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State Societyand Governancein Melanesia

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State Societyand Governancein Melanesia THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies State, Society and Governance in Melanesia StateSociety and in Governance Melanesia DISCUSSION PAPER Discussion Paper 2005/6 DECENTRALISATION AND ELITE POLITICS IN PAPUA ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION JAAP TIMMER This paper focuses on conflicts in the Province For a number of reasons ranging from Dutch of Papua (former Irian Jaya) that were stimulated nationalism, geopolitical considerations, and self- by the recent devolution of power of administrative righteous moral convictions, the Netherlands functions in Indonesia. While the national Government refused to include West New decentralisation policy aims at accommodating Guinea in the negotiations for the independence anti-Jakarta sentiments in the regions and of Indonesia in the late 1940s (Lijphart 1966; intends to stimulate development, it augments Huydecoper van Nigtevecht 1990; Penders 2002: contentions within the Papuan elite that go hand Chapter 2; and Vlasblom 2004: Chapter 3). At the in hand with ethnic and regional tensions and same time, the government in Netherlands New increasing demands for more sovereignty among Guinea initiated economic and infrastructure communities. This paper investigates the histories development as well as political emancipation of of regional identities and Papuan elite politics the Papuans under paternalistic guardianship. In in order to map the current political landscape the course of the 1950s, when tensions between in Papua. A brief discussion of the behaviour of the Netherlands and Indonesia grew over the certain Papuan political players shows that many status of West New Guinea, the Dutch began to of them are enthused by an environment that guide a limited group of educated Papuans towards is no longer defined singly by centralised state independence culminating in the establishment control but increasingly by regional opportunities of the New Guinea Council (Nieuw-Guinea Raad) to control state resources and to make profitable in 1961. In addition, a flag, the Bintang Kejora deals with national and international commercial or Morning Star flag, was designed to be flown ventures. As a result, the aspirations of legislators beside the Dutch flag and a national anthem was are all too often detached from the reasons for adopted to be played and sung during official demands for more sovereignty cherished among occasions after the Netherlands national hymn. The contribution the majority of Papuans whose frustrations about After a twelve-year dispute that was reaching of AusAID to ineffective governance are ever increasing. More its peak with the threat of open military conflict, this series is generally, the conflict in Papua only partly follows this policy had to be aborted. In December 1961, acknowledged prevailing opinion about the tensions between President Sukarno issued the Trikora (Tri Komando with appreciation. ‘Papua’ and ‘Jakarta’ or ‘Indonesia’. Rakyat or ‘People’s Threefold Command’) for the Decentralisation and Elite Politics in Papua liberation of Irian Barat (West Irian). At the In response to the ‘Indonesian occupation’ 2 heart of this massive mobilisation was Operasi of their land a liberation organisation called the Mandala, an Armed Forces of the Republic of Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM, Free Papua Indonesia (ABRI) campaign designed to put Organisation) emerged as a local movement in pressure on the Netherlands government. The Manokwari in the 1960s and, from there, spread United States and Australia were not willing to over the Kepala Burung (Bird’s Head region). It support the Dutch military forces. soon became a fragmented network of dispersed In an international climate of decolonisation, groups of guerrilla-fighters.3 Its access to weapons and after President Sukarno’s sustained pressing was limited and popular support scant. Very few of Indonesia’s claim to the territory, the United elite Papuans joined the armed struggle and the States sponsored negotiations between Indonesia vast majority of people living outside the urban and the Netherlands about the future of West centres did not feel the sense of belonging to New Guinea under the auspices of the United a nation that had been invaded by Indonesia. Nations. The resulting New York Agreement of 15 Nevertheless, disillusion with the Indonesian August 1962 outlined the transfer of Netherlands government began to grow widely among those sovereignty over West New Guinea to an interim who had enjoyed the fruits of the accelerated United Nations Temporary Executive Authority development effort of the Dutch government (UNTEA) from 1 October 1962 to 1 May 1963, since the 1950s. to be followed by a second phase during which President Suharto’s New Order regime (1966- the intervening administration would hand over 1998) put much effort into developing the province full administrative responsibility to Indonesia. and it received more funds than all other regions of The agreement formulated the provision that the Indonesia. But the implementation of largely top- people of Irian Barat would exercise free choice down development programs often failed. At the over their future relationship with Indonesia same time, an ever-growing but relatively poorly before the end of 1969. funded military (TNI), supporting a network of The victory over what had now become the alliances for both political control and predator Province of Irian Barat was a boost to Indonesian business, has lead to the dislocation of Papuans. nationalism and became portrayed as the final On top of that, Butonese, Buginese, Makassarese chapter of decolonisation.1 The Indonesians, and Javanese immigrants began to fill manual ruling the new province under the banner of labour and seize small business opportunities. the Trikora mobilisation, were triumphant while As a result, frustration about limited access to elements of the Papuan elite empowered by opportunities in modern Indonesia intensified the Dutch began to complain about what they tensions between ‘Papuans’ and ‘Indonesians’, in saw as a blunt Indonesian takeover. Feelings of particular those who arrived in Papua through being marginalized by Indonesian bureaucrats so-called transmigration programs or the larger and immigrants from other Indonesian islands waves of spontaneous migration.4 Furthermore, filling jobs and business opportunities arose in terms of governance, the region is amongst mainly among urban Papuans. Some of the the most poorly developed in Indonesia, while educated Papuan elite were arrested or sidelined economic and ethnic differences play a significant as ‘collaborators with the Dutch’ while others and sometimes alarming role in land and resource continued to play a role in the administration. politics (Timmer forthcoming). A plebiscite called Pepera (Penentuan Following the fall of Suharto in 1998 and Pendapat Rakyat or ‘Act of Free Choice’) was the presidency being handed over to his Deputy held in July-August 1969 during which 1020 President, B.J. Habibie, a spirit of ‘democratic cautiously chosen representatives from eight reform’ (reformasi) swept across the archipelago. regions voted overwhelmingly for integration In Papua it lead to what has been duly called a with Indonesia.2 Protest was heard, dissonant ‘Papuan Spring’ during which Papuan leaders speeches delivered, desperate cries in the form from all over the region carefully sought to of written notes were delivered to the United balance representations from the coast and the Nations observers, and demonstrations in highlands in a wave of national Papuan actions Sukarnopura (former Hollandia, now Jayapura), and the establishment of Papuan organisations Biak and Manokwari were dispersed swiftly by (see Van den Broek and Szalay 2001). At massive the Indonesian military. Over the following gatherings all over the region during which decades, faith in self-determination as linked to heated debates over the history of Papua and its the undemocratic implementation of the Pepera possible future (‘autonomy’ or ‘independence’) became a key ingredient in a variety of Papuan were held, the Papuan Spring “took the form nationalisms. of the indigenous Papuan people demanding Decentralisation and Elite Politics in Papua merdeka, or independence, from Indonesia” 163, my translation). The merdeka-leader there (Sumule 2003b: 353; Chauvel 2005: 11-20). was Marthen Indey, who was raised in Ambon, 3 Before I discuss the Papuan Spring it is necessary Maluku, and had been posted to Banda Neira, to briefly elaborate on what kinds of meanings where he became inspired by the prominent merdeka has assumed in the history of Papua. nationalist, Mohammed Hatta, who was exiled there. In 1946, Indey joined the Komite Indonesia Merdeka (KMI, ‘Indonesia Freedom Committee’) MERDEKA AND MEMORIA PASSIONIS led by the Manadonese government medical doctor, Ms Gerungan. KMI advocated the The Indonesian nationalist revolutionary independence of Indonesia, including West New understanding of ‘merdeka’ dates back to the Guinea through all legal means (Vlasblom 2004: mid-1920s growth of the nationalist movement 164). followed, after promises during the Japanese As Chauvel concludes, the nationalism of occupation, by the Indonesian revolution of this period had a narrow base and the nationalists 1945-1949. During the late 1940s, ‘merdeka ‘were culturally isolated from the great mass of became the battle-cry with which the citizenry Papuans’ (2005: 6). The majority of Papuans had was summoned to support the cause, the salute very little
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