel Liapis (Μιχάλης Λιάπης) fut Ministre au gouvernement de son cousin Costas Karamanlis. 9 Comme par exemple, le futur Premier Ministre Antoine Samaras, membre d’une grande famille politique. 10 Comme par exemple Theodore Katsanévas (Θόδωρος Κατσανέβας) le gendre de l’ancien Premier Ministre Andreas Papandreou a été nommé comme Directeur de la Fondation des Assurances Sociales (IKA). Le site Internet d’IKA est le : http://www.ika.gr/ 11Κοσμά Κατερίνα, Στη λίστα «Lloyds» 14 Ελληνες πλοιοκτήτες, Έθνος, Αθήνα, 19/12/2012 http://www.ethnos.gr/article.asp?catid=22770&subid=2&pubid=63755803 1 "héritiers d'or" (Χρυσοί Κληρονόμοι) dont le rôle est avant tout de pérenniser leur patrimoine. Leurs exploits, scandales ou affaires sont largement diffusés par la presse populaire et les magazines12. Leurs lieux de prédilection : la place de Kolonaki (πλατεία Κολωνακίου) au centre d'Athènes, les banlieues cousues de Kifissia13 (Κηφισσιά), Ekali (Εκάλη), Psychico14 (Ψυχικό) et Filothei (Φιλοθέη) au nord d'Athènes. Tzaki rime dans ces cas là avec "old money". Les vieilles familles puissantes du pays15. Forment-ils les tzakia des véritables familles bourgeoises ? C'est une question très difficile est extrêmement compliquée à répondre de façon absolue. Elle pourrait être posée aussi différemment : Y-a-t-il, depuis la création de l'État grec moderne16 en 1830, (avec le Protocole de Londres) une véritable bourgeoisie ? Yorgo Siakantiàris (Γιώργος Σιακαντιάρης) pensent qu'elle n’en dispose pas17 . D’autres comme Paschos Mandravelis (Πάσχος Μανδραβέλης) pense qu'elle est dotée comme chaque pays, d'une classe bourgeoise, et avec des grandes faiblesses18.Mais, l'absence d'une véritable tradition industrielle, d'une haute bureaucratie d'État, et surtout l'existence de diasporas importantes à l'étranger jouant assez souvent le rôle d'une véritable bourgeoisie renforcent la première approche. En Grèce, les différents courants idéologiques, politiques, et sociaux sont importés de l'extérieur par le biais des communautés grecques installées à des villes comme Vienne, Venise, Alexandrie, Marseille, Paris, Londres, ou Washington jouant le rôle d'une véritable bourgeoisie grecque "externalisée", faute d'une véritable bourgeoisie au sein des frontières nationales. Siakantiàris souligne « qu’en Grèce, c’étaient les diasporas exerçant une activité industrielle à l’étranger qui ont joué le rôle de la bourgeoisie. Par conséquent il n’existait ni des intérêts locaux, ni de conditions nécessaires pour le développement d’un esprit bourgeois 19». Presque 200 ans après l'indépendance du pays, cette tradition des tzakia se pérennise encore. Mais les tzakia économiques sont, de fait, installés à Londres20, à Genève et à New York et ayant seulement une partie de leurs activités en Grèce. Il s’agit d’élites intégrées dans la mondialisation21 (20% de la flotte marchande au niveau mondial appartient à des armateurs Grecs), mais gardant des distances avec leur centre national. Ce qui explique la publication d’un grand nombre d’articles dans la presse en essayant d’expliquer pourquoi elles n’investissent pas en Grèce22. 12Assez fréquemment au Journal Espresso : http://www.espressonews.gr/ 13Le site officiel de la municipalité de Kifissia est : http://www.kifissia.gr/main 14 Le site officiel de la municipalité de Psychico-Filotheï est : http://www.psychiko.gov.gr/ 15 Mais il est aussi utilisé dans le cas de l’emergency des nouvelles tzakia (νέα τζάκια) Καρακούσης Αντώνης, Tα παλιά τζάκια ισχυρά και στη νέα εποχή, Καθημερινή, Νέο Φάληρο, 09/12/2001 http://news.kathimerini.gr/4dcgi/_w_articles_ell_2_09/12/2001_10279 16 Κόκκινος Δυονύσιος, Η τελική δια την Ελλάδα συνθήκη και η άφηξις του Όθωνος, Τόμος 6, Κεφάλαιο 29, Η Ελληνική Επανάστασις, Εκδοτικός οίκος Μέλισσα, Αθήνα, 1974, σ. 718-727 17« Je crois qu’il n’y a pas un corps aristocratique indigène…. » Σιακαντάρης Γιώργος, Η ελληνική Δημοκρατία σε Άμυνα, Εκδόσεις Πόλις, Αθήνα, 2011, p. 159-170 18Mανδραβέλης Πασχος, Τα ελλείμματα της αστικής τάξης στην Ελλάδα, Καθημερινή, Νέο Φάληρο, 05/08/2012 http://news.kathimerini.gr/4dcgi/_w_articles_columns_3_05/08/2012_491443 19Ιdem Siakantιàris, p. 167 20 Δημητρομανωλάκης Γιώργος, Οι 100 πλουσιότεροι Έλληνες και Κύπριοι του Λονδίνου, Capital.gr, Xαλάνδρι, 28/03/2008 http://www.capital.gr/tools/view_printer.asp?ID=475232 21 (Sans auteur), Πρώτη στον κόσμο η ελληνική ναυτιλία, παρά την κρίση, Καθημερινή, Νέο Φάληρο, 02/03/2012 http://www.skai.gr/news/finance/article/196316/proti-ston-kosmo-i-elliniki-nautilia-para-tin-krisi/ 22 Παπαποστόλου Τάσος, Πέντε ομογενείς μεγαλο επιχειρηματίες εξηγούν γιατί “φοβούνται” να επενδύσουν στην Ελλάδα, usa.greekreporter.gr, 23/02/2010 http://usa.greekreporter.gr/?p=1432 2 Il y a des multiples raisons pour une telle attitude. Mais la principale est la traditionnelle méfiance face à l'État grec et son administration23 imprévisible24, mal organisée25 et corrompue26 conduisant les tzakia économiques du pays à se sentir plus à l'aise à Londres ou à New York qu'à Athènes loin « des histoires de folie au quotidien27 » (καθημερινής τρέλλας28). Pour les tzakia politiques, le même tropisme pour les grandes capitales occidentales se manifeste d'une façon différente de l'établissement du siège social29, mais similaire dans son essence. En maîtrisant bien la langue anglaise et en faisant des études à l'étranger, de préférence aux États-Unis ou au Royaume-Uni. A titre indicatif, les cinq derniers Premier Ministres du pays ont passé des années outre Manche comme Georges Papandreou30 et Costas Simitis31 (Κώστας Σιμίτης), ou en outre Atlantique comme Costas Karamanlis32, Georges Papandreou33, Loukàs Papadimos34 (Λουκάς Παπαδήμος) ou Antonis Samaras35. Gage de qualité et de prestige, un Master ou un Doctorat de Harvard (pour Andreas Papandreou) ou de la London School of Economics ouvre les portes pour une carrière politique de premier rang comme dans le cas de Georges Alogoskoufis36 (Γιώργος Αλογοσκούφης), ou de Yannos Papantoniou37 (Γιάννος Παπαντωνίου). Ce qui explique l'expatriation temporaire quasi-obligatoire des futures élites politiques de la nation grecque, membres des grandes familles38. A l'image de leurs lointains aïeux comme de Constantin Karamanlis, de 23 Ρακιντζής Λέανδρος, Η ανατομία του… διεφθαρμένου δημ. υπαλλήλου: Απόφοιτος ΑΕΙ & ψηλά στην ιεραρχία!, Star Channel, Kάτω Κηφισσιά-Αθήνα, 01/02/2013 http://www.star.gr/Pages/Politiki_Oikonomia.aspx?art=166233&artTitle=i_anatomia_tou_dieftharmenou_dim_ypallilou_apofoitos
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Evanthis Hatzivassiliou Greek-Yugoslav Relations Is A
    Evanthis Hatzivassiliou From Adversity to Alliance: Greece, Yugoslavia and Balkan Strategy, 1944-1959 Greek-Yugoslav relations is a subject of pivotal importance for understanding the shaping of twentieth century Balkan balances. In the post-war period this relationship became even more interesting: Greece and Yugoslavia had radically different political, economic and social systems; they were bitterly divided in 1944-1948, but then they norma­ lized relations, participated in a Balkan alliance together with Turkey, and when this alliance broke down, they continued their co-operation on a bilateral basis. In this paper it will be argued that the factor which divi­ ded Greece and Yugoslavia in 1944-1948 was not ideology, but strate­ gy; and it was strategy that brought them closer after Tito’s split with Stalin. After 1948 both countries shaped their policy on the basis of a mild realism, and their relationship was dominated by their perception of their respective national interests. In this paper, emphasis will be placed on Greek perceptions and assessments, but Yugoslav views will also be mentioned. I During the inter-war period Greece’s major problem with Yugo­ slavia derived from the latter’s great size: Belgrade was a powerful neighbour, capable of pressing Athens and of attracting support from the great powers, mainly France. At that time Greece was afraid of Yugo­ slavia’s hegemonist tendencies in the Balkans, as well as of its desire to pose as the protector of the Slav-speaking minority of Greece and as a suitor for the port of Thessaloniki. It was clear that, facing Bulgarian revisionism, it would be impossible for Athens to resist pressures from both its northern neighbours; this was why the possibility of a Bulgarian- Yugoslav rapprochement was the nightmare scenario of the Athens policy-makers'.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece and NATO Master's Thesis Presented
    The “Menace from the North” and the Suppression of the Left: Greece and NATO Master’s Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University Ioannis Pavlou, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2015 Thesis Committee: Georgios Anagnostou, advisor Anthony Kaldellis Copyright by Ioannis Nikos Pavlou 2015 Abstract In the aftermath of the Greek Civil War, the right-wing elements of Greece’s government felt that they needed to join NATO to protect Greek interests from the perceived threat posed by Communism and their Balkan neighbors. Throughout this period of time, the Greek state implemented several drastic and often undemocratic motions that led to measures against minority groups, suppressing left-wing politicians, and applying old nationalistic rhetoric such as the “Menace from the North” to the situation with the Communist regimes in their neighboring countries. During this time, Greek interests often were pushed aside in order to appease the United States and other members of NATO while at other points, Greece nearly went to war with their NATO ally Turkey over the future of Cyprus. Meanwhile, Greece’s new-found alliance with NATO led to an improvement of their military capabilities to the point where the highly nationalistic, anti-Communist army would seize control of the government in 1967 and form a Military Junta. During the seven years of military control, NATO continued to work with the Military Junta which in turn would have drastic consequences when Greece nearly went to war with Turkey over Cyprus.
    [Show full text]
  • Il;;Iit;Iiror.R*H and Natural Gas Had Been Discovered (U.S.) Rltlilrllil.R :' Dlt a Meeting on the Same Day
    r- -rrSt 12-18, L974 xnEstNcts coNTEMpoRARy aRcHrvES 26667 GREECE. End of Military Dictatorship. other hand, rejected this clairn and repeatedlv expressed its i,rrmation of Civilian Govemment uttaer-fvfr.- X"r"- readiness to negotiate !q::r'nlis. an agreenlent witil Gree6e to'determine -_ Dispute with Turkey over Continental Sh;If in the two countries' respective rights in the hxgean Sea. - Reintroductioir af rg12 Constitution, Aegean. -: rjntter the 1958 Geneva convention on the continental shelf lsee the *'ake of the events in CSprus 164151, [see 26661 A], the lfeads -page sigrred by Greece in lg72 but not sisned. by Turkey, tbe rrni' r"rr* Greek armed forces decided on iuly zs to citi tq)on nine bouniLaty within wLtich a state hail exclusive fisltis ti-exploit ltttntt*-,-"--ent persons-all for.mer leading politicians-to form mineral resources of its continental shelf might be determinea, by ., States iuri :r'tr Government in view of the n6tibnal emergency ". lying opposite to each other on the same shelf, eittier fy -:l: mutual agreement or, failing: such agreement, by the meclian rine Cabinet led try Mr. Adamantios Androutsopoulos, who betrveen the two shores. irtturur -'p"eatgdlV !een, severely criticized by his fo" Mr. prime llrttrr" ':€ u-.ed "oit"ug;", Alaio"Fqpoulos, then Greek Minister, had the Government merely to endorse actionJalready announced rl,**' :-h]' the military readers, ha.i in February that significant deposits of crucle oil il;;iit;iiror.r*h and natural gas had been discovered (u.s.) rltlilrllil.r :' dlt a meeting on the same day. "a"ii"" by ftre oceanic ';:"r€k Exploration Conrpany near the Grcek island of Thas'os, in the li officers of thc Third.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Reorganization-Formation of New Minor Parties- Economic Policies-Foreign Relations Cabinet Reshuffle (Jan
    Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 30, April, 1984 Greece, Page 32791 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. Government reorganization-Formation of new minor parties- Economic policies-Foreign relations Cabinet reshuffle (Jan. 16–17, 1984). Further cabinet change (March 26). Formation of right-wing EPEN party (Jan. 29). Formation of left-wing ESPE party (Feb. 22). Parliamentary approval of draft five-year plan (Nov. 21, 1983). Presentation and approval of 1984 budget (Nov. 30–Dec. 23). Congress of General Confederation of Greek Workers (Dec. 9–11). Proposed prices and incomes policy (Dec. 20). Private sector wage agreement (Feb. 12, 1984). Killing of US naval officer (Nov. 15, 1983). Controversy over US policy towards Greece and Turkey (February 1984). Alleged Turkish firing on Greek ship (March 8). Joint alumina plant agreement with Soviet Union (March). The government of Dr Andreas Papandreou, formed after the 1981 elections [see 31261 A] and extensively reshuffled in July 1982 [see 32585A] with further minor changes in 1983 [ibid.], underwent several modifications in January 1984. Mr Gregoris Varfis, a member of the Cabinet as Deputy Foreign Minister with responsibility for European Affairs (and described in The Times of Jan. 17 as ‘a rare pro-EEC voice in the Socialist government’), resigned for health reasons on Jan. 16. His replacement was announced on the following day as part of a reshuffle affecting several portfolios as follows: Prof. Apostolos Lazaris Minister
    [Show full text]
  • Hellenic 2-2012 23/6/16 1:50 Μ.Μ
    Hellenic_exofillo_2_2015_Layout 1 23/6/16 12:42 μ.μ. Page 1 2 ETUDES HELLENIQUES HELLENIC STUDIES LA DIASPORA GRECQUE THE GREEK DIASPORA Edited by / Sous la direction de Stephanos Constantinides With associate editor / Avec la collaboration de Thalia Tassou Contributors / Contributions de Jean Catsiapis Stephanos Constantinides Michael Damanakis Dimitrios Filippou Dionysia Kontoyiannis ETUDES HELLENIQUES / HELLENIC STUDIES Theodosia Michelakakis Dimitrios Filippou George Kanarakis Alexander Kitroeff Louiza Christodoulidou Volume 23, No 2, Autumn / Automne 2015 2 2015 Hellenic Studies 2_2015_me leukes_Hellenic 2-2012 23/6/16 1:50 μ.μ. Page 49 A Global World Greek Lobby Stephanos Constantinides* RÉSUMÉ L’auteur de cet article dresse le portrait du lobby grec à travers le monde, en insistant plus particulièrement sur le lobby helléno-américain. Il examine sa structure et son fonctionnement et surtout sa contribution à faire avancer les intérêts grecs auprès de gouvernements de pays où s’activent d’importantes communautés grecques. C’est en premier lieu le cas de l’important lobby grec aux Etats-Unis et en second lieu les communautés d’Australie, du Canada et de l’Europe occidentale. L’auteur souligne en particulier la mobilisation de la communauté chypriote de Grande Bretagne en faveur de Chypre et contre l’occupation turque d`une partie de l’ ‘île. ABSTRACT e author of this article depicts the Global World Greek Lobby with special reference to the Greek American lobby. e author examines its structure and functioning, and especially its contribution in advancing Greek interests with the governments of countries with large Greek communities. is is mainly the case of the important Greek lobby in the United States and secondarily in other countries, such as Australia, Canada and Western Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Stan Draenos
    UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AND THE LIBERAL AWAKENING IN GREECE, 1958-1967 Stan Draenos ABSTRACT: This paper traces the evolution and outcome of the US opening to the Greek Center triggered by the May 1958 parliamentary elections. It focuses on the role which that opening played in the liberal awakening that took shape under the banner of the Center Union (CU) party, founded in September 1961. After John F. Kennedy assumed the US presidency (January 1961), New Frontier liberals, including Andreas Papandreou, son of CU leader George Papandreou, pushed more aggressively for this opening, which was validated by the Center Union’s rise to power in November 1963, the same month as the Kennedy assassination. During the Johnson Administration, US liberal policies in Greece were tested and found wanting, as Cold War fears trumped the US embrace of reform and change in Greece. The American retreat drove US policies towards bankruptcy, culminating in an uneasy acceptance of the 1967 Greek military dictatorship, wreaking permanent damage on Greek–US relations. The US enunciation of the Truman Doctrine on March 12, 1947 was a defining moment for the two countries most directly involved: the United States and Greece. For the US, intervention to defeat the Greek Left in the Civil War (1946-1949) marked the advent of its Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union. For Greece, it marked the beginning of a deep and complicated dependency relationship with the global super power that had replaced Great Britain as the protector of Western interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.1 As President Dwight D.
    [Show full text]
  • When Lady Liberty Turns a Blind Eye: United States Foreign Policy During the Invasion of Greece, 1940-1941 Athena Stephanopoulos
    When Lady Liberty turns a Blind Eye: United States Foreign Policy during the Invasion of Greece, 1940-1941 Athena Stephanopoulos "I remember hiding in an oven when I was ten," she lamented. "The Germans had broken down our door and were demanding to take all the children away from our parents, probably to kill us first. \~'hen they peeked in oven ;vindow, I held my breath and prayed that the pots and pans were piled over my head because if not, I would be burned alive. That's when I first knew of fear."1 The months that followed Thomai Stephan's first encounter with German "hunters" as she deemed them, were no less frightening or menacing than the day she hid in the oven. Soon after the hunters left her village in northern Greece, Thomai and her family labored through a series of barriers to escape her now occupied community. "Oh it was petrifying. They stole all of our animals so that we'd starve; we ran into the caves and hid for days so they wouldn't find us; and when more came in from Macedonia, everyone dug a secret trench with a wooden cover piled under dirt and waited tor their footsteps to soften-that day I almost suffocated to death."" Her memories are shocking though this is only a small portion of what the little girl experienced when the Axis powers came to Greece during the Second World War. By the time Germans ravaged her village of Hiliothendro, the war had been ingrained in the lives of Greek peasants tor seven months.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 UNNEGOTIATED TRANSITION . SUCCESSFUL OUTCOME: THE PROCESSES OF DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN GREECE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Neovi M, Karakatsanis, B.A., M.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Uni International 300 N
    INFORMATION TO USERS This reproduction was made from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technology lias been used to photograph and reproduce this document, the quality of the reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or “target” for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “ Missing Page(s)” . I f it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure complete continuity. 2. When an image on the fdm is obliterated with a round black mark, it is an indication of either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, duplicate copy, or copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed. For blurred pages, a good image o f the page can be found in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted, a target note will appear listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photographed, a definite method of “sectioning” the material has been followed. It is customary to begin film ing at the upper left hand corner o f a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again-beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix 1 Arend Lijphart’S Schematic Presentation of Principal Propositions of Consociational Theory
    Appendix 1 Arend Lijphart’s Schematic Presentation of Principal Propositions of Consociational Theory Source: Arend Lijphart, Power-Sharing in South Africa, policy papers in International Affairs, no. 24, Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1985 p. 85. 177 Appendix 2 Cypriot Population Distribution: 1960 Source: Richard A. Patrick, Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict: 1963–1971, Ontario, University of Waterloo, 1976 p. 10. 178 Appendix 3 Greek Cypriot Political Parties Major Greek Cypriot political parties Recent parliamentary Party Ideology Alliances vote % Foundation of party AKEL Communist DIKO, EDEK 2006: 31.1% 1926 as KKK, banned 2001: 34.7% in 1931 by the British government; Re-formed 1941 as AKEL. DISY Centre-right EDI, Liberal 2006: 31.4% 1976 as a result of split 2001: 34.0% with President Makarios. Traditionally houses EOKA and EOKA B supporters. DIKO Centre-right AKEL, EDEK 2006: 19.9% 1976 Founded by second 2001: 14.8% president, Spyros Kyprianou. EDEK Social-Democrat DIKO, AKEL 2006: 8.9% 1970 by Vassos Lyssarides, (Centre-left) 2001: 6.5% personal physician of Archbishop Makarios. Traditionally houses supporters of Makarios and Lyssarides’ 1964 group of fighters against Turkish Cypriots. EDI Liberal DISY 2006: 1.6% 1993 as Movement 2001: 2.6% of Free Democrats by third president Georgos Vassiliou; Later merged with ex-AKEL members ADISOK to form EDI. Sources: Republic of Cyprus Press and Information Office; personal interviews of author. 179 180 Appendices Previous presidents of the Republic of Cyprus President Term of office Party Archbishop Makarios 1960–77 None Spiros Kyprianou 1977–88 DIKO George Vassiliou 1988–93 EDI Glafkos Clerides 1993–2003 DISY Tassos Papadopoulos 2003–8 DIKO Demetris Christofias 2008 AKEL Source: Republic of Cyprus Press and Information Office.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece; Cyprus; Turkey, 1973–1976
    1330_chfm.qxd 9/20/07 9:09 AM Page 1 310-567/B428-S/11007 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976 Volume XXX Greece; Cyprus; Turkey, 1973–1976 Editor Laurie Van Hook General Editor Edward C. Keefer United States Government Printing Office Washington 2007 1330_chfm.qxd 9/20/07 9:09 AM Page 2 310-567/B428-S/11007 DEPARTMENT OF STATE PUBLICATION 11444 OFFICE OF THE HISTORIAN BUREAU OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office Superintendent of Documents, Mail Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402-9328 1330_chfm.qxd 9/20/07 9:09 AM Page III 310-567/B428-S/11007 Preface The Foreign Relations of the United States series presents the official documentary historical record of major foreign policy decisions and significant diplomatic activity of the United States Government. The Historian of the Department of State is charged with the responsibil- ity for the preparation of the Foreign Relations series. The staff of the Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, under the direction of the General Editor of the Foreign Relations series, plans, researches, compiles, and edits the volumes in the series. Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg first promulgated official regulations codifying specific stan- dards for the selection and editing of documents for the series on March 26, 1925. These regulations, with minor modifications, guided the se- ries through 1991. Public Law 102–138, the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, which was signed by President George H.W. Bush on October 28, 1991, established a new statutory charter for the preparation of the series.
    [Show full text]
  • Military Dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) : the Genesis of Greek Anti-Americanism
    Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1980 Military dictatorship in Greece (1967-1974) : the genesis of Greek anti-Americanism. Munn, Donald C. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/18993 p..;. w K«^ 400». s»' NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS Military Dictatorship in Greece (1967-197^)1 The Genesis of Greek Anti -Americanism by Donald C . Munn June 1980 Th 9sis Advisor: D. P. Biirke Approved for public release; distribution unlimited T195917 I t SeCUMlTY CLASSIFICATION Of THIS »*ne r»HMi Dmim Bnlmf^) READ INSTRUCTinNS REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE BEFORE COMPLETINCi FORM 2. OOVT ACCKUIOM MO. *. nCCl^lCMT'S CATALOG NUMaEK 4 TITLE ran' Sw*««ff«) » TY^e OP «epowT * ^enioo coverco Military Dictatorship in Greece Master's Thesis (1967-197^) J The Genesis of Greek (June 1980) Anti-Americanism •• PcnroHMiMO OMo. ncvoMT NuMacn 7. AuTHonr*> • CONTRACT OA SMANT NUMSCnr*) Donald Crawford Munn to. • . RCKFOMMINO OnOANIZATlON NAME ANO AOOHIM ^nOONAM CLEMENT, ^nojECT, TASK AREA • WOMK UNIT NUMBERS Naval Postgraduate School Monterey, California 939^0 II CnNTROLLINC OFFICE NAME ANO AOOMEIS 12. REPORT DATE Naval Postgraduate School June 1980 Monterey, California 939^0 IS. NUMBER OF RAGES 23^ 14. MONITORING AGENCY NAME A AQORCSSTIf itttfrmtt Irmm ContflUmt OtUem) tt. SECUMITY CLASS, fef lHla report) Naval Postgraduate School Unclassified Monterey, California 939^0 ll«. OCCLAStlFIC ATI on/ DOWN GRADING tCMCOULC l«. DISTRISUTION STATEMENT (ol ihia H^mmrtt Approved for public release; distribution unlimited <7. DISTRISUTION STATEMENT fat «A« mtmtrmel «i(«Mtf in •!•«* 20, II Mllmnmt Imm mm0t*) <• SURRLEMCNTARV NOTES t*. KEY WORDS ^Conrlmi* on r*ir»ra« •(«• II n«c«a«arf «f l*mttltr »r feJoe* nii>»0 Greek military dictatorship (1967-197^), Greek junta (1967-197^), George Papadopoulos , U.S.
    [Show full text]