17 World Englishes and Their Dialect Roots
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Amakhosi Theatre Ako Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
AN EXAMINATION OF AN AFRICAN POSTCOLONIAL EXPERIENCE OF LANGUAGE, CULTURE, AND IDENTITY:AMAKHOSI THEATRE AKO BULAWAYO, ZIMBABWE Violet B. Lunga B.A.(Hons.), University of ZimbabweJ982 Grad. CE., University of Zimbabwe,l987 M.A., University of Zimbabwe,l990 THESIS SUBMITIED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Education O Violet B. Lunga 1997 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY October 1997 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. National Library '. Bibliotheque nationale of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliograph~ques 395 Weilfngton Street 395. we Wellmgton Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Ottawa ON K 1A ON4 Canada Canada Ymr hb Vorre reference Our file Kolre reference The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accorde une licence non + exclusive licence allowing the exclusive pennettant a la National Library of ~anadato Bibliotheque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prster, dstnbuer ou copies of hsthesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette these sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfichelfilm, de ' reprodwtion sur papier ou sur format electronique. , The .author retains ownership of the auteur conserve la propnete du copyright in hsthesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protege cette these. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othenvise de celle-ci ne doivent Ztre imprimes .reproduced . without the author's ou autrement reprohits sans son permission. -
Origins of NZ English
Origins of NZ English There are three basic theories about the origins of New Zealand English, each with minor variants. Although they are usually presented as alternative theories, they are not necessarily incompatible. The theories are: • New Zealand English is a version of 19th century Cockney (lower-class London) speech; • New Zealand English is a version of Australian English; • New Zealand English developed independently from all other varieties from the mixture of accents and dialects that the Anglophone settlers in New Zealand brought with them. New Zealand as Cockney The idea that New Zealand English is Cockney English derives from the perceptions of English people. People not themselves from London hear some of the same pronunciations in New Zealand that they hear from lower-class Londoners. In particular, some of the vowel sounds are similar. So the vowel sound in a word like pat in both lower-class London English and in New Zealand English makes that word sound like pet to other English people. There is a joke in England that sex is what Londoners get their coal in. That is, the London pronunciation of sacks sounds like sex to other English people. The same joke would work with New Zealanders (and also with South Africans and with Australians, until very recently). Similarly, English people from outside London perceive both the London and the New Zealand versions of the word tie to be like their toy. But while there are undoubted similarities between lower-class London English and New Zealand (and South African and Australian) varieties of English, they are by no means identical. -
Standard Southern British English As Referee Design in Irish Radio Advertising
Joan O’Sullivan Standard Southern British English as referee design in Irish radio advertising Abstract: The exploitation of external as opposed to local language varieties in advertising can be associated with a history of colonization, the external variety being viewed as superior to the local (Bell 1991: 145). Although “Standard English” in terms of accent was never an exonormative model for speakers in Ireland (Hickey 2012), nevertheless Ireland’s history of colonization by Britain, together with the geographical proximity and close socio-political and sociocultural connections of the two countries makes the Irish context an interesting one in which to examine this phenomenon. This study looks at how and to what extent standard British Received Pronunciation (RP), now termed Standard Southern British English (SSBE) (see Hughes et al. 2012) as opposed to Irish English varieties is exploited in radio advertising in Ireland. The study is based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of a corpus of ads broadcast on an Irish radio station in the years 1977, 1987, 1997 and 2007. The use of SSBE in the ads is examined in terms of referee design (Bell 1984) which has been found to be a useful concept in explaining variety choice in the advertising context and in “taking the ideological temperature” of society (Vestergaard and Schroder 1985: 121). The analysis is based on Sussex’s (1989) advertisement components of Action and Comment, which relate to the genre of the discourse. Keywords: advertising, language variety, referee design, language ideology. 1 Introduction The use of language variety in the domain of advertising has received considerable attention during the past two decades (for example, Bell 1991; Lee 1992; Koslow et al. -
12 English Dialect Input to the Caribbean
12 English dialect input to the Caribbean 1 Introduction There is no doubt that in the settlement of the Caribbean area by English speakers and in the rise of varieties of English there, the question of regional British input is of central importance (Rickford 1986; Harris 1986). But equally the two other sources of specific features in anglophone varieties there, early creolisation and independent developments, have been given continued attention by scholars. Opinions are still divided on the relative weight to be accorded to these sources. The purpose of the present chapter is not to offer a description of forms of English in the Caribbean – as this would lie outside the competence of the present author, see Holm (1994) for a resum´ e–b´ ut rather to present the arguments for regional British English input as the historical source of salient features of Caribbean formsofEnglish and consider these arguments in the light of recent research into both English in this region and historical varieties in the British Isles. This is done while explicitly acknowledging the role of West African input to forms of English in this region. This case has been argued eloquently and well, since at least Alleyne (1980) whose views are shared by many creolists, e.g. John Rickford. But the aim of the present volume, and specifically of the present chapter, is to consider overseas varieties of English in the light of possible continuity of input formsofEnglish from the British Isles. This concern does not seek to downplay West African input and general processes of creolisation, which of course need to be specified in detail,1 butrather tries to put the case for English input and so complement other views already available in the field. -
Immigration During the Crown Colony Period, 1840-1852
1 2: Immigration during the Crown Colony period, 1840-1852 Context In 1840 New Zealand became, formally, a part of the British Empire. The small and irregular inflow of British immigrants from the Australian Colonies – the ‘Old New Zealanders’ of the mission stations, whaling stations, timber depots, trader settlements, and small pastoral and agricultural outposts, mostly scattered along the coasts - abruptly gave way to the first of a number of waves of immigrants which flowed in from 1840.1 At least three streams arrived during the period 1840-1852, although ‘Old New Zealanders’ continued to arrive in small numbers during the 1840s. The first consisted of the government officials, merchants, pastoralists, and other independent arrivals, the second of the ‘colonists’ (or land purchasers) and the ‘emigrants’ (or assisted arrivals) of the New Zealand Company and its affiliates, and the third of the imperial soldiers (and some sailors) who began arriving in 1845. New Zealand’s European population grew rapidly, marked by the establishment of urban communities, the colonial capital of Auckland (1840), and the Company settlements of Wellington (1840), Petre (Wanganui, 1840), New Plymouth (1841), Nelson (1842), Otago (1848), and Canterbury (1850). Into Auckland flowed most of the independent and military streams, and into the company settlements those arriving directly from the United Kingdom. Thus A.S.Thomson observed that ‘The northern [Auckland] settlers were chiefly derived from Australia; those in the south from Great Britain. The former,’ he added, ‘were distinguished for colonial wisdom; the latter for education and good home connections …’2 Annexation occurred at a time when emigration from the United Kingdom was rising. -
English in Australia and New Zealand
English in Australia and New Zealand James Dixon, Narrative of a Voyage to New South Wales and Van Dieman’s Land in the Ship Skelton During the Year 1820 (1822) The children born in these colonies, and now grown up, speak a better language, purer, more harmonious, than is generally the case in most parts of England. The amalgamation of such various dialects assembled together, seems to improve the mode of articulating the words. Valerie Desmond, The Awful Australian (1911) But it is not so much the vagaries of pronunciation that hurt the ear of the visitor. It is the extraordinary intonation that the Australian imparts to his phrases. There is no such thing as cultured, reposeful conversation in this land; everybody sings his remarks as if he were reciting blank verse after the manner of an imperfect elocutionist. It would be quite possible to take an ordinary Australian conversation and immortalise its cadences and diapasons by means of musical notation. Herein the Australian differs from the American. The accent of the American, educated and uneducated alike, is abhorrent to the cultured Englishman or Englishwoman, but it is, at any rate, harmonious. That of the Australian is full of discords and surprises. His voice rises and falls with unexpected syncopations, and, even among the few cultured persons this country possesses, seems to bear in every syllable the sign of the parvenu. Walter Churchill (of the American Philological Society) The common speech of the commonwealth of Australia represents the most brutal maltreatment which has ever been inflicted upon the mother tongue of the English-speaking nations. -
An Analysis of the Classroom Language Of
AN ANALYSIS OF THE CLASSROOM LANGUAGE OF PRIMARY SCHOOL STUDENT-TEACHERS WITH REFERENCE TO ITS INTERLANGUAGE FORMS, COMMUNICATIVE ACTIVITIES AND INSTRUCTIONAL STRATEGIES WITH IMPLICATIONS OF THESE FOR TEACHER TRAINING IN ZIMBABWE by P. H. MHUNDWA THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION SEPTEMBER 1987 2 ABSTRACT This study was designed to analyse and to describe the language of non-native student-teachers who use English as a medium of instruction and who also teach it as a subject. The aim was to describe the formal and functional features of the variety of English they use and to discover whether it constitutes a language system that applies identifiable and descriptively adequate sets of rules. In his analysis, the researcher discussed definitions and 'general properties' of communication to establish criteria within which communicative activities were described in terms of information structuring by student-teachers and information processing by learners. He observed that student-teachers' language generally consists of systematically occuring features that constitute a spoken interlanguage that can be described as a language in its own right. He also observed that the interlanguage variety consists of syntactical and stylistic features some of which are identical to those that characterise native-speaker discourse. At the level of communication, the reseacher observed that student-teachers' and pupils' communicative utterances tend to be defective in situations where higher order thinking processes and ideas need to be articulated in the L2. Another important observation was that student-teachers do not adequately use their interlanguage to realise the important pedagogical functions of explaining, elaborating and classifying key concepts and issues that arise in teaching/learning situations. -
The Conference Program
INTERNATIONAL LINGUISTIC ASSOCIATION ENGLISH—GLOBAL AND LOCAL 58th Annual Conference Kingsborough Community College April 12-14, 2013 On behalf of the International Linguistic Association, we extend a warm welcome to all the participants in this conference. We acknowledge with gratitude the generosity of Kingsborough Community College in hosting it and the College’s Department of English in officially sponsoring it. We owe special thanks to Kingsborough’s Associate Provost Reza Fakhari and Professor Martha Cummings for taking care of the on-site organization. Alice Deakins Cathy McClure Kate Parry Conference Co-Chairs CONFERENCE OVERVIEW Individual presentations are identified by abstract number. The numbers are listed in proposed order of presentation. The letters A, B, and C indicate rooms. Each presentation will last 20 minutes with 5 minutes for questions. FRIDAY, April 12 A B C 2:30-3:45 LINGUISTIC HISTORICAL ENGLISH IN HIGHER LANDSCAPES PERSPECTIVES EDUCATION 14, 90, 86 38, 21, 27 22, 77, 6 4:00-5:40 DIGITAL DISCOURSE MORPPHOLOGY AND WRITING IN ENGLISH 9, 37, 18, 64 SYNTAX 30, 29, 31, 49, 69, 56, 33, 34 6:00-7:00 PLENARY - Luis H. Francia: Philippine English: burden or benediction? 7:00-8:30 RECEPTION SATURDAY, April 13 A B C 8:30-9:45 ROLE OF ENGLISH IN ENGLISH IN LINGUISTIC TEACHER TRAINING FOR A IDENTITY HYBRIDIZATION GLOBAL WORLD CONSTRUCTION 63, 36, 53 74, 4, 5 82, 40,,66 10:00- ATTITUDES TOWARDS SEMANTICS AND VOICE AND IDENTITY IN 11:15 ENGLISH PRAGMATICS THE ENGLISH CLASSROOM 68, 57, 51 91,16, 35 26, 61 (panel with two papers) 11:30- PLENARY 12:30 Janina Brutt-Griffler: Encounters with English: present-day English in a multilingual world. -
" Sorrow Penny Yee Payed for My Drink": Taboo, Euphemism, and A
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 395 506 FL 023 850 AUTHOR Odlin, Terence TITLE "Sorrow Penny Yee Payed for My Drink": Taboo, Euphemism, and a Phantom Substrate. CLCS Occasional Paper No. 43. INSTITUTION Trinity Coll., Dublin (Ireland). Centre for Language and Communication Studies. REPORT NO ISSN-0332-3889 PUB DATE 96 NOTE 28p.; An abbreviated version of this paper was given as a public lecture in the Centre for Language and Communication Studies (Dublin, Ireland, 1996). PUB TYPE Collected Works Serials (022) Reports Descriptive (141) EDRS PRICE MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Diachronic Linguistics; *English; English Literature; Foreign Countries; *Irish; *Language Patterns; Language Role; Language Usage; *Negative Forms (Language); *Scots Gaelic; Uncommonly Taught Languages IDENTIFIERS Euphemism; Ireland; *Language Contact; Scotland; Taboo Terms ABSTRACT Possible origins for the use of "sorrow" as a negation in Hiberno-English are considered. Much of the evidence examined here comes from English literature. It is concluded that the uses of "sorrow" as negator and as euphemism probably reflect Celtic substrate influence. Structural evidence indicates that "sorrow" negation has grammaticalized properties similar to those for "devil" negation. Geographical and chronological evidence suggests that "sorrow" negation developed early in Scotland and that it was restricted mainly to Scotland and Ireland. Cultural evidence shows "sorrow" negation to be part of a long-standing tradition of taboo and'euphemism, one not unique to Celtic lands but certainly robust in those regions. Although several words in Irish and Scottish Gaelic are partial translation equivalents for "sorrow," only two have attested uses as negators and euphemisms for the devil: "donas" and "tubaiste." Of these, the former seems to have been an especially important word in Scotland and Ireland, 31though it may never have been a full-fledged negator in Irish. -
Attitudes Towards English in Ghana Kari Dako
Dako & Quarcoo / Legon Journal of the Humanities (2017) 20-30 DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v28i1.3 Attitudes towards English in Ghana Kari Dako Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana [email protected]; [email protected] Millicent Akosua Quarcoo Senior Lecturer, Department of English Education, University of Education, Winneba, Ghana [email protected]; [email protected] Submitted: May 16, 2014 /Accepted: September 4, 2014 / Published: May 31, 2017 Abstract The paper considers official and individual attitudes towards bilingualism in English and a Ghanaian language. We ask whether bilingualism in English and Ghanaian languages is a social handicap, without merit, or an important indicator of ethnic identity. Ghana has about 50 non-mutually intelligible languages, yet there are no statistics on who speaks what language(s) where in the country. We consider attitudes to English against the current Ghanaian language policy in education as practised in the school system. Our data reveal that parents believe early exposure to English enhances academic performance; English is therefore becoming the language of the home. Keywords: attitudes, English, ethnicity, Ghanaian languages, language policy Introduction Asanturofie anomaa, wofa no a, woafa mmusuo, wogyae no a, wagyae siadeé. (If you catch the beautiful nightjar, you inflict on yourself a curse, but if you let it go, you have lost something of great value). The attitude of Ghanaians to English is echoed in the paradox of this well-known Akan proverb. English might be a curse but it is at the same time a valuable necessity. Attitudes are learned, and Garret (2010) reminds us that associated with attitudes are ‘habits, values, beliefs, opinions as well as social stereotypes and ideologies’ (p.31). -
Southern Bahamian: Transported African American Vernacular English Or Transported Gullah?
ORIGINAL ARTICLE Southern Bahamian: Transported African American Vernacular English or Transported Gullah? Stephanie Hackert University of Augsberg1 John A. Holm University of Coimbra ABSTRACT The relationship between Bahamian Creole English (BahCE) and Gullah and their historical connection with African American Vernacular English (AAVE) have long been a matter of dispute. In the controversy about the putative creole origins of AAVE, it was long thought that Gullah was the only remnant of a once much more widespread North American Plantation Creole and southern BahCE constituted a diaspora variety of the latter. If, however, as argued in the 1990s, AAVE never was a creole itself, whence the creole nature of southern BahCE? This paper examines the settlement history of the Bahamas and the American South to argue that BahCE and Gullah are indeed closely related, so closely in fact, that southern BahCE must be regarded as a diaspora variety of the latter rather than of AAVE. INTRODUCTION English (AAVE) spoken by the slaves Lexical and syntactic studies of Bahamian brought in by Loyalists after the Creole English (Holm, 1982; Shilling, 1977) Revolutionary War that predominated over led Holm (1983) to conclude that on southern the variety that had developed largely on the Bahamian islands such as Exuma, it was northern Bahamian islands. This ascendancy mainland African American Vernacular developed “…for the simple reason that it had 1 Stephanie Hackert, Applied English Linguistics, University of Augsburg, Germany. E-mail: [email protected] John A. Holm, University of Coimbra, Portugal E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements: An earlier draft of this article benefited from the comments of Katherine Green, Salikoko Mufwene, Edgar Schneider and Donald Winford, whom we would like to thank here, while noting that responsibility for any remaining shortcomings is solely our own. -
From the Sidelines to the Forefront Ensuring a Gender-Responsive Foundation for Liberia’S National Decentralization Process
From the Sidelines to the Forefront Ensuring a Gender-Responsive Foundation for Liberia’s National Decentralization Process: A Review and Analysis of Barriers, Opportunities and Entry Points A Study by the Governance Commission and Ministry of Gender and Development and UN Women February 2014 DEDICATION This study is dedicated to Sheelagh Kathy Mangones, UN Women Representative to Liberia, who sadly passed away on 4th February 2014 while attending an Africa regional meeting in Addis Ababa. Ms. Mangones was a humanitarian, dedicated to promoting the cause of women’s empowerment world-wide. Passionate about women’s participation at all levels, Kathy was committed to ensuring that Liberia’s decentralization opens new opportunities for Liberia’s rural women. This tribute is in recognition of her relentless efforts in promoting women’s empowerment and participation during her time in Liberia. She will be missed. Page 2 Table of Contents ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS ................................................................................................ 5 FOREWORDS ............................................................................................................................... 7 PREFACE…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..8 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................................................ 9 DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS AND CONCEPTS ................................................................................ 10 SECTION I: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................