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Immigration, Spatial Segregation and Housing Segmentation of Immigrants in Metropolitan Stockholm, 1960± 95

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Immigration, Spatial Segregation and Housing Segmentation of Immigrants in Metropolitan Stockholm, 1960± 95 Urban Studies, Vol. 35, No. 10, 1869± 1888, 1998 Immigration, Spatial Segregation and Housing Segmentation of Immigrants in Metropolitan Stockholm, 1960± 95 Robert A. Murdie and Lars-Erik BorgegaÊrd [Paper received in ® nal form, August 1997] Summary Immigration policy and the origins of immigrants coming to Sweden have changed dramatically during the post-World War Two period. During the same period, changes in housing policy have affected the type of accommodation available to immigrants and refugees. It is within the context of these and other changes that we develop a model of the driving forces behind spatial segregation and housing segmentation in Sweden and document and evaluate shifts in the spatial segregation and housing segmentation of immigrants in the Stockholm region between 1960 and 1995. 1. Introduction Since World War Two, international newly arrived immigrants have often been migration has grown in numbers and com- viewed by majority groups, and particularly plexity. More nations are involved in the the political right, as a threat to economic migration process and the groups affected by well-being and national identity. This is migration have become more diverse. Inter- especially so for countries which have national migrants now differ dramatically experienced the social dislocation of econ- according to characteristics such as culture, omic restructuring and where a retrenchment language, race and economic status. Through of the welfare state has reduced the life- time, migrants have also been viewed differ- chances of many residents (Castles and ently by the receiving society. In the early Miller, 1993, ch. 2). post-World War Two period, immigrants In the receiving countries, many immi- were generally, welcomed in countries with a grant groups are segregated spatially and labour shortage. More recently, however, concentrated in particular housing tenures. In Robert A. Murdie is in the Department of Geography, York University, North York, Ontario, Canada, M3J 1P3. Fax: (416) 736 5988. E-mail: [email protected]. Lars-Erik BorgegaÊrd is in the Department of Geography, UmeaÊ University and Institute for Housing Research, Uppsala University, Box 785, S-801 GaÈ vle, Sweden, Fax: 1 46 26 14 78 02. E-mail: [email protected]. We are grateful to the Institute for Housing Research, Uppsala University, for providing us with a good working environment during the writing of this paper, to The Swedish Council for Social Research for supporting the project during Robert Murdie’ s stay in Sweden, to Mats Haglund, Statistics Sweden, for assistance with the acquisition of data and to Ove Ericsson at the Institute for Housing Research for a careful reading of the paper. Robert Murdie is also appreciative to York University for a sabbatical leave fellowship which allowed him to spend research time in Sweden. This paper was ® rst presented at the European Network for Housing Research conference in Helsingù r, Denmark, August 1996. We are grateful to the participants in the workshop on Immigration and Housing for their comments and to Ronald van Kempen, SË ule OÈ zuÈ ekren and an anonymous referee for their valuable suggestions on subsequent drafts of the paper. 0042-0980 /98/101869-2 0 $7.00 Ó 1998 The Editors of Urban Studies 1870 ROBERT A. MURDIE AND LARS-ERIK BORGEGAÊRD some instances these forms of segregation a useful measure of the extent to which result from discriminatory practices by the these groups have achieved tenurial inte- host society, while in other cases they are gration with the native-born population. The attempts by immigrants to retain a degree latter is especially important in the Swedish of group cohesiveness, both as a way of context, given the somewhat negative view enhancing cultural identity and of avoiding that Swedish of® cials have expressed discrimination. There is considerable debate towards housing segmentation. about the advantages and disadvantages of The speci® c purposes of the paper are to segregation. For example, the spatial con- document and analyse the extent of spatial centration of an immigrant group from a segregation and housing segmentation single ethnic background may enhance com- among immigrant groups of different econ- munication among members of the group omic and cultural backgrounds in the Stock- and encourage the development of ethnic- holm region from 1960 to 1995. Stockholm oriented businesses and institutions. On the is of particular interest because of Sweden’ s other hand, residential segregation, either long-standing social welfare policy which spatially or in particular housing tenures, incorporates an elaborate and integrated set may reduce opportunities for structural inte- of housing, labour market and general social gration, especially in areas such as lan- security programmes. Behind this policy are guage, education and employment. values and norms, emphasising justice, soli- Our concern in this paper is the extent to darity and equality between individuals. For which immigrant groups in metropolitan immigrants, this implies `integration’ with Stockholm are segregated spatially and the Swedish society. Our hypothesis is that, in degree to which they are differentiated in spite of the of® cial Swedish policy of the housing market. Spatial segregation con- `integration’ of immigrant and refugee cerns the separation of immigrant groups (or groups, the outcome has been continued other social groups) according to their dif- `segregation’ , and in some cases increased ferentiation in space, while housing market segregation, both in terms of the spatial differentiation or segmentation relates to the distribution of these groups and their concentration of groups in the housing mar- concentration within particular housing ket, usually according to tenure. Spatial seg- tenures. regation is important because of its close The remainder of the paper is divided link to social distance (Duncan and Lieber- into four major sections. First, we provide a son, 1959, p. 364; Peach, 1975, p. 1). The conceptual framework of the driving forces smaller the social distance between individ- behind spatial segregation and housing seg- uals, the greater the likelihood that they will mentation. In doing so, we consider global live in close proximity to each other. Also, and national factors as well as the character- the closer that people live to each other, the istics of Swedish immigrants in the post- greater the potential for more social interac- World War Two period and recent changes tion and less social distance. Therefore, in economic structure and the housing mar- physical and social distance tend to be ket of the Stockholm region that have mutually reinforcing with the result that spa- potential impacts on less-skilled and more tial segregation is both a measure of and an disadvantaged groups such as recent immi- in¯ uence on social distance. Housing seg- grants. Next, we present some details con- mentation is important to the extent that it cerning areas of study, the selection of sheds light on spatial segregation. New immigrant groups and research methodol- immigrant groups are often channelled to ogy. This is followed by a presentation and low-cost public or private rental housing discussion of the ® ndings. Finally, we put which in itself is spatially clustered within the study in broader perspective and discuss cities. Housing segmentation measured over the concepts of integration and segregation time for particular immigrant groups is also within the framework of the Swedish model. IMMIGRANTS IN STOCKHOLM, 1960±95 1871 Figure 1. Driving forces behind spatial segregation and housing segmentation. 1872 ROBERT A. MURDIE AND LARS-ERIK BORGEGAÊRD 2. Theoretical Framework: The Driving and labour market skills. The social distance Forces behind Spatial Segregation and between many newcomer groups and the Housing Segmentation native Swedish population has also increased, thus raising the potential for lower The conceptual perspective of the important levels of integration and greater economic driving forces behind spatial segregation and marginalisation. In turn, this has increased housing segmentation, as illustrated in Figure the likelihood of higher levels of spatial seg- 1, is both a general model and a framework regation and housing segmentation, that can be applied speci® cally to Sweden especially in metropolitan areas such as and the Stockholm region. It is also a Stockholm. dynamic model that stresses shifts over time, especially during the post-Second World War period. The model is organised accord- 2.2 National (Sweden) ing to three interconnected spatial scales ranging from global (international) to The number and type of immigrants accepted national (Sweden) to local (the Stockholm by a country, as well as immigrant settlement Region). patterns within the receiving country, are affected by a variety of factors related to the societal context of that country. These factors 2.1 Global (International) also change over time as a result of shifts in political ideology and economic circum- At the international level, the most important stances. Important factors at the national factors are the increased ¯ ows and greater level include the nature of immigration pol- diversity of immigrants and refugees (Castles icy, attitudes towards immigrants, economic and Miller, 1993; Roseman et al., 1996). restructuring and housing policy (see, for This shift in migration patterns is linked to example, Castles and Miller, 1993; Boal, economic and political structures which
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