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Chrysippus's Dog As a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition
Chrysippus’s Dog as a Case Study in Non-Linguistic Cognition Michael Rescorla Abstract: I critique an ancient argument for the possibility of non-linguistic deductive inference. The argument, attributed to Chrysippus, describes a dog whose behavior supposedly reflects disjunctive syllogistic reasoning. Drawing on contemporary robotics, I urge that we can equally well explain the dog’s behavior by citing probabilistic reasoning over cognitive maps. I then critique various experimentally-based arguments from scientific psychology that echo Chrysippus’s anecdotal presentation. §1. Language and thought Do non-linguistic creatures think? Debate over this question tends to calcify into two extreme doctrines. The first, espoused by Descartes, regards language as necessary for cognition. Modern proponents include Brandom (1994, pp. 145-157), Davidson (1984, pp. 155-170), McDowell (1996), and Sellars (1963, pp. 177-189). Cartesians may grant that ascribing cognitive activity to non-linguistic creatures is instrumentally useful, but they regard such ascriptions as strictly speaking false. The second extreme doctrine, espoused by Gassendi, Hume, and Locke, maintains that linguistic and non-linguistic cognition are fundamentally the same. Modern proponents include Fodor (2003), Peacocke (1997), Stalnaker (1984), and many others. Proponents may grant that non- linguistic creatures entertain a narrower range of thoughts than us, but they deny any principled difference in kind.1 2 An intermediate position holds that non-linguistic creatures display cognitive activity of a fundamentally different kind than human thought. Hobbes and Leibniz favored this intermediate position. Modern advocates include Bermudez (2003), Carruthers (2002, 2004), Dummett (1993, pp. 147-149), Malcolm (1972), and Putnam (1992, pp. 28-30). -
Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, Book Five
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter 12-1986 The Lives of the Peripatetics: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, Book Five Michael Sollenberger Mount St. Mary's University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, and the History of Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Sollenberger, Michael, "The Lives of the Peripatetics: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, Book Five" (1986). The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter. 129. https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp/129 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. f\îc|*zx,e| lîâ& The Lives of the Peripatetics: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosoohorum Book Five The biographies of six early Peripatetic philosophers are con tained in the fifth book of Diogenes Laertius* Vitae philosoohorum: the lives of the first four heads of the sect - Aristotle, Theophras tus, Strato, and Lyco - and those of two outstanding members of the school - Demetrius of Phalerum and Heraclides of Pontus, For the history of two rival schools, the Academy and the Stoa, we are for tunate in having not only Diogenes' versions in 3ooks Four and Seven, but also the Index Academicorum and the Index Stoicorum preserved among the papyri from Herculaneum, But for the Peripatos there-is no such second source. -
Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2015, in Sehepunkte 15 (2015), Nr
Citation style Andrea Falcon: Rezension von: Michael J. Griffin: Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2015, in sehepunkte 15 (2015), Nr. 7 [15.07.2015], URL:http://www.sehepunkte.de/2015/07/27098.html First published: http://www.sehepunkte.de/2015/07/27098.html copyright This article may be downloaded and/or used within the private copying exemption. Any further use without permission of the rights owner shall be subject to legal licences (§§ 44a-63a UrhG / German Copyright Act). sehepunkte 15 (2015), Nr. 7 Michael J. Griffin: Aristotle's Categories in the Early Roman Empire This is a book about the reception of Aristotle's Categories from the first century BC to the second century AD. The Categories does not appear to have circulated in the Hellenistic era. By contrast, this short but enigmatic treatise was at the center of the so-called return to Aristotle in the first century BC. The book under review tells us the story of this remarkable reversal of fortune. The main characters in this story are philosophers working in the three main philosophical traditions of post- Hellenistic philosophy. For the Peripatetic tradition, these are Andronicus of Rhodes and Boethus of Sidon. For the Academic and Platonic tradition, Eudorus of Alexandria and Lucius. For the Stoic tradition, Athenodorus and Cornutus. A supporting role is reserved to the following interpreters of the Categories : Aristo of Alexandria, Ps-Archytas, Nicostratus, Aspasius, Herminus, and Adrastus. In broad outline, the story told in the book goes as follows: Andronicus of Rhodes rescued the Categories from obscurity by deciding to place it at the beginning of his catalogue of Aristotle's writings (chapter 2). -
Mathematical Discourse in Philosophical Authors: Examples from Theon of Smyrna and Cleomedes on Mathematical Astronomy
Mathematical discourse in philosophical authors: Examples from Theon of Smyrna and Cleomedes on mathematical astronomy Nathan Sidoli Introduction Ancient philosophers and other intellectuals often mention the work of mathematicians, al- though the latter rarely return the favor.1 The most obvious reason for this stems from the im- personal nature of mathematical discourse, which tends to eschew any discussion of personal, or lived, experience. There seems to be more at stake than this, however, because when math- ematicians do mention names they almost always belong to the small group of people who are known to us as mathematicians, or who are known to us through their mathematical works.2 In order to be accepted as a member of the group of mathematicians, one must not only have mastered various technical concepts and methods, but must also have learned how to express oneself in a stylized form of Greek prose that has often struck the uninitiated as peculiar.3 Be- cause of the specialized nature of this type of intellectual activity, in order to gain real mastery it was probably necessary to have studied it from youth, or to have had the time to apply oneself uninterruptedly.4 Hence, the private nature of ancient education meant that there were many educated individuals who had not mastered, or perhaps even been much exposed to, aspects of ancient mathematical thought and practice that we would regard as rather elementary (Cribiore 2001; Sidoli 2015). Starting from at least the late Hellenistic period, and especially during the Imperial and Late- Ancient periods, some authors sought to address this situation in a variety of different ways— such as discussing technical topics in more elementary modes, rewriting mathematical argu- ments so as to be intelligible to a broader audience, or incorporating mathematical material di- rectly into philosophical curricula. -
Language Logic and Reality: a Stoic Perspective (Spring 2013)
Language Logic and Reality: A Stoic Perspective Aaron Tuor History of Lingustics WWU Spring 2013 1 Language, Logic, and Reality: A Stoic perspective Contents 1 Introduction: The Tripartite Division of Stoic Philosophy.............................3 2 Stoic Physics...................................................................................................4 3 Stoic Dialectic.................................................................................................4 3.1 A Stoic Theory of Mind: Logos and presentations..........................4 3.2 Stoic Philosophy of Language: Lekta versus linguistic forms.........6 3.3 Stoic Logic.......................................................................................7 3.3.1 Simple and Complex Axiomata........................................7 3.3.2 Truth Conditions and Sentence Connectives....................8 3.3.3 Inference Schemata and Truths of Logic..........................9 3.4 Stoic Theory of Knowledge.............................................................10 3.4.1 Truth..................................................................................10 3.4.2 Knowledge........................................................................11 4 Conclusion: Analysis of an eristic argument..................................................12 4.1 Hermogenes as the Measure of "Man is the measure."...................13 Appendix I: Truth Tables and Inference Schemata...........................................17 Appendix II: Diagram of Communication.........................................................18 -
Implementing Eratosthenes' Discovery in the Classroom: Educational
Implementing Eratosthenes’ Discovery in the Classroom: Educational Difficulties Needing Attention Nicolas Decamp, C. de Hosson To cite this version: Nicolas Decamp, C. de Hosson. Implementing Eratosthenes’ Discovery in the Classroom: Educational Difficulties Needing Attention. Science and Education, Springer Verlag, 2012, 21 (6), pp.911-920. 10.1007/s11191-010-9286-3. hal-01663445 HAL Id: hal-01663445 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01663445 Submitted on 18 Dec 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Sci & Educ DOI 10.1007/s11191-010-9286-3 Implementing Eratosthenes’ Discovery in the Classroom: Educational Difficulties Needing Attention Nicolas De´camp • Ce´cile de Hosson Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010 Abstract This paper presents a critical analysis of the accepted educational use of the method performed by Eratosthenes to measure the circumference of Earth which is often considered as a relevant means of dealing with issues related to the nature of science and its history. This method relies on a number of assumptions among which the parallelism of sun rays. The assumption of sun rays parallelism (if it is accurate) does not appear spontaneous for students who consider sun rays to be divergent. -
Aristotelianism in the First Century BC
CHAPTER 5 Aristotelianism in the First Century BC Andrea Falcon 1 A New Generation of Peripatetic Philosophers The division of the Peripatetic tradition into a Hellenistic and a post- Hellenistic period is not a modern invention. It is already accepted in antiquity. Aspasius speaks of an old and a new generation of Peripatetic philosophers. Among the philosophers who belong to the new generation, he singles out Andronicus of Rhodes and Boethus of Sidon.1 Strabo adopts a similar division. He too distinguishes between the older Peripatetics, who came immediately after Theophrastus, and their successors.2 He collectively describes the latter as better able to do philosophy in the manner of Aristotle (φιλοσοφεῖν καὶ ἀριστοτελίζειν). It remains unclear what Strabo means by doing philosophy in the manner of Aristotle.3 But he certainly thinks that the philosophers who belong to the new generation, and not those who belong to the old one, deserve the title of true Aristotelians. For Strabo, the event separating the old from the new Peripatos is the rediscovery and publication of Aristotle’s writings. We may want to resist Strabo’s negative characterization of the earlier Peripatetics. For Strabo, they were not able to engage in philosophy in any seri- ous way but were content to declaim general theses.4 This may be an unfair judgment, ultimately based on the anachronistic assumption that any serious philosophy requires engagement with an authoritative text.5 Still, the empha- sis that Strabo places on the rediscovery of Aristotle’s writings suggests that the latter were at the center of the critical engagement with Aristotle in the 1 Aspasius, On Aristotle’s Ethics 44.20–45.16. -
The Geodetic Sciences in Byzantium
The geodetic sciences in Byzantium Dimitrios A. Rossikopoulos Department of Geodesy and Surveying, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki [email protected] Abstract: Many historians of science consider that geodeasia, a term used by Aristotle meaning "surveying", was not particularly flourishing in Byzantium. However, like “lo- gistiki” (practical arithmetic), it has never ceased to be taught, not only at public universi- ties and ecclesiastical schools, as well as by private tutors. Besides that these two fields had to do with problems of daily life, Byzantines considered them necessary prerequisite for someone who wished to study philosophy. So, they did not only confine themselves to copying and saving the ancient texts, but they also wrote new ones, where they were ana- lyzing their empirical discoveries and their technological achievements. This is the subject of this paper, a retrospect of the numerous manuscripts of the Byzantine period that refer to the development of geodesy both in teaching and practices of surveying, as well as to mat- ters relating to the views about the shape of the earth, the cartography, the positioning in travels and generally the sciences of mapping. Keywords: Geodesy, geodesy in Byzantium, history of geodesy, history of surveying, history of mathematics. Περίληψη: Πολλοί ιστορικοί των επιστημών θεωρούν ότι η γεωδαισία, όρος που χρησι- μοποίησε ο Αριστοτέλης για να ορίσει την πρακτική γεωμετρία, την τοπογραφία, δεν είχε ιδιαίτερη άνθιση στο Βυζάντιο. Ωστόσο, όπως και η “λογιστική”, δεν έπαψε ποτέ να διδά- σκεται όχι μόνο στα κοσμικά πανεπιστήμια, αλλά και στις εκκλησιαστικές σχολές, καθώς επίσης και από ιδιώτες δασκάλους. Πέρα από το ότι οι δύο αυτοί κλάδοι είχαν να κάνουν με προβλήματα της καθημερινής ζωής των ανθρώπων, οι βυζαντινοί θεωρούσαν την διδα- σκαλία τους απαραίτητη προϋπόθεση ώστε να μπορεί κανείς να παρακολουθήσει μαθήμα- τα φιλοσοφίας. -
Chapter Two Democritus and the Different Limits to Divisibility
CHAPTER TWO DEMOCRITUS AND THE DIFFERENT LIMITS TO DIVISIBILITY § 0. Introduction In the previous chapter I tried to give an extensive analysis of the reasoning in and behind the first arguments in the history of philosophy in which problems of continuity and infinite divisibility emerged. The impact of these arguments must have been enormous. Designed to show that rationally speaking one was better off with an Eleatic universe without plurality and without motion, Zeno’s paradoxes were a challenge to everyone who wanted to salvage at least those two basic features of the world of common sense. On the other hand, sceptics, for whatever reason weary of common sense, could employ Zeno-style arguments to keep up the pressure. The most notable representative of the latter group is Gorgias, who in his book On not-being or On nature referred to ‘Zeno’s argument’, presumably in a demonstration that what is without body and does not have parts, is not. It is possible that this followed an earlier argument of his that whatever is one, must be without body.1 We recognize here what Aristotle calls Zeno’s principle, that what does not have bulk or size, is not. Also in the following we meet familiar Zenonian themes: Further, if it moves and shifts [as] one, what is, is divided, not being continuous, and there [it is] not something. Hence, if it moves everywhere, it is divided everywhere. But if that is the case, then everywhere it is not. For it is there deprived of being, he says, where it is divided, instead of ‘void’ using ‘being divided’.2 Gorgias is talking here about the situation that there is motion within what is. -
Astronomy and Hipparchus
CHAPTER 9 Progress in the Sciences: Astronomy and Hipparchus Klaus Geus Introduction Geography in modern times is a term which covers several sub-disciplines like ecology, human geography, economic history, volcanology etc., which all con- cern themselves with “space” or “environment”. In ancient times, the definition of geography was much more limited. Geography aimed at the production of a map of the oikoumene, a geographer was basically a cartographer. The famous scientist Ptolemy defined geography in the first sentence of his Geographical handbook (Geog. 1.1.1) as “imitation through drafting of the entire known part of the earth, including the things which are, generally speaking, connected with it”. In contrast to chorography, geography uses purely “lines and label in order to show the positions of places and general configurations” (Geog. 1.1.5). Therefore, according to Ptolemy, a geographer needs a μέθοδος μαθεματική, abil- ity and competence in mathematical sciences, most prominently astronomy, in order to fulfil his task of drafting a map of the oikoumene. Given this close connection between geography and astronomy, it is not by default that nearly all ancient “geographers” (in the limited sense of the term) stood out also as astronomers and mathematicians: Among them Anaximander, Eudoxus, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Poseidonius and Ptolemy are the most illustrious. Apart from certain topics like latitudes, meridians, polar circles etc., ancient geography also took over from astronomy some methods like the determina- tion of the size of the earth or of celestial and terrestrial distances.1 The men- tioned geographers Anaximander, Eudoxus, Hipparchus, Poseidonius and Ptolemy even constructed instruments for measuring, observing and calculat- ing like the gnomon, sundials, skaphe, astrolabe or the meteoroscope.2 1 E.g., Ptolemy (Geog. -
Anaximander and the Problem of the Earth's Immobility
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter 12-28-1953 Anaximander and the Problem of the Earth's Immobility John Robinson Windham College Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp Recommended Citation Robinson, John, "Anaximander and the Problem of the Earth's Immobility" (1953). The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter. 263. https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp/263 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. JOHN ROBINSON Windham College Anaximander and the Problem of the Earth’s Immobility* N the course of his review of the reasons given by his predecessors for the earth’s immobility, Aristotle states that “some” attribute it I neither to the action of the whirl nor to the air beneath’s hindering its falling : These are the causes with which most thinkers busy themselves. But there are some who say, like Anaximander among the ancients, that it stays where it is because of its “indifference” (όμοιότητα). For what is stationed at the center, and is equably related to the extremes, has no reason to go one way rather than another—either up or down or sideways. And since it is impossible for it to move simultaneously in opposite directions, it necessarily stays where it is.1 The ascription of this curious view to Anaximander appears to have occasioned little uneasiness among modern commentators. -
Parmenides B6.1–2 Without a Modal Fallacy
Aporia vol. 21 no. 1—2011 Parmenides B6.1–2 without a Modal Fallacy MICHAEL J. HANSEN n all accounts, Parmenides makes a marvelous argument in the Way of Truth. However, there is no clear consensus among inter- Opreters about how to read it. The only noncontroversial point in interpreting the work seems to be that in it, Parmenides did something pro- found to philosophy. Despite this collective obligation to acknowledge Par- menides’ unique innovation (whatever it may be), it has become popular to read Parmenides as relying on a modal fallacy to make his argument. This would be an embarrassing mistake for such an influential work, especially given the argument’s deductive appearance. In this paper, I will outline the modal fallacy that Parmenides is accused of and argue for an interpretation that is free of the fallacy. I. The Alleged Modal Fallacy The critical fragment we must examine to decide the question is B6.1–2, in which the fallacy is supposed to occur: crhV toV levgein te noei`n t' ejoVn e!mmenai e!sti gaVr ei^nai, mhdeVn d' oujk e!otin . (Graham 214) Michael J. Hansen is a senior majoring in philosophy at Brigham Young University. He is interested in ancient philosophy, the philosophy of mind, epistemology, and metaphysics. In the fall, he will be pursuing a PhD in philosophy at the University of California–Los Angeles. This essay placed first in the 2011 David H. Yarn Philosophical Essay Contest. 2 MICHAEL J. HANSEN As usual, Parmenides’ language admits of many permissible translations for interpreters to quibble over, but this fragment is exceptionally difficult to render.