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City Regeneration and the Making of an Urban Experience

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City Regeneration and the Making of an Urban Experience 1 CHAPTER ONE: Mapping Thoughts and Establishing Direction 2 INTRODUCTION A whole history remains to be written of spaces – which would at the same time be the history of powers – from the great strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat - Michel Foucault, 1980 as cited in Rotenberg 1995:1 The link between space making and power that Michel Foucault emphasises, underpins the significance of the Nelson Mandela Bridge’s (MNB) as an emblem for Johannesburg’s inner city regeneration1. This anthropological research looks at the NMB’s geo-historical, political and symbolic references and its position in the heart of the inner city; a project after apartheid bearing the name of Nelson Mandela to launch the city as a “world-class African [one]” 2. This investigation into the meanings of the NMB reflects on Johannesburg’s changing social dynamics by outlining selected experiences in the inner city during apartheid as a way to make sense of everyday expectations and experiences in the city’s downtown today. The meanings of the project are located in the juxtaposition of ordinary people’s expectations after apartheid with local, regional and national economic interests that combine with private enterprise to promote the city globally. I am interested in everyday responses to the project from people who live and trade informally in the inner city. This research looks at the arbitrariness of the project’s inception, its progressive planning and now also the contradictions inherent in its branding and official marketing. It is argued that the latter reflects the elitist aspirations of the urban developers that use the project’s emblematic significance to promote the inner city locally, nationally and internationally. This research looks at the NMB’s significance 1 http://www.joburg.org.za; blueiq.co.za; Hopkins 2003. 2 http://www.joburg.org.za; Hopkins 2003. In a bid to promote Johannesburg as provincial capital Louise Marsland (The Star July 21 1994) describes the city as “[a] vibrant, bustling community … the epitome of the African soul [and] a gateway to Africa”. Neil Fraser of the Central Johannesburg Partnership (CJP) (ibid) supported this bid by saying that Johannesburg as provincial capital “[would be] a catalyst and forerunner for the development of a world-class city, a gateway to South Africa, southern Africa and probably to Africa itself…”(ibid). For Fraser “[the city as world entity] will represent the aspirations of all its people … a model for democratic government of the people by the people” (Fraser 1994 ibid). Three years after Johannesburg became the provincial capital a R2-billion programme (over three years) known as Mayivuka “Johannesburg Awake” project (The Star July 18 1997) was announced on Nelson Mandela’s birthday (The Star July 18 1997). The iconic figure of Mandela and its association with efforts to revitalise Johannesburg connect nation building and city making (see also Tomlinson et al eds. 2003:x). This is noticeable in announcements around the construction of the NMB but also as early as these reports in 1994 and 1997. 3 in as far as this relates to the inner city project as a product of global ‘best practices’ in urban development projects. The research presents the (re) emerging inner city space’s particular forms of human interaction; the production of an inner city space with its manufactured context in line with national, international and global trends. The research objective is to present the overall significance of the project in terms of the efforts employed to resuscitate the inner city and specifically those that emulate international best practice in urban regeneration. The urban manoeuvres are viewed as a set of contrived efforts that appear rooted in intricate albeit generic forms or processes of meaning making. I am interested in Johannesburg as evolving inner-city space, not as a “contextual vacuum” (cf. Farrell 2002:7) as the changes in the inner city directly impacts on the lives of the inhabitants. The context for unravelling the meanings of the NMB is the city as non-static entity, as a dynamic evolving space. This paradoxically reflects the coming together of diverse threads, those that are part of the city (and the country’s) divided past. This investigation reflects on the city’s re-imagineering; the rethinking of the inner city spaces that suggests the city’s changing character. The meanings in the making of the NMB are looked at in the remaking of the city through narratives in which “[a] politics of hope” intertwines “[with] the spectres of the past” (cf. Mbembe & Posel 2004:2). The point that I need to stress is that in the emerging social space that develops there is a contestation of freedom and its democratic practices (cf. Mbembe & Posel 2004:2). The research scans the complexity of urban planning manoeuvring through everyday encounters on the streets of the inner city, especially those near the NMB. The research is held together by the emergence of an inner-city space marked by the prefix ‘post- ’: a linguistically defined prefix to denote a historical period that follows on from another. In the case of Johannesburg, this is essentially the period that follows Apartheid: those narratives of the inner city’s reconstruction after grand apartheid and also those that connects the city to the politics of the global post-industrial economy. The project’s wide-ranging meanings arise from the urban planners’ agenda as much 4 as ordinary peoples’ senses of mobility and belonging in the inner city – a politics of belonging from within the framework of democracy itself (cf. Nyamnjoh 2005). I present the city managers’ efforts to secure the city’s transnational position through processes of “culture-making and identity management” (cf. Low 1996:402) together with ordinary aspirations for a home, employment and sometimes, even food. The main questions I ask are: How does this brand new structure in the inner city bridge the gap between global aspirations and ordinary needs? What is the sense of generic forms of urban regeneration and consequent senses of citiness in terms of stabilising urban poverty? I am interested in forms of “cultural resignification” and especially the media’s role in propagating forms of “symbolic politics” (cf. Pieterse 2005:160). The impact of the NMB project on Johannesburg’s urban dynamics is looked at in terms of what a theorist on urban social movements Edgar Pieterse regards as a politics of integration in cities like Johannesburg (2005:160). For Pieterse there is a need to critically reflect on the making of urban spaces by looking at “Whose identities and cultures are embodied by the representations of the city”? (Pieterse 2005:160). This question directs this inquiry into the meanings in the making of the NMB as part of the inner city’s regeneration programme. I am interested in what Pieterse (2005:139) sees as “[a] rising inequality within and between urban areas in South Africa” with the future of cities unanswered. Pieterse asks: How can the futures of the city be reimagined to reflect a radical openness as opposed to the conventional approach whereby there is only one alternative? (2005:160). The context for the unravelling of the meanings in the making of the NMB, I argue, lies in modes of political agency that affects urban politics. The question (above) thus reveals the nature of “cultural identities and practices [as that which is] constitutively porous, relational and marked by dissensus within some aspiration for consensus” (Pieterse 2005:161). The context for analysing the meanings of the NMB is the process of reorganising Johannesburg inner city. The NMB project’s meanings relate to the inner-city’s newly imagined and generic forms of citiness; a product of “social relations, symbols, and political economies [or power] in the city” (cf. Low 1996:385).3 3 Setha Low refers to “[the] changing post-industrial, advanced capitalist, post-modern moment … [a] site of everyday practice [that offers] valuable insights into the linkages of macro-processes with the texture and fabric of human experience” (1996:384). Also, “social change … through socio-economic 5 The significance of the project in the first part of the research reviewed foregrounds peoples’ socio-cultural and historical experiences in the inner city and in the latter part of the research looks at the city’s evolving dynamics are used as a backdrop for the analysis of the meanings of the NMB project. The project’s significance, I argue, arises from its position as public symbol and especially through the appearance of the NMB at a particular moment (in historical time) and the NMB’s structural design and its physical location in downtown Johannesburg. In this sense the meanings of the NMB relate to a space that manipulates, organises or structures everyday life (cf. Low 1996:402). The latter refers to sets of contrasting sensibilities, those of the urban imagineers for a “better” city that appear in contrast with everyday conversations on the inner-city streets that denote “belonging” as “confusing”4. What emerges is the ordinary perceptions of the significance of the NMB through the person of Mandela against the project as inner-city revitalisation initiative by urban imagineers whose fancy is to promote the foibles of a growing bourgeois socio-economic class. The latter appears to take preference over the former, that of the ordinary needs of people who live and trade in the inner city5. This research emphasises the anthropological dimensions inherent in urban landscaping or city-building: the new layering of urban experience that links place- making to people and the influence of the latter on peoples’ everyday experiences. The city and its peoples’ complex historical references are interrogated especially that transitions” (ibid 385) reveal the power relations that, in the case of the NMB are inscribed in Johannesburg’s inner-city rejuvenation (cf.
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