Links Between Mythology and Philosophy: Homer's "Iliad" And
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Chrysippus's Dog As a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition
Chrysippus’s Dog as a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition Michael Rescorla Abstract: I critique an ancient argument for the possibility of non-linguistic deductive inference. The argument, attributed to Chrysippus, describes a dog whose behavior supposedly reflects disjunctive syllogistic reasoning. Drawing on contemporary robotics, I urge that we can equally well explain the dog’s behavior by citing probabilistic reasoning over cognitive maps. I then critique various experimentally-based arguments from scientific psychology that echo Chrysippus’s anecdotal presentation. §1. Language and thought Do non-linguistic creatures think? Debate over this question tends to calcify into two extreme doctrines. The first, espoused by Descartes, regards language as necessary for cognition. Modern proponents include Brandom (1994, pp. 145-157), Davidson (1984, pp. 155-170), McDowell (1996), and Sellars (1963, pp. 177-189). Cartesians may grant that ascribing cognitive activity to non-linguistic creatures is instrumentally useful, but they regard such ascriptions as strictly speaking false. The second extreme doctrine, espoused by Gassendi, Hume, and Locke, maintains that linguistic and non-linguistic cognition are fundamentally the same. Modern proponents include Fodor (2003), Peacocke (1997), Stalnaker (1984), and many others. Proponents may grant that non- linguistic creatures entertain a narrower range of thoughts than us, but they deny any principled difference in kind.1 2 An intermediate position holds that non-linguistic creatures display cognitive activity of a fundamentally different kind than human thought. Hobbes and Leibniz favored this intermediate position. Modern advocates include Bermudez (2003), Carruthers (2002, 2004), Dummett (1993, pp. 147-149), Malcolm (1972), and Putnam (1992, pp. 28-30). -
Chapter Two Democritus and the Different Limits to Divisibility
CHAPTER TWO DEMOCRITUS AND THE DIFFERENT LIMITS TO DIVISIBILITY § 0. Introduction In the previous chapter I tried to give an extensive analysis of the reasoning in and behind the first arguments in the history of philosophy in which problems of continuity and infinite divisibility emerged. The impact of these arguments must have been enormous. Designed to show that rationally speaking one was better off with an Eleatic universe without plurality and without motion, Zeno’s paradoxes were a challenge to everyone who wanted to salvage at least those two basic features of the world of common sense. On the other hand, sceptics, for whatever reason weary of common sense, could employ Zeno-style arguments to keep up the pressure. The most notable representative of the latter group is Gorgias, who in his book On not-being or On nature referred to ‘Zeno’s argument’, presumably in a demonstration that what is without body and does not have parts, is not. It is possible that this followed an earlier argument of his that whatever is one, must be without body.1 We recognize here what Aristotle calls Zeno’s principle, that what does not have bulk or size, is not. Also in the following we meet familiar Zenonian themes: Further, if it moves and shifts [as] one, what is, is divided, not being continuous, and there [it is] not something. Hence, if it moves everywhere, it is divided everywhere. But if that is the case, then everywhere it is not. For it is there deprived of being, he says, where it is divided, instead of ‘void’ using ‘being divided’.2 Gorgias is talking here about the situation that there is motion within what is. -
Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life
Passionate Platonism: Plutarch on the Positive Role of Non-Rational Affects in the Good Life by David Ryan Morphew A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in The University of Michigan 2018 Doctoral Committee: Professor Victor Caston, Chair Professor Sara Ahbel-Rappe Professor Richard Janko Professor Arlene Saxonhouse David Ryan Morphew [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0003-4773-4952 ©David Ryan Morphew 2018 DEDICATION To my wife, Renae, whom I met as I began this project, and who has supported me throughout its development. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I am grateful to my advisors and dissertation committee for their encouragement, support, challenges, and constructive feedback. I am chiefly indebted to Victor Caston for his comments on successive versions of chapters, for his great insight and foresight in guiding me in the following project, and for steering me to work on Plutarch’s Moralia in the first place. No less am I thankful for what he has taught me about being a scholar, mentor, and teacher, by his advice and especially by his example. There is not space here to express in any adequate way my gratitude also to Sara Ahbel-Rappe and Richard Janko. They have been constant sources of inspiration. I continue to be in awe of their ability to provide constructive criticism and to give incisive critiques coupled with encouragement and suggestions. I am also indebted to Arlene Saxonhouse for helping me to see the scope and import of the following thesis not only as of interest to the history of philosophy but also in teaching our students to reflect on the kind of life that we want to live. -
The Seven Sages.Pdf
Document belonging to the Greek Mythology Link, a web site created by Carlos Parada, author of Genealogical Guide to Greek Mythology Characters • Places • Topics • Images • Bibliography • PDF Editions About • Copyright © 1997 Carlos Parada and Maicar Förlag. The Seven Sages of Greece Search the GML advanced Sections in this Page Introduction: The Labyrinth of Wisdom The Seven Sages of Greece Thales Solon Chilon Pittacus Bias "… wisdom is a form of goodness, and is not scientific knowledge but Cleobulus another kind of cognition." (Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics 1246b, 35). Periander Anacharsis Myson Epimenides Pherecydes Table: Lists of the Seven Sages Notes and Sources of Quotations Introduction: The Labyrinth of Wisdom For a god wisdom is perhaps a divine meal to be swallowed at one gulp without need of mastication, and that would be the end of the story. The deities are known for their simplicity. The matter of human wisdom, however, could fill all archives on earth without ever exhausting itself. Humanity is notorious for its complexity. And men proudly say "Good things are difficult." But is wisdom a labyrinth, or "thinking makes it so"? And when did the saga of human wisdom begin and with whom? The Poet When humans contemplated Dawn for the first time, wisdom was the treasure of the poet alone. Of all men he was the wisest, for the gods had chosen his soul as receptacle of their confidences. Thus filled with inspiration divine, the poet knew better than any other man the secrets of the world. And since Apollo found more pleasure in leading the Muses than in warming his tripod, neither the inspiration of the Pythia nor that of seers could match the poet's wisdom. -
1 Florian Marion the Ἐξαίφνης in the Platonic Tradition: from Kinematics to Dynamics (Draft) Studies on Platonic 'The
F. Marion – The ἐξαίφνης in the Platonic Tradition: from Kinematics to Dynamics Florian Marion The ἐξαίφνης in the Platonic Tradition: from Kinematics to Dynamics (Draft) Studies on Platonic ‘Theoria motus abstracti’ are often focused on dynamics rather than kinematics, in particular on psychic self-motion. This state of affairs is, of course, far from being a bland academic accident: according to Plato, dynamics is the higher science while kinematics is lower on the ‘scientific’ spectrum1. Furthermore, when scholars investigate Platonic abstract kinematics, in front of them there is a very limited set of texts2. Among them, one of the most interesting undoubtedly remains a passage of Parmenides in which Plato challenges the puzzle of the ‘instant of change’, namely the famous text about the ‘sudden’ (τὸ ἐξαίφνης). Plato’s ἐξαίφνης actually is a terminus technicus and a terminus mysticus at once3, in such a way that from Antiquity until today this Platonic concept has been interpreted in very different fashions, either in a physical fashion or in a mystical one. Nevertheless, it has not been analysed how those two directions have been already followed by the Platonic Tradition. So, the aim of this paper is to provide some acquaintance with the exegetical history of ἐξαίφνης inside the Platonic Tradition, from Plato to Marsilio Ficino, by way of Middle Platonism and Greek Neoplatonism. After exposing Plato’s argument of Parm, 156c-157b and its various interpretations (1), I shall investigate the ways by which Middle Platonists (especially Taurus) and Early Neoplatonists as Plotinus and Iamblichus have understood Plato’s use of ἐξαίφνης (2), and finally how this notion had been transferred from kinematics to dynamics in Later Neoplatonism (3). -
The Fragments of Zeno and Cleanthes, but Having an Important
,1(70 THE FRAGMENTS OF ZENO AND CLEANTHES. ftonton: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. ambriDse: DEIGHTON, BELL, AND CO. ltip>ifl: F. A. BROCKHAUS. #tto Hork: MACMILLAX AND CO. THE FRAGMENTS OF ZENO AND CLEANTHES WITH INTRODUCTION AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. AX ESSAY WHICH OBTAINED THE HARE PRIZE IX THE YEAR 1889. BY A. C. PEARSON, M.A. LATE SCHOLAR OF CHRIST S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. LONDON: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE. 1891 [All Rights reserved.] Cambridge : PBIXTKIi BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AND SONS, AT THK UNIVERSITY PRKSS. PREFACE. S dissertation is published in accordance with thr conditions attached to the Hare Prize, and appears nearly in its original form. For many reasons, however, I should have desired to subject the work to a more under the searching revision than has been practicable circumstances. Indeed, error is especially difficult t<> avoid in dealing with a large body of scattered authorities, a the majority of which can only be consulted in public- library. to be for The obligations, which require acknowledged of Zeno and the present collection of the fragments former are Cleanthes, are both special and general. The Philo- soon disposed of. In the Neue Jahrbticher fur Wellmann an lofjie for 1878, p. 435 foil., published article on Zeno of Citium, which was the first serious of Zeno from that attempt to discriminate the teaching of Wellmann were of the Stoa in general. The omissions of the supplied and the first complete collection fragments of Cleanthes was made by Wachsmuth in two Gottingen I programs published in 187-i LS75 (Commentationes s et II de Zenone Citiensi et Cleaitt/ie Assio). -
A Reading of Porphyry's on Abstinence From
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Justice Purity Piety: A Reading of Porphyry’s On Abstinence from Ensouled Beings A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Classics by Alexander Press 2020 © Copyright by Alexander Press 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Justice Purity Piety: A Reading of Porphyry’s On Abstinence from Ensouled Beings by Alexander Press Doctor of Philosophy in Classics University of California, Los Angeles, 2020 Professor David Blank, Chair Abstract: Presenting a range of arguments against meat-eating, many strikingly familiar, Porphyry’s On Abstinence from Ensouled Beings (Greek Περὶ ἀποχῆς ἐµψύχων, Latin De abstinentia ab esu animalium) offers a sweeping view of the ancient debate concerning animals and their treatment. At the same time, because of its advocacy of an asceticism informed by its author’s Neoplatonism, Abstinence is often taken to be concerned primarily with the health of the human soul. By approaching Abstinence as a work of moral suasion and a work of literature, whose intra- and intertextual resonances yield something more than a collection of propositions or an invitation to Quellenforschung, I aim to push beyond interpretations that bracket the arguments regarding animals as merely dialectical; cast the text’s other-directed principle of justice as wholly ii subordinated to a self-directed principle of purity; or accept as decisive Porphyry’s exclusion of craftsmen, athletes, soldiers, sailors, and orators from his call to vegetarianism. -
Pavle Stojanović on the STATUS of NATURAL DIVINATION in STOICISM1 ABSTRACT: Cicero's De Divinatione Portrays the Stoics As U
THEORIA 1 https://doi.org/10.2298/THEO2001005S (2020) : 63 : str. 5-16 Originalni naučni rad Original Scientific Paper Pavle Stojanović ON THE STATUS OF NATURAL DIVINATION IN STOICISM1 ABSTRACT: Cicero’s De divinatione portrays the Stoics as unanimous in advocating both natural and technical divination. I argue that, contrary to this, the earlier leaders of the school like Chrysippus had reasons to consider natural divination to be sig nificantly epistemically inferior to its technical counterpart. The much more favorable treatment of natural divination in De divinatione is likely the result of changes intro duced later, probably by Posidonius. KEY WORDS: Stoicism, divination, knowledge, Cicero, Chrysippus, Posidonius. Barring few notable exceptions—Xenophanes of Colophon, the Epicureans, the Academics under Arcesilaus and Carneades, and the Pyrrhonists—ancient philoso- phers generally thought that divination is a legitimate method of predicting future events based on divinely supplied signs. Starting with Plato (Phaed. 244a8-d5), it was not uncommon to distinguish between two kinds of divination. According to him, the former involves predicting future events while the diviner is in altered mental states such as dreaming, melancholy, mania, frenzy, etc. The latter is employed by the „clear- headed“ (ἔμφρονες), who derive predictions from prolonged and repeated observation of signs such as bird movements, animal entrails, astronomical and meteorological phenomena, etc., and their connections with subsequent events. Among the philoso- -
The Logical Investigations of Chrysippus
19 Jonathan Barnes The Logical Investigations of Chrysippus Chrysipp (3. Jh. v. Chr.), der Dritte der stoischen Schule, war einer der bedeutend- sten Logiker der griechischen Antike. Seine vielen Bücher sind alle verloren- gegangen, und unsere heutige Kenntnis der chrysippeischen bzw. stoischen Logik rührt von verschiedenen Quellen her: elementaren Einführungen in die Logik, allge- meinen Berichten (die oft oberflächlich sind), polemischen Anspielungen, fragmen- tarisch erhaltenen Zitaten oder Bruchstücken. Unter den wichtigsten Fragmenten befindet sich eine Papyrusurkunde, deren dreizehn Spalten einen Teil von Chrysipps Logischen Untersuchungen wiedergeben. Der Papyrus ist lückenhaft und schwer zu lesen. In den letzten beiden Spalten, die relativ gut erhalten sind, kann man die Über- reste einer detaillierten Diskussion von Problemen der Logik tier Befehlssätze erkennen. Diese Problematik, an sich für die heutige Philosophie höchst interessant, ist bezeichnend für das weit- und tiefgehende Interesse der stoischen Logiker. Zudem geben die Spalten wichtige Auskünfte über die Grundlagen der chrysippei- schen Logik. In the third century BC the Stoics developed a subtle logical theory. The chief architect of the theory was Chrysippus, the third head of the School: if the gods needed logic, it was said, then they would use the logic of Chrys- ippus. There have been three giants in the history of logic: Aristotle, Chrys- ippus, Frege. Chrysippus wrote more than three hundred books on logical subjects. All are lost. Lost too are all the works -
Download Date | 6/9/19 10:06 AM Pseudo-Pythagorean Literature 73
Philologus 2019; 163(1): 72–94 Leonid Zhmud* What is Pythagorean in the Pseudo-Pythagorean Literature? https://doi.org/10.1515/phil-2018-0003 Abstract: This paper discusses continuity between ancient Pythagoreanism and the pseudo-Pythagorean writings, which began to appear after the end of the Pythagorean school ca. 350 BC. Relying on a combination of temporal, formal and substantial criteria, I divide Pseudopythagorica into three categories: 1) early Hellenistic writings (late fourth – late second centuries BC) ascribed to Pytha- goras and his family members; 2) philosophical treatises written mostly, yet not exclusively, in pseudo-Doric from the turn of the first century BC under the names of real or fictional Pythagoreans; 3) writings attributed to Pythagoras and his relatives that continued to appear in the late Hellenistic and Imperial periods. I will argue that all three categories of pseudepigrapha contain astonishingly little that is authentically Pythagorean. Keywords: Pythagoreanism, pseudo-Pythagorean writings, Platonism, Aristote- lianism Forgery has been widespread in time and place and varied in its goals and methods, and it can easily be confused with superficially similar activities. A. Grafton Note: An earlier version of this article was presented at the colloquium “Pseudopythagorica: stratégies du faire croire dans la philosophie antique” (Paris, 28 May 2015). I would like to thank Constantinos Macris (CNRS) for his kind invitation. The final version was written during my fellowship at the IAS of Durham University and presented at the B Club, Cambridge, in Mai 2016. I am grateful to Gábor Betegh for inviting me to give a talk and to the audience for the vivid discussion. -
Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria Loren Kerns George Fox University, [email protected]
Digital Commons @ George Fox University George Fox Evangelical Seminary 2013 Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria Loren Kerns George Fox University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/gfes Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Church History Commons Recommended Citation Kerns, Loren, "Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria" (2013). George Fox Evangelical Seminary. Paper 6. http://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/gfes/6 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in George Fox Evangelical Seminary by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. Kings College London Platonic and Stoic Passions in Philo of Alexandria A Dissertation submitted to The School of Arts and Humanities In Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Theology and Religious Studies By Loren Kerns London, United Kingdom July 2013 Copyright by Loren Kerns, 2013 All rights reserved. Abstract Philo of Alexandria forged his theory of the soul and its passions while expositing the meaning of Torah. Though writing as a Jewish teacher and disciple of Moses, his biblical reflections display a strong orientation toward Middle-Platonic philosophy. On the topic of the soul and its passions, however, Philo also exhibits significant Stoic influence. The introduction notes Philo’s apparent incompatible use of both the complex Platonic and the monistic Stoic psychological models. After assessing the degree to which Philo understood 'passion' to be a type of Stoic impulse or opinion (chapter one), chapter two demonstrates that Philo consistently drew upon the Stoics’ depiction of all passions as irrational, excessive, and unnatural. -
A Hellenistic Legacy: the Foundation for an ‘Unorthodox’ World View Within the Byzantine Tradition
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 1 | 1988 Varia A Hellenistic Legacy: The Foundation for an ‘Unorthodox’ World View within the Byzantine Tradition J.B. McMinn Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/83 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.83 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 1988 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference J.B. McMinn, « A Hellenistic Legacy: The Foundation for an ‘Unorthodox’ World View within the Byzantine Tradition », Kernos [Online], 1 | 1988, Online since 31 January 2011, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/83 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.83 Kernos Kernos, 1(1988), p. 63-77. A helセenistャc LEGACY : THE FOUNDATION FOR AN 'UNORTHODOX' WORLD ,VIEW WITHIN BYZANTINE TRADITION (part one) On one historical point almost aU historians of Byzantine civilization are genera11y agreed, namely, that external changes in the East during the time of the Emperor Justinian pose the question of survival of late antiquity and its tradition in the new Byzantine world. In fact, they make the explicit c1aim that with the rise of the monastic movement, the anny reform, the c10sure of the universities, and the expansion of the Arabs, the influence of Hellenistic culture as a dominating force in Byzantine life cornes to an end1. And, as H.W. HAUSSIG, A History of Byzantine Civilization, trans".lM. Hussey, New York, 1971, p. 48-49, 74, 76-90, 115, 121-128, and 210-233. More than other historians, HAUSSIG (op. cit., p. 75) presses his point: «The age of Justinian is essentially the time of transition from the world of late antiquity [Hellenistic period] to that of Byzantium [...]».