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Newtownpub-180212Vallingby.Pdf New Towns on the Cold War Frontier Content Dodoma, Tanzania 468 *Prologue 12 Zanzibar New Town 550 A Thousand and One Garden Cities 1899-1945 The Origin and Pedigree of the New Towns Model Ciudad Guyana, Venezuela 586 Changpin, China 592 *Chapter 1 24 “An Iron Curtain has descended across the continent” Islamabad, Pakistan 598 The First Generation New Towns in the West and the Eastern Block Hanoi Vietnam 604 Stevenage, England 30 Kabul, Afghanistan 610 Hoogvliet, The Netherlands 36 Habana del Este, Cuba 616 Westelijke Tuinsteden, The Netherlands 60 Unidad Independencia, Mexico 622 Vällingby, Sweden 66 Nowe Tychy, Poland 274 *Chapter 3 716 Vernacular Spectacular Neo Beograd, Serbia 280 Critique from the Inside-Out on the Diagrams of the New Towns Eisenhuttenstadt, Germany 286 Toulouse Le Mirail, France 722 23 de Enero, Caracas 292 Poulad Shahr, Iran 728 Rourkela, India 734 *Chapter 2 298 Export to Developing Countries 10th of Ramadan, Egypt 740 Urban Planning as a Weapon in the Cold War Milton Keynes, United Kingdom 746 Arad, Israël 304 Baghdad, Iraq 310 *Epilogue 752 How to survive the twentieth century? Tema, Ghana 316 The fate of the old New Town, the rise of the new generation, and the ongoing search for context. Against a sky with cumulus clouds, the Swedish New Town Vällingby’s logo is watching over you as a giant blue eye visible from every angle. Bent in neon the turning Vällingby, Sweden V-sign is striving aft er a utopia, however, reminding you that you are close to Sweden’s capital Stockholm. Although the community centre Vällingby Centrum has acquired the Anglicism of Vällingby City, the similarity with the famous images that toured architectural journals worldwide fi ve decades ago is striking: the same characteristic TOO GOOD TO BE lampposts, the same typography snaking on signs, the same fountain with pigeons and locals, resting on benches. Yet, like an Indian saying, it is ‘same same, but diff erent’. While new cobblestones immaculately re-enact a 1950s geometrical pattern, the lower fl oor of the Edward Hopper-like restaurant Vällingehus is converted into a multi-ethnic TRUE OR TOO BAD food hall ranging from Lebanese to Th ai. Between these contrasts, Vällingby’s intimate and nationally listed community centre appears as a geological plate, rubbing between the Sweden of yesterday and the Sweden of tomorrow. Old New Town pioneers pulling suitcases on wheels, veiled women, playing children and busy shoppers, many of whom TO BE CREDIBLE are carriers of traditional Swedish names such as Svensson, Jönsson and Andersson, mix moderately with counterparts with names like Khan, Osman and Hossein. Small- scale shops, the popular MacDonald’s and the classic cinema Fontänen blend with public service anchors such as the assembly hall Trappan, the youth club Tegelhögen, – A TALE OF TWO the library, and the Saint Th omas Church. Below, underground tunnels provide shops with goods while the public transport line Tunnelbanan connects Vällingby to Stockholm and other satellite towns. As a recently landed TOWNS, THE spaceship, Gert Wingård’s lacquer-red fashion fl agshipKfem claims space and attention as a new landmark. Embracing this core area, dwellings cluster in diff erent tempi according SEQUEL to the natural topography – high-rise towers, followed by low apartment blocks and Signe Sophie Bøggild occasional single-family houses. Few kilometres away, but on another Tunnelbana line, you have to remind yourself that you are only 25 minutes from Stockholm as a Babylonian crowd of people and products overfl ows the ‘Siamese twin’ New Town Tensta-Rinkeby. Like a beehive, the square in Rinkeby Centrum is attracting an intense 66 67 form of life: A Somali ‘chief’ giving audience Vällingby’s iconic logo the V-sign – a successful marketing trick, 68 69 visible from all angles. At the back you can see some of the point blocks in Vällingby Centrum, sticking up. Small town idyll, urbanity, consumerism and welfare come together in Vällingby’s listed shopping-cum-community centre. To the left the retro cinema Fontänen, to the right the assembly hall Trappan. 70 71 In many respects Vällingby Centrum resemble its 1950’s image: the same lampposts, the same pigeons, the same circular paving, if not the same people resting on benches. 72 73 for gesticulating listeners, grey-haired Arabic men hanging out on regular cafés, dark- skinned women consulting stalls crammed with yam and okra, a dyed blond sipping cowberry juice in a tight outfi t …You could probably spend hours contemplating this multiplicity squeezed into the narrow proportions of the grid-patterned district centre, encircled by symmetrical belts of dense concrete slabs and tall lamella houses. Looking closer, however, the rigidity is not a corset. Within the tight planning scheme appropriations of spaces and self-organised activities are left a room for manoeuvre. Take the shop becoming bazaar and saree outlet, or the rental apartments becoming schools and mosques. Ten years ago Rinkeby was known as Turk City due to a big percentage of residents with Turkish background. Now, most of them have moved out just like the ethnic Swedes for whom Tensta-Rinkeby were originally built. Meanwhile, new inhabitants of Somali, Iranian and Iraqi origins have replaced them. Th is (im) migration process has created a new geographical frontier: On the one hand, the Vällingby-like fountain, the blue-white Tunnelbana sign, the assembly hall Folkets Hus (Th e People’s House) joining clubs and social services, an insular Swedish fl ag in a forest of satellite dishes, and the hotdog stand off ering sausage with mash and shrimp salad, unmistakably localise Tensta-Rinkeby to the Stockholm region. On the other hand, all the juxtapositions, described above, seem to question where and what urban living in Stockholm and Sweden might be in the globalised and multicultural welfare society of today. Black Sheep, White Sheep In front of us we have two diff erent and particular New Towns. Within a small radius, both are situated at the land area of Spånga, 12 -15 km northwest of downtown Stockholm. As a rare coming together of form and content, Vällingby of 1954 was part and parcel with the expansionist political program of Folkshemmet (literally e People’s Home). Over a long period of Social Democratic hegemony, housing policies manifested as a ‘social engineering’, associating urban planning and the design of dwellings with the creation of ‘the good life’ and the ‘just society’. Deep into the 1960s, architects and planners from near and far studied Vällingby as a pioneer New Town congenial to the Swedish Model of a Social Democratic welfare state with a prosperous economy. Embodying a political system, internationally known as e Middle Way, the individually designed New Town was even used as propaganda showcase during the Cold War, promoting the interests of the neutral country in a global society divided in two. Experiments with novel design solutions produced a new planning paradigm, 74 75 the ‘ABC-Town’, innovatively integrating public welfare and private initiave with work, Rinkeby Centrum. Tensta Centrum. People from over 100 nations meet The diversity of the crowd, occupying on the square of Tensta Centrum strikes the visitor, Rinkeby Centrum’s arriving with Tunnelbana from Babylonian beehive central Stockholm. with intimate fi xtures of Swedish Million Programme urbanism. 76 77 housing and community centre (Arbeta = work, Bostad = housing, Centrum = centre). For all these reasons Vällingby was appointed patrimony at the young age of 33 (1987). A generation aft er the inauguration of Vällingby, Rinkeby and Tensta in the same plan became debated territory. As a product of the grand-scale housing scheme Miljonprogrammet (the Million Program), the general plan for the southern part of the former military area Järvafältet came as much out of need and pragmatics as the quest for visionary ideology and design. Vaguely echoing 5-year plans of the East Block, the Million program was presented as the magic potion that would fi nally cure the housing problem, plaguing Swedish cities in general and Stockholm in particular for decades. Following the tracks of building cranes, more than a million new dwellings (largely walk-up fl ats) were constructed in the period of 1965 – 1974. In its titanic scale, trust in universal standards and rationalised building methods, the program was a showpiece of the welfare state’s effi ciency and egalitarianism. Yet, the Social Democratic utopia quickly turned into a knotty odyssey. Due to its extent and pace the project might have been so rational that considerations of quality was swallowed up by quantity. Even before their completion, the Million Program New Towns scattered around Sweden’s biggest cities (Stockholm, Malmö, Gothenburg, etc.) were criticised as grim and unliveable living environments. Shortly aft er Tensta-Rinkeby’s slabs and walk-up fl ats were in place, they were voided of ethnic Swedish fl eeing to the new option, off ered by a boom of aff ordable single- family houses in the late 1970s. Parallel to a wave of immigration, the empty fl ats were haphazardly converted into homes for people on welfare and of other ethnicities than Swedish.1 Suddenly, unemployed and immigrants inhabited the Million Program dwellings, intended for working families. Crime rates and social problems grew while the architecture decayed and everybody refused to take the fi nal responsibility. Th us, the reputation of Tensta-Rinkeby literally blackened in the media and socio-economical reports as ‘prefabricated parking places’ for a growing immigrant population and the least ‘resourceful’ among ethnic Swedes. Th e book Rapport Tensta (1970), published by three journalists of the tabloid newspaper Expressen, is a classic example.2 Many of the urban imaginaries and ghosts surrounding the two New Towns continue to linger: Over the years, Stockholm’s fi rst New Town Vällingby has largely been depicted as an urban success - as cutting-edge design and a monument of the Swedish Model.
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