DOCSLIB.ORG

Appendix 1 Arend Lijphart’S Schematic Presentation of Principal Propositions of Consociational Theory

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Appendix 1 Arend Lijphart’S Schematic Presentation of Principal Propositions of Consociational Theory Appendix 1 Arend Lijphart’s Schematic Presentation of Principal Propositions of Consociational Theory Source: Arend Lijphart, Power-Sharing in South Africa, policy papers in International Affairs, no. 24, Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1985 p. 85. 177 Appendix 2 Cypriot Population Distribution: 1960 Source: Richard A. Patrick, Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict: 1963–1971, Ontario, University of Waterloo, 1976 p. 10. 178 Appendix 3 Greek Cypriot Political Parties Major Greek Cypriot political parties Recent parliamentary Party Ideology Alliances vote % Foundation of party AKEL Communist DIKO, EDEK 2006: 31.1% 1926 as KKK, banned 2001: 34.7% in 1931 by the British government; Re-formed 1941 as AKEL. DISY Centre-right EDI, Liberal 2006: 31.4% 1976 as a result of split 2001: 34.0% with President Makarios. Traditionally houses EOKA and EOKA B supporters. DIKO Centre-right AKEL, EDEK 2006: 19.9% 1976 Founded by second 2001: 14.8% president, Spyros Kyprianou. EDEK Social-Democrat DIKO, AKEL 2006: 8.9% 1970 by Vassos Lyssarides, (Centre-left) 2001: 6.5% personal physician of Archbishop Makarios. Traditionally houses supporters of Makarios and Lyssarides’ 1964 group of fighters against Turkish Cypriots. EDI Liberal DISY 2006: 1.6% 1993 as Movement 2001: 2.6% of Free Democrats by third president Georgos Vassiliou; Later merged with ex-AKEL members ADISOK to form EDI. Sources: Republic of Cyprus Press and Information Office; personal interviews of author. 179 180 Appendices Previous presidents of the Republic of Cyprus President Term of office Party Archbishop Makarios 1960–77 None Spiros Kyprianou 1977–88 DIKO George Vassiliou 1988–93 EDI Glafkos Clerides 1993–2003 DISY Tassos Papadopoulos 2003–8 DIKO Demetris Christofias 2008 AKEL Source: Republic of Cyprus Press and Information Office. Previous presidents and prime ministers of the TRNC Position Name Term of office Party Of Cabinet President Rauf Denktass¸ 1985–2005 UBP President Mehmet Ali Talat 2005–Present CTP Prime Minister Hakki Atun 1994–6 DP DP-CTP Prime Minister Dervis¸ Erogg˘lu 1996–2004 UBP UBP-DP/UBP-TKP Prime MinisterMehmet Ali Talat 2004–5 CTP CTP-DP Prime Minister Ferdi Sabit Soyer 2005–9 CTP CTP-DP Prime Minister Dervis¸ Erogg˘lu 2009–Present UBP UBP Source: http://www.cm.gov.nc.tr/cm/kabine/kabban.htm (accessed 27 December 2006). Appendix 4 President Makarios’ 13 Amendments to the 1960 Constitution 1. The right of veto of the president and the vice-president of the Republic to be abandoned. 2. The vice-President of the Republic to deputise for the president of the Republic in case of his temporary absence or incapacity to perform his duties. 3. The Greek president of the House of Representatives and the Turkish vice- president to be elected by the House as a whole and not as at present the presi- dent by the Greek Members of the House and the vice-president by the Turkish Members of the House. 4. The vice-president of the House of Representatives to deputise for the president of the House in case of his temporary absence or incapacity to perform his duties. 5. The constitutional provisions regarding separate majorities for enactment of certain laws by the House of Representatives to be abolished. 6. Unified municipalities to be established. 7. The administration of Justice to be unified. 8. The division of the Security Forces into Police and Gendarmerie to be abolished. 9. The numerical strength of the Security Forces and of the Defence Forces to be determined by a law. 10. The proportion of the participation of Greek and Turkish Cypriots in the com- position of the Public Service and the Forces of the Republic to be modified in proportion to the ratio of the population of Greek and Turkish Cypriots. 11. The number of the members of the Public Service Commission to be reduced from ten to five. 12. All decisions of the Public Service Commission to be taken by simple majority. 13. The Greek Cypriot Communal Chamber to be abolished. Source: Dimitris Bitsios, Cyprus: The Vulnerable Republic, Thessaloniki, Institute for Balkan Studies, 1975 p. 217. 181 Appendix 5 Alvaro de Soto’s Preliminary Thoughts, 12 July 2000 1. As we are about to break until 24 July, I would like to share with you some prelimi- nary thoughts on the way ahead. It is difficult to draw a balance sheet of a process which has not yet entered the negotiating phase as such, and that is not my pur- pose today. Nor has the time come for submitting proposals, let alone comprehen- sive proposals. I am intentionally refraining from covering the entire spectrum at this time. One step at a time. I first wish to obtain reactions to these preliminary thoughts, which contain a mixture of procedure, assumptions, emerging trends, and pending issues. 2. I am not asking for approval or concurrence with what I am about to say. My pur- pose is to elicit your comments, not now, but when you return from the break. 3. General points: • The aim is a comprehensive settlement covering all issues on the table, encompassing all legal instruments and other agreements involving non- Cypriot actors. • The settlement should be self-executing and provide for appropriate mecha- nisms for verification of compliance. • The settlement should leave nothing to be negotiated subsequently. • The settlement should include binding timetables of implementation. • Labels are to be avoided, at least for the present, so as to concentrate on the underlying concepts. • Nothing is agreed until everything is agreed. 4. General aims: • Political equality for Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. • Maximum security and institutional protection for Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots to ensure that neither can dominate the other. • Equitable solutions for the exercise of property rights, for the right of return, and on territory. 5. Among the broad features of a potential settlement that are emerging, I see the following: • A common state consisting of an indissoluble partnership of politically equal, largely self-governing component states, sharing in a single international legal personality. Each component state shall have its own constitution, govern- ment, powers and distinct citizenship. The comprehensive settlement would enshrine the basic legal framework of the common state. • A common Cypriot nationality and government with specified powers. 182 Appendices 183 • Effective participation of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in the common government. • Free movement throughout the island. • An international force to be deployed under a Security Council mandate; dis- solution of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot forces; prohibition of arms supplies; substantial reduction of non-Cypriot forces to equal levels. Security arrangements will have to recognise the crucial role of the Treaty of Guarantee and the Treaty of Alliance. • The need to honour property rights. My sense is that this will require an appropriate combination of restitution, exchange and compensation. The exact make-up will be closely linked to the extent of territorial adjustment. • The extent of territorial adjustment will require considerable further reflection. There also seems to be a correlation between territorial adjustment and the degree of integration of, or separateness between, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in general. • An additional factor in this equation is the powers and structures of the com- ponent states and the common state respectively. These linkages confirm the view, which I am sure we all share, that we must advance on all issues simultaneously. Finally, let me state my assumption that a comprehensive settlement shall com- mit Cyprus to EU membership while taking into account legitimate concerns in this regards. I have attempted to share with you my impression of the state of play. The resulting snapshot is unavoidably blurry. More cannot be expected in the short time available to me because of the early break. It is obvious that considerable work remains to be done on all issues, but we must take the long view. I look forward to your comments on 24 July so as to build on what we have so far. Source: David Hannay, Cyprus, the Search for a Solution, London, I. B. Taurus and Co. 2005. Appendix 6 The 8 November 2000 Document 1. I am very glad to join you and wish to thank you for accepting my invitation to continue and intensify efforts to achieve a comprehensive settlement. I was gratified that, in New York, we saw the first signs of the real engagement and I understand that this has continued here in Geneva. I realize, of course, that there is a long way to go. 2. Since we are now seriously engaged in the substance, I wish to make a number of observations. Further to my statement of 12 September, I want to give you my thoughts, first about procedure, and then about some substantive aspects of a possible comprehensive settlement, in the hope of facilitating negotiations. However, I wish to make clear that, as with Mr de Soto’s ‘Preliminary Thoughts’ of 12 July, and the subsequent ideas we have offered, I am not at this stage putting forward a proposal, nor am I covering all the ground. I do not intend to make these remarks public, but I will leave you with the notes of what I say just for your record. 3. On procedure, the first thing I wish to do is to confirm that, as concerns the United Nations, these negotiations are being conducted pursuant to Security Council Regulation 1250, which sets out four guidelines: • No preconditions; • All issues on the table; • Commitment in good faith to continue to negotiate until a settlement is reached; and • Full consideration of relevant United Nations resolutions and t reaties. 4. In these negotiations, each party represents its side – and no one else – as the political equal of the other, and nothing is agreed until everything is agreed.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • THE CYPRUS QUESTION in the MAKING and the ATTITUDE of the SOVIET UNION TOWARDS the CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) a Master's
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bilkent University Institutional Repository THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) A Master’s Thesis by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 To my grandfathers Osman OYMAK and Mehmet Akif ASLAN, THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) The Institute of Economics and Social Sciences of Bilkent University by MUSTAFA ÇAĞATAY ASLAN In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BILKENT UNIVERSITY ANKARA September 2008 I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Associate Prof. Hakan Kırımlı Supervisor I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Nur Bilge Criss Examining Committee Member I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and in quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations. --------------------------- Assistant Prof. Dr. Eugenia Kermeli Examining Committee Member Approval of the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences --------------------------- Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel Director ABSTRACT THE CYPRUS QUESTION IN THE MAKING AND THE ATTITUDE OF THE SOVIET UNION TOWARDS THE CYPRUS QUESTION (1960-1974) Aslan, Mustafa Çağatay M.A., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Associate Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of the Cyprus Referendum on the Annan Plan* Theodore Chadjipadelis and Ioannis Andreadis† Department of Political Sciences Aristotle University Thessaloniki
    Analysis of the Cyprus referendum on the Annan plan* Theodore Chadjipadelis and Ioannis Andreadis† Department of Political Sciences Aristotle University Thessaloniki Abstract One of the most important worldwide political issues in 2004 has emerged at 24 April 2004. Cypriots have expressed their opinion about the well-known Annan plan on the reunification of Cyprus in two simultaneous referenda. In this paper we analyse how the Greek Cypriots voted in the referendum. Firstly, we present the Cypriots' attitudes towards the Annan plan and the general political scene. For many Greek Cypriots the Annan plan had a lot of disadvantages and most of the Greek Cypriot political parties were against the plan. Some Greek Cypriot political leaders also influenced the Greek Cypriot vote by strongly opposing the plan. Our analysis shows that Greek Cypriots have not voted uniformly on the Annan Plan. Their vote is strongly depended on their political ideas and theses. For instance, more than 90% of the Cyprus President supporters voted against the Annan Plan. On the other hand, the percentage of the voters who supported other candidates for the 2003 presidential elections and were against the Annan plan is lower. Another important factor for the vote seems to be the voters’ geographical location. Spatial differences seem to be very important in Cyprus referendum. For instance, a comparison between Paphos and Famagusta Districts provides enough evidence for the importance of spatial factors. Spatial differences in the Cyprus referendum results are explored using ecological inference techniques. In less than two months time, after the referendum, Cypriots voted for their first time to elect six European Parliament members.
    [Show full text]
  • Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
    CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading.
    [Show full text]
  • Fintech and Consumer Decision-Making in the Information Age
    FinTech and Consumer Decision-Making in the Information Age Bruce Carlin∗ Arna Olafssony Michaela Pagelz November 2020 Abstract We exploit the release of a mobile application for a financial aggregation plat- form to analyze how Financial Technology (FinTech) adoption changes consumer financial decision making. Our sample consists of individuals that had been using the platform via a desktop computer long before the mobile app was released. The app reduced the cost of accessing personal financial information, and this was re- sponsible for a significant drop in the use of expensive consumer credit and late payment fees. The leading explanation for our results appears to be mistake avoid- ance, which is supported by a significant reduction in non-sufficient funds (NSF) charges after the app was released. JEL classifications: G5, D14, D83, G02. ∗Department of Finance, Jones School of Business, Rice University, Houston, TX, USA, & NBER. [email protected] yDepartment of Finance, Copenhagen Business School, 2000 Frederiksberg, Denmark, the Danish Finance Institute, & CEPR. ao.fi@cbs.dk zDivision of Economics and Finance, Columbia Business School, NY, USA, NBER, & CEPR. [email protected] We thank numerous seminar participants, and our discussants and conference participants at the AF- FECT Conference University of Miami, University of Kentucky Finance Conference, Santiago Finance Conference, Cerge-Ei Prague, 6th ITAM Finance Conference, and the AEA. This project has received funding from Danish Council for Independent Research, under grant agreement no 6165-00020. This project has benefitted from funding from the Carlsberg Foundation. We are indebted to Meniga and their data analysts for providing and helping with the data.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Recognition of Human Rights Violations in Cyprus: Loizidou V Turkey and Cyprus V Turkey
    kirk.qxd 15/1/2001 2:40 ìì Page 79 Kirk, Linda J. 2003. Legal Recognition of Human Rights Violations in Cyprus: Loizidou v Turkey and Cyprus v Turkey. In E. Close, M. Tsianikas and G. Frazis (Eds.) “Greek Research in Australia: Proceedings of the Fourth Biennial Conference of Greek Studies, Flinders University, September 2001”. Flinders University Department of Languages – Modern Greek: Adelaide, 79-92. Legal Recognition of Human Rights Violations in Cyprus Loizidou v Turkey and Cyprus v Turkey Linda J. Kirk Introduction The recent decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Loizidou v Turkey and Cyprus v Turkey are a vindication of the legal rights of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot citizens who continue to have their human rights violated by the illegal Turkish regime that has controlled northern Cyprus since 1974. In July 1989, Mrs Titina Loizidou, a Greek-Cypriot refugee, commenced an action against Turkey in the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. The basis of her claim was that the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974 had denied her access to her property in her home town of Kyrenia and that this amounted to a breach of the European Convention on Human Rights. On 28 July 1998, some nine years later, her legal battle came to an end with the European Court of Human Rights ordering that Turkey pay Mrs Loizidou compensation of the equivalent of AUS $1,500,000 for the loss of enjoyment of her property rights.1 Turkey has refused to comply with the Courts orders despite its being a party to the European Convention on Human Rights and its desire to become a member of the European Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Elections in Cyprus in 2013
    INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Presidential Elections in Cyprus in 2013 CHRISTOPHEROS CHRISTOPHOROU February 2013 n The right-wing party Democratic Rally is likely to return to power, twenty years since it first elected its founder, Glafcos Clerides, to the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus and after ten years in opposition. The party’s leader may secure election in the first round, thanks to the alliance with the Democratic Party and the weakening of the governing communist Progressive Party of the Working People. n The economy displaced the Cyprus Problem as the central issue of the election cam- paign. The opposition blames the government’s inaction for the country’s ailing economy, while the government, the ruling AKEL and their candidate blame neolib- eral policies and the banking system. The candidate of the Social Democrats EDEK distinguishes himself by proposing to pre-sell hydrocarbons and do away with the Troika. He also openly opposes bizonality in a federal solution. n Whatever the outcome of the election, it will mark a new era in internal politics and in Cyprus’s relations with the European Union and the international community. The rapid weakening of the polarisation between left and right, at the expense of the left, may give rise to new forces. Their main feature is nationalist discourse and radical positions on the Cyprus Issue and other questions. Depending on the winner, Nicosia and Brussels may experience a kind of (their first) honeymoon or, conversely, a new period of strained relations. n At another level, the new President will have to govern under the scrutiny of the IMF and the European Union’s support mechanism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO.
    [Show full text]
  • TOWARD the REUNIFICATION of CYPRUS: DEFINING and INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO the PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch
    110 Virginie Ladisch 6 TOWARD THE REUNIFICATION OF CYPRUS: DEFINING AND INTEGRATING RECONCILIATION INTO THE PEACE PROCESS Virginie Ladisch In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debate has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics. There has been little focus on reconciliation. This research, conducted one year after the ref- erendum in which Cypriots were given an historic opportunity to vote on the reunifi cation of the island, places the concept of reconciliation at the center of the debate about the Cyprus problem. Based on data gathered through forty interviews with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot politicians, businessmen, activists, academics, organizational leaders, economists, and members of civil society, this article presents Cypriots’ views on reconciliation. Drawing from literature on reconciliation in confl ict-divided societies as a framework, this article also analyzes the various perceptions Cypriots hold about reconciliation. Finally, this article identifi es initiatives that could be used to promote reconciliation in Cyprus. The process needs to begin immediately so that it can lay the groundwork for the open dialogue, trust building, and understanding that are essential to the successful settlement of the Cyprus problem.1 Virginie Ladisch is a Master in International Affairs candidate at the School of Inter- national and Public Affairs, Columbia University ([email protected]). 7 Toward the Reunifi cation of Cyprus: Defi ning and Integrating Reconciliation into the Peace Process 111 INTRODUCTION In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debates and discussions has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics, but there has been little to no focus on reconciliation.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey-Eu Relations in the Wake of the March European Council: Towards a Positive Agenda?
    IKV’s Trustee Organisations: 19 65 ISSUE: 71 APRIL 2021 www.ikv.org.tr / contact: [email protected] TURKEY-EU RELATIONS IN THE WAKE OF THE MARCH EUROPEAN COUNCIL: TOWARDS A POSITIVE AGENDA? A revitalisation of Turkey-EU relations is urgently needed for both parties and will entail both de-escalation in the foreign policy domain and building of cooperation and trust as well as progress in the human rights, democracy and rule of law situation in Turkey. Assoc. Prof. Çiğdem NAS Statement of the Members of the EU and Member State interests again, European Council did not include then it would use “the instruments IKV Secretary General a harsh criticism regarding these and options at its disposal to defend developments and accorded the its interests…”. Such instruments that urkey-EU relations have 8th place to the rule of law and could be used against Turkey were followed a bumpy path since fundamental rights question among not elaborated in the statement. T2016. The year 2020 was a total of 11 points (point 16 under However, the report titled “State of especially challenging because the title of “Eastern Mediterranean” play of EU-Turkey political, economic of rising tensions in the Eastern starting with point 9). Moreover, the and trade relations” prepared by the Mediterranean in addition to the debate about Turkey-EU relations European Commission and High dire effects of the coronavirus was under the title of the “Eastern Representative Borrell detailed the pandemic. Seismic explorations Mediterranean” giving pundits an possible sanctions that could be for hydrocarbons off the coast of idea about the lenses through which employed against Turkey such as Cyprus and in the Aegean exposed the EU has been eyeing Turkey lately.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of Greek Cypriot National Identity
    Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 12-1998 The Origins of Greek Cypriot National Identity Elena Koumna Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Koumna, Elena, "The Origins of Greek Cypriot National Identity" (1998). Master's Theses. 3888. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3888 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORIGINS OF GREEK CYPRIOT NATIONAL IDENTITY by Elena Koumna A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillmentof the requirements forthe Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan December 1998 Copyrightby Elena Koumna 1998 To all those who never stop seeking more knowledge ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis could have never been written without the support of several people. First, I would like to thank my chair and mentor, Dr. Jim Butterfield, who patiently guided me through this challenging process. Without his initial encouragement and guidance to pursue the arguments examined here, this thesis would not have materialized. He helped me clarify and organize my thoughts at a time when my own determination to examine Greek Cypriot identity was coupled with many obstacles. His continuing support and most enlightening feedbackduring the writing of the thesis allowed me to deal with the emotional and content issues that surfaced repeatedly.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Or National Sovereignty? 1
    POPULAR OR NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY? 1 Popular or National Sovereignty? EU’s Priorities in the Cyprus Referendum for Unification and the Catalan Referendum for Independence Ricardo Rauseo University of Florida POPULAR OR NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY? 2 ABSTRACT Why does the EU sometimes fail to emerge as a key player in crises with regards to its core principles such as peace and democracy? This article analyzes two cases that undermine the EU’s normative potential despite its self-identification and common perception as a normative power: the Cypriot Annan Plan Referendum of 2004 aiming to reunite the island, which had been divided since 1974, and the Independence Referendum in Catalonia held in 2017 to break away from Spain. These cases present a unique opportunity to improve our understanding of the EU’s stance on two types of sovereignty- popular and national sovereignty- specifically in the context of the right of self-determination. Although the EU has showed a rather passive leadership in both cases, it had different reasons to justify its position. In the Cyprus case, the EU praised self-determination in the name of democracy, which ultimately discouraged the Greek Cypriot majority from seeking unification with the Turkish Cypriot minority, and in the Catalan case, the EU principally ignored the right to self-determination in Catalonia in the name of respect for rule of law in Spain. By drawing upon the primary sources on member state preferences and the official statements from the EU, this article argues that the EU’s position favoring popular sovereignty in the Cyprus case and national sovereignty in the Catalan case can be explained by contextual variables informing biases and interests of its member states and puts into question the nature of the EU’s problem-solving capacity as a normative actor.
    [Show full text]
  • Propaganda War During the Peak of the Enosis Campaign: the Case of the English Edition of Halkin Sesi
    Propaganda War During the Peak of the Enosis Campaign: The Case of the English Edition of Halkin Sesi Nikolaos Stelgias,1 Magdalene Antreou2 Abstract During the second half of the 1950s, the Greek Cypriot leadership, the British colonial administration and the Turkish Cypriot community contested for the right to decide the future of the island. The local press had a unique role in this political battle as a medium for the unleashing of a fierce ‘propaganda war’. The British administration propagated its messages to the public through the local English-language press, while the Turkish Cypriot community took part in this ‘propaganda war’ through the short- lived ‘English Edition of the Halkın Sesi’, which is the object of this study. The study, which relies on archival material, finds that the second largest community of the island was not a reactionary element in Cyprus’ political field. With innovations, such as the English-language version of a propagandist newspaper, the Turkish Cypriot community emerged as a vital player in the field of the Cyprus Problem. Keywords: Cyprus Problem, propaganda, Turkish Cypriots, Halkın Sesi, English language press Introduction: Propaganda war in Cyprus’ English-language press during the peak of the Enosis campaign We have decided to publish an English edition of Halkın Sesi after serious con- sideration. The object of this English edition is to state and restate the Turkish point of view on Cyprus and counter fight the prolific Greek propaganda, which is based on falsehoods or sentiment. We feel that it is high time the English-speak- ing world has a serious look at the other side of the Cyprus coin, a side, which in modesty and due to lack of means has not been sufficiently stated so far3.
    [Show full text]