Rectifying a Standard Deficiency
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Origins of NZ English
Origins of NZ English There are three basic theories about the origins of New Zealand English, each with minor variants. Although they are usually presented as alternative theories, they are not necessarily incompatible. The theories are: • New Zealand English is a version of 19th century Cockney (lower-class London) speech; • New Zealand English is a version of Australian English; • New Zealand English developed independently from all other varieties from the mixture of accents and dialects that the Anglophone settlers in New Zealand brought with them. New Zealand as Cockney The idea that New Zealand English is Cockney English derives from the perceptions of English people. People not themselves from London hear some of the same pronunciations in New Zealand that they hear from lower-class Londoners. In particular, some of the vowel sounds are similar. So the vowel sound in a word like pat in both lower-class London English and in New Zealand English makes that word sound like pet to other English people. There is a joke in England that sex is what Londoners get their coal in. That is, the London pronunciation of sacks sounds like sex to other English people. The same joke would work with New Zealanders (and also with South Africans and with Australians, until very recently). Similarly, English people from outside London perceive both the London and the New Zealand versions of the word tie to be like their toy. But while there are undoubted similarities between lower-class London English and New Zealand (and South African and Australian) varieties of English, they are by no means identical. -
Standard Southern British English As Referee Design in Irish Radio Advertising
Joan O’Sullivan Standard Southern British English as referee design in Irish radio advertising Abstract: The exploitation of external as opposed to local language varieties in advertising can be associated with a history of colonization, the external variety being viewed as superior to the local (Bell 1991: 145). Although “Standard English” in terms of accent was never an exonormative model for speakers in Ireland (Hickey 2012), nevertheless Ireland’s history of colonization by Britain, together with the geographical proximity and close socio-political and sociocultural connections of the two countries makes the Irish context an interesting one in which to examine this phenomenon. This study looks at how and to what extent standard British Received Pronunciation (RP), now termed Standard Southern British English (SSBE) (see Hughes et al. 2012) as opposed to Irish English varieties is exploited in radio advertising in Ireland. The study is based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a corpus of ads broadcast on an Irish radio station in the years 1977, 1987, 1997 and 2007. The use of SSBE in the ads is examined in terms of referee design (Bell 1984) which has been found to be a useful concept in explaining variety choice in the advertising context and in “taking the ideological temperature” of society (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985: 121). The analysis is based on Sussex’s (1989) advertisement components of Action and Comment, which relate to the genre of the discourse. Keywords: advertising, language variety, referee design, language ideology. 1 Introduction The use of language variety in the domain of advertising has received considerable attention during the past two decades (for example, Bell 1991; Lee 1992; Koslow et al. -
Natural Phonetic Tendencies and Social Meaning: Exploring the Allophonic Raising Split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly
This is a repository copy of Natural phonetic tendencies and social meaning: Exploring the allophonic raising split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/133952/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Moore, E.F. and Carter, P. (2018) Natural phonetic tendencies and social meaning: Exploring the allophonic raising split of PRICE and MOUTH on the Isles of Scilly. Language Variation and Change, 30 (3). pp. 337-360. ISSN 0954-3945 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954394518000157 This article has been published in a revised form in Language Variation and Change [https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954394518000157]. This version is free to view and download for private research and study only. Not for re-distribution, re-sale or use in derivative works. © Cambridge University Press. Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs (CC BY-NC-ND) licence. This licence only allows you to download this work and share it with others as long as you credit the authors, but you can’t change the article in any way or use it commercially. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Title: Natural phonetic tendencies -
The Loyalist Origins of Canada's Identity Crisis
Condemned to Rootlessness: The Loyalist Origins of Canada's Identity Crisis Introduction In the view of the English-speaking Canadian media, Canada has an identity crisis, a situation attributable to divisions within the Canadian body politic that are regularly expressed in constitutional bickering between Quebec and the Rest of Canada and between the provinces and the federal government.1 Yet the identity crisis in the lifeworld of the average English-Canadian appears to possess a somewhat different quality. The following statement from Rod Lamirand, a resident of Surrey, B.C., expresses the subjectivity of this existential unease with remarkable accuracy: 'We [our family] were isolated, self-sufficient, cut off from a close community and from our pasts...Our family was not drawn into a neighborhood of friends because of a shared difference from mainstream society. We didn't have a name for the cultural majority because for the most part they were us. We were part of the dominant cultural society and we had no real culture. The great wash of pale European blood that saturated this continent was uniform in color only. Much of what survived is a hodgepodge of eclectic, meaningless routines...We were the product of white bread and instant coffee, Hollywood and the CBC....'2 (emphasis added) The connection between the Canadian identity crisis mentioned in the English-Canadian media and Lamirand's statement might appear distant. Surely, one might ask, the latter reflects a problem that should be labeled 'English-Canadian' rather than 'Canadian.' It is the position of this paper, however, that the discourses of English-Canadian and Canadian identity are inextricably bound. -
Immigration During the Crown Colony Period, 1840-1852
1 2: Immigration during the Crown Colony period, 1840-1852 Context In 1840 New Zealand became, formally, a part of the British Empire. The small and irregular inflow of British immigrants from the Australian Colonies – the ‘Old New Zealanders’ of the mission stations, whaling stations, timber depots, trader settlements, and small pastoral and agricultural outposts, mostly scattered along the coasts - abruptly gave way to the first of a number of waves of immigrants which flowed in from 1840.1 At least three streams arrived during the period 1840-1852, although ‘Old New Zealanders’ continued to arrive in small numbers during the 1840s. The first consisted of the government officials, merchants, pastoralists, and other independent arrivals, the second of the ‘colonists’ (or land purchasers) and the ‘emigrants’ (or assisted arrivals) of the New Zealand Company and its affiliates, and the third of the imperial soldiers (and some sailors) who began arriving in 1845. New Zealand’s European population grew rapidly, marked by the establishment of urban communities, the colonial capital of Auckland (1840), and the Company settlements of Wellington (1840), Petre (Wanganui, 1840), New Plymouth (1841), Nelson (1842), Otago (1848), and Canterbury (1850). Into Auckland flowed most of the independent and military streams, and into the company settlements those arriving directly from the United Kingdom. Thus A.S.Thomson observed that ‘The northern [Auckland] settlers were chiefly derived from Australia; those in the south from Great Britain. The former,’ he added, ‘were distinguished for colonial wisdom; the latter for education and good home connections …’2 Annexation occurred at a time when emigration from the United Kingdom was rising. -
Caribbean English As a Challenge to Lexicography
Richard Allsopp CARIBBEAN ENGLISH AS A CHALLENGE TO LEXICOGRAPHY Introduction Almost as soon as the English throne finally broke with Catholicism, with the accession of Elizabeth I, one of her seamen, John Hawkins, sometime treasurer of her Royal Navy, began slave trading in defiance of Spain, and, in 1562, "got into his possession" at Sierra Leona (sic, from Hakluyt as cited in Payne 1907:7) "the number of 300 Negros at least" and sailed to the north coast of Hispaniola (Haiti) where he "made vent of the whole number of his Negros". Buying, transporting and selling slaves took easily 9 months (the 'triangular trade' took a year); but even if the migrated Africans would not have retained many English words from the ship's crew in this first venture - which Hawkins repeated on a much more wide-ranging Caribbean scale in one of Elizabeth's own ships (the Jesus of Lubeck) in 1564/65 - it is historically true that the English language had begun making substantial thrusts from Plymouth to the West Indies and South America long before it did so to North America. It was seamen's English that brought Protestantism's'mailed fist into the rich belly of the New World, as the logical forerunner of the religious hands that guided the Mayflower to North America some half a century later in 1620. If this sounds exaggerated one need only recall that Sir Francis Drake's great plundering armada of 25 ships sailed in 1585 on what is historically known as 'Drake's West Indian Voyage', and a hazardous channel in the Virgin Islands is still known today as 'Drake's Passage'. -
English in Australia and New Zealand
English in Australia and New Zealand James Dixon, Narrative of a Voyage to New South Wales and Van Dieman’s Land in the Ship Skelton During the Year 1820 (1822) The children born in these colonies, and now grown up, speak a better language, purer, more harmonious, than is generally the case in most parts of England. The amalgamation of such various dialects assembled together, seems to improve the mode of articulating the words. Valerie Desmond, The Awful Australian (1911) But it is not so much the vagaries of pronunciation that hurt the ear of the visitor. It is the extraordinary intonation that the Australian imparts to his phrases. There is no such thing as cultured, reposeful conversation in this land; everybody sings his remarks as if he were reciting blank verse after the manner of an imperfect elocutionist. It would be quite possible to take an ordinary Australian conversation and immortalise its cadences and diapasons by means of musical notation. Herein the Australian differs from the American. The accent of the American, educated and uneducated alike, is abhorrent to the cultured Englishman or Englishwoman, but it is, at any rate, harmonious. That of the Australian is full of discords and surprises. His voice rises and falls with unexpected syncopations, and, even among the few cultured persons this country possesses, seems to bear in every syllable the sign of the parvenu. Walter Churchill (of the American Philological Society) The common speech of the commonwealth of Australia represents the most brutal maltreatment which has ever been inflicted upon the mother tongue of the English-speaking nations. -
Multilingual Practices and Identity Negotiation Among Multilingual Heritage Language Learners in New Zealand
Multilingual Practices and Identity Negotiation among Multilingual Heritage Language Learners in New Zealand By Mohammed Yousef Nofal A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2020 To Hanadi who will remember the time and place if not the people, Sara, Sireen, Mahamoud, and Salma who filled my life with joy, euphoria and love 2 Abstract While heritage languages (HLs) have been receiving much research attention, there is still a scarcity of studies conducted on local HL communities. However, researchers in New Zealand have been actively engaged with various community languages for over four decades, providing rich insights into the dynamics of language maintenance and language shift within these communities. Although New Zealand sociolinguistic scholarship has covered a wide range of languages and ethnicities, there is no known study on the Indian Hindi community, whose HL is the fourth most spoken language in the country (Statistics New Zealand, 2013). Additionally, previous research has traditionally examined the functional aspects of language use and language attitudes in determining whether language can be preserved, viewing HL communities often as homogeneously formed. In contrast, current trends in the field of sociolinguistics aim to examine the connections between individuals and their languages (i.e. identity), taking multilingualism as a norm and focusing on dynamism in intraspeaker and interspeaker language use. This thesis addresses these issues by exploring how the realities that heritage language learners (HLLs) live connect to identity negotiation and development in social interaction. In particular, this thesis focuses on a group of learners of Hindi as a heritage language in New Zealand – a group that is under-explored. -
New Zealand English
New Zealand English Štajner, Renata Undergraduate thesis / Završni rad 2011 Degree Grantor / Ustanova koja je dodijelila akademski / stručni stupanj: Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences / Sveučilište Josipa Jurja Strossmayera u Osijeku, Filozofski fakultet Permanent link / Trajna poveznica: https://urn.nsk.hr/urn:nbn:hr:142:005306 Rights / Prava: In copyright Download date / Datum preuzimanja: 2021-09-26 Repository / Repozitorij: FFOS-repository - Repository of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Osijek Sveučilište J.J. Strossmayera u Osijeku Filozofski fakultet Preddiplomski studij Engleskog jezika i književnosti i Njemačkog jezika i književnosti Renata Štajner New Zealand English Završni rad Prof. dr. sc. Mario Brdar Osijek, 2011 0 Summary ....................................................................................................................................2 Introduction................................................................................................................................4 1. History and Origin of New Zealand English…………………………………………..5 2. New Zealand English vs. British and American English ………………………….….6 3. New Zealand English vs. Australian English………………………………………….8 4. Distinctive Pronunciation………………………………………………………………9 5. Morphology and Grammar……………………………………………………………11 6. Maori influence……………………………………………………………………….12 6.1.The Maori language……………………………………………………………...12 6.2.Maori Influence on the New Zealand English………………………….………..13 6.3.The -
17 World Englishes and Their Dialect Roots
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2020 World Englishes and their dialect roots Schreier, Daniel Abstract: This chapter investigates the persistence and development of so-called dialect roots, that is, features of local forms of British English that are transplanted to overseas territories. It discusses dialect input and the survival of features, independent developments within overseas communities, including realignments of features in the dialect inputs, as well as contact phenomena when English speakers interact with those of other dialects and languages. The diagnostic value of these roots is exemplified with selected cases from around the world (Newfoundland English, Liberian English, Caribbean Englishes), which are assessed with reference to the archaic/dynamic character of individual features in new-dialect formation and language-contact scenarios. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108349406.017 Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-198161 Book Section Published Version The following work is licensed under a Publisher License. Originally published at: Schreier, Daniel (2020). World Englishes and their dialect roots. In: Schreier, Daniel; Hundt, Marianne; Schneider, Edgar W. The Cambridge Handbook of World Englishes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 384-407. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108349406.017 17 World Englishes and Their Dialect Roots Daniel Schreier World Englishes developed out of English dialects spoken throughout the British Isles. These were transported all over the globe by speakers from different regions, social classes, and educational backgrounds, who migrated with distinct trajectories, for various periods of time and in distinct chronolo- gical phases (Hickey, Chapter 2, this volume; Britain, Chapter 7,thisvolume). -
Newfoundland English
Izaro Zalacain Mendia Degree in English Studies 2019-2020 NEWFOUNDLAND ENGLISH Supervisor: Miren Alazne Landa Departamento de Filología Inglesa, Alemana y de Traducción e Interpretación Área de Filología Inglesa Abstract The English language has undergone many variations, leaving uncountable dialects in every nook and cranny of the world. Located at the north-east of Canada, the island of Newfoundland presents one of those dialects. However, within the many varieties the English language features, Newfoundland English (NE) remains as one of the less researched dialects in North America. The aim of this paper is to provide a characterisation of NE. In order to do so, this paper focuses on research questions on the origins of the dialect, potential variation within NE, the languages it has been in contact with, its particular linguistic features and the role of linguistic distinction in the Newfoundlander identity. Thus, in this paper I firstly assess the origins of NE, which are documented to mainly derive from West Country, England, and south-eastern Ireland, and I also provide an overview of the main historical events that have influenced the language. Secondly, I show the linguistic variation NE features, thus displaying the multiple dialectal areas that are found in the island. Furthermore, I discuss the different languages that have been in contact with the variety, namely, Irish Gaelic and Micmac, among others. Thirdly, I present a variety of linguistic features of NE -both phonetic and morphosyntactic- that distinguish the dialect from the rest of North American varieties, including Canadian English. Finally, I tackle the issue of language and identity and uncover a number of innovations and purposeful uses of certain features that the islanders show in their speech for the sake of identity marking. -
Regional and National Standards
Regional and National Standards María Barroso Prieto and Silvia Telenga Outline 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) 2. Varieties of the English Language 2.1. American and British English 2.2. Canadian English 2.3. Australian English 2.4. South African English 3. The dynamics of English(es) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾ The status of English as a world language is challenging. ¾ Two issues: a) internationalism implies intelligibility b) identity implies individuality ¾ “The future of the English language depends on how the tension between these two principles will be solved.” (Crystal, p.110) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾However, English is not always welcomed. ¾It can be considered a threat. ¾Three forms of antagonism: 1. “Excessive” influence on lexis 2. Fear of replacement 3. Rejection due to colonial history 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) An example: “The basis of any independent government is a national language and we can no longer continue aping our former colonizers…Those who feel they cannot do without English can as well pack up and go.” – President Jomo Kenyatta, Nairobi, 1974 (Source: The Cambridge Encyclopedia, p. 114) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾English may be considered threatening and become threatened itself. ¾Yet, English remains the world language. 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) ¾WSE is not a totally uniform, regionally neutral form. ¾WSE is characterized by a “common core”. 1. The worldwide presence of English(es) An interesting observation: ¾On 6 July 1993, 40 newspapers from all over the English-speaking world were collected ¾The result: a fairly universal written SE exists ¾It was in most cases impossible to tell where the newspapers came from Varieties of the English Language BUT As we move away from written SE and move toward informal spoken language, differences increase noticeably 2.1.