Health Response to COVID-19 in Libya WHO Update # 24 Reporting Period
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Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1. Detailed Methodology 2. Participation 3. Awareness 4. Knowledge 5. Communication 6. Service Delivery 7. Legitimacy 8. Drivers of Legitimacy 9. Focus Group Recommendations 10. Demographics Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research by Altai Consulting. This research is intended to support the development and evaluation of IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative programming with municipal councils. The research consisted of quantitative and qualitative components, conducted by IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative respectively. • Data was collected April 14 to May 24, 2016, and was conducted over the phone from Altai’s call center using computer-assisted telephone technology. • The sample was 2,671 Libyans aged 18 and over. • Quantitative: Libyans from the 22 administrative districts were interviewed on a 45-question questionnaire on municipal councils. In addition, 13 municipalities were oversampled to provide a more focused analysis on municipalities targeted by programming. Oversampled municipalities include: Tripoli Center (224), Souq al Jumaa (229), Tajoura (232), Abu Salim (232), Misrata (157), Sabratha (153), Benghazi (150), Bayda (101), Sabha (152), Ubari (102), Weddan (101), Gharyan (100) and Shahat (103). • The sample was post-weighted in order to ensure that each district corresponds to the latest population pyramid available on Libya (US Census Bureau Data, updated 2016) in order for the sample to be nationally representative. • Qualitative: 18 focus groups were conducted with 5-10 people of mixed employment status and level of education in Tripoli Center (men and women), Souq al Jumaa (men and women), Tajoura (men), Abu Salim (men), Misrata (men and women), Sabratha (men and women), Benghazi (men and women), Bayda (men), Sabha (men and women), Ubari (men), and Shahat (men). -
Nationwide School Assessment Libya Ministry
Ministry of Education º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report - 2012 Assessment Report School Nationwide Libya LIBYA Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya © UNICEF Libya/2012-161Y4640/Giovanni Diffidenti LIBYA: Doaa Al-Hairish, a 12 year-old student in Sabha (bottom left corner), and her fellow students during a class in their school in Sabha. Doaa is one of the more shy girls in her class, and here all the others are raising their hands to answer the teacher’s question while she sits quiet and observes. The publication of this volume is made possible through a generous contribution from: the Russian Federation, Kingdom of Sweden, the European Union, Commonwealth of Australia, and the Republic of Poland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the donors. © Libya Ministry of Education Parts of this publication can be reproduced or quoted without permission provided proper attribution and due credit is given to the Libya Ministry of Education. Design and Print: Beyond Art 4 Printing Printed in Jordan Table of Contents Preface 5 Map of schools investigated by the Nationwide School Assessment 6 Acronyms 7 Definitions 7 1. Executive Summary 8 1.1. Context 9 1.2. Nationwide School Assessment 9 1.3. Key findings 9 1.3.1. Overall findings 9 1.3.2. Basic school information 10 1.3.3. -
The Human Conveyor Belt : Trends in Human Trafficking and Smuggling in Post-Revolution Libya
The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya March 2017 A NETWORK TO COUNTER NETWORKS The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya Mark Micallef March 2017 Cover image: © Robert Young Pelton © 2017 Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Acknowledgments This report was authored by Mark Micallef for the Global Initiative, edited by Tuesday Reitano and Laura Adal. Graphics and layout were prepared by Sharon Wilson at Emerge Creative. Editorial support was provided by Iris Oustinoff. Both the monitoring and the fieldwork supporting this document would not have been possible without a group of Libyan collaborators who we cannot name for their security, but to whom we would like to offer the most profound thanks. The author is also thankful for comments and feedback from MENA researcher Jalal Harchaoui. The research for this report was carried out in collaboration with Migrant Report and made possible with funding provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, and benefitted from synergies with projects undertaken by the Global Initiative in partnership with the Institute for Security Studies and the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the United Nations University, and the UK Department for International Development. About the Author Mark Micallef is an investigative journalist and researcher specialised on human smuggling and trafficking. -
LIBYA: Libya Administrative Map
LIBYA: Libya Administrative Map AL JIFARAH TRIPOLI AL JABAL AN NUQAT Az Zawiyah AL MARJ AL AKHDAR Abu Kammash AL KHAMS Ra's Ajdir !( !( !( AL MARQAB ⛡ Al Baydah Zaltan Mediterranean Sea !( Zuwarah Tripoli Ra's al Hamamah !( Tripoli !( !(!( !( ⛡ !(!( !( !( !( !(!(!( !( !( !( Al Bayda !( Al Athrun Riqdalin !( !( ⛡!(!( !( ⛜!( !(!( Azzawiya \ Susah !( Al Assah!( !( Janzur !( !( !( !( !( Mansur!(ah!( !( !( !( ⛡ !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( Darnah Al Jumayl !( !( Zawiyat al `Urqub !( !( Suq ad Dawawidah !( !( !( !( !( !(!(!( !( !(!( !( ⛡!( !( Al Fatih !( !( A⛜l Abraq !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( ⛡Derna !( !( !( !( !( !(!( !( Qasr Khiyar !(!(!( Al Khums !(!( QabilatS alimah !( Qaryat Sidi Shahir ad Din !( !( !(!( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( Ahqaf a!(l Jabhiya!(h ⛜ !( !( !( !( !( !(!( !( !(!( !(!( !(!( Suq al Khamis !( !( !(!( !( !( !( !( !( Martubah!( Suq as Sab!( t !(!(!( !( !( Al Uwayliyah ash Sha!( rqiyah!( Qasr Libiya !(Zawiyat Umm Hufayn !( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( Al Aquriyah Khadra' !( !( !( Umm ar Rizam Al Watyah!( !( !( !( !( Al Bumbah North Air Base TUNISIA !( !(!( !( !( !(!( !( Okba Ibn Nafa Air Base !( !( Ki`am !(!( ⛜ Asbi`ah !( !(!( !( !( !( !( Misratah Al!( Mabni Qabilat al Kawarighiliyah !( !( ⛜ !( !( !( Marawah !( !( AlH uwayjat !( !( !(!(!(!(!(!(!(!(!( Tansulukh!( !( !( ⛡!(!(!(!(!(!(!(!(M!(!( isurata !( !( QaryatB uR uwayyah !( !( !(!(!(!(!(!( !( !( !( !( !( !( !( At Tamimi!( !( Mintaqat ad Daghdughi !( Bamba Bi'r al Ghanam Bu Ghaylan !(!( !( Qaryat ar Rus !( Al M!( arj !(!(!( !(!(!( !(!(!( !(!( !(!( !( !( !( !( Zawiyat al `Izziyat!( -
Report Libya: Security Situation
Report Libya: Security Situation 19 December 2014 DISCLAIMER This report is written by country analysts from Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. It covers topics that are relevant for status determination of Libyan and non- Libyan citizens whose asylum claims are based on the situation in Libya. The target audience is case workers/officers within the decision-making authorities handling asylum claims as well as policy makers in the four countries. The report is based on carefully selected and referenced sources of information. To the extent possible and unless otherwise stated, all information presented, except for undisputed or obvious facts, has been cross-checked. While the information contained in this report has been researched, evaluated and analysed with utmost care, this document does not claim to be exhaustive, neither is it conclusive as to the determination or merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Terminology used should not be regarded as indicative of a particular legal position. Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. The research for this report was finalised in November 2014 and any event or development that has taken place after this date is not included in the report. Report Libya: Security Situation 19 December 2014 2 CONTENTS 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 5 2. Political Context .................................................................................................................... -
Politics by Other Means: Conflicting Interests in Libya's Security Sector
20 Politics by Other Means Conflicting Interests in Libya’s Security Sector by Wolfram Lacher and Peter Cole A Working Paper of the Small Arms Survey/Security Assessment in North Africa project, with support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands, the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, and the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Copyright Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva 2014 Published in October 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. Small Arms Survey Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Series editor: Matthew Johnson Copy-edited by Tania Inowlocki Proofread by Stephanie Huitson Typeset in Optima and Palatino by Frank Benno Junghanns Printed in France by GPS ISBN 978-2-940548-07-1 2 Small Arms Survey Working Paper 20 Lacher and Cole Politics by Other Means 3 The Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs and current contributions from the Govern- ments of Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. -
Uprising and Post-Qadhafi Tribal Clashes, Displacement in a Fragmenting Libya
30 March 2015 LIBYA Uprising and post-Qadhafi tribal clashes, displacement in a fragmenting Libya The political instability and crimes against humanity that accompanied and followed the uprising which overthrew President Muammar Qadhafi in October 2011 drove tens of thou- sands into displacement. Those perceived to have supported Qadhafi or to have benefited from privileges he dispensed through tribal patronage networks were attacked in retalia- tion. They were often driven out of their cities, unable to return. Some 60,000 IDPs who had fled during the uprising were still living in pro- tracted displacement by February 2015. Civilians walk along Tripoli Street in Misrata. Photo: UNHCR/ H. Caux / June 2011 Following the failure of political processes, Libya’s situation became increasingly anarchic, culminating in the collapse of a fragile central authority and the emergence of two rival centres of power in mid-2014. Against this backdrop, and ensuing infight- ing among myriads of militias, violence increased. There was more than a six-fold rise in the number of IDPs, reaching at least 400,000 by December 2014, some eight per cent of the population. Precise figures are not available given lack of access and on-going pervasive chaos. IDPs’ basic needs for shelter, food and medical services remain grossly unmet. Their physical security has been seriously threatened by indiscriminate shelling, attacks on IDP camps and sieges that have pre- vented them from seeking security. The situation of tens of thousands of displaced migrants who remain trapped in Libya and are particularly vulnerable is a cause for serious concern. State collapse and fragmentation of Libya’s essentially tribal society have hampered an effective national response to displacement and coordination of policies to address IDPs’ needs. -
The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014 Eaton, Alageli, Badi, Eljarh and Stocker Chatham House Contents
The Development of Libyan Armed of Libyan Since 2014 Groups The Development Research Paper Tim Eaton, Abdul Rahman Alageli, Emadeddin Badi, Mohamed Eljarh and Valerie Stocker Middle East and North Africa Programme | March 2020 The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014 Community Dynamics and Economic Interests Eaton, Alageli, Badi, Eljarh and Stocker Badi, Eljarh Alageli, Eaton, Chatham House Contents Summary 2 About this Paper 4 1 Introduction: The Development of Armed Groups Since 2014 7 2 Tripolitanian Armed Groups 15 3 Eastern Libya: The Libyan Arab Armed Forces 22 4 Armed Groups in Southern Libya 35 5 Mitigating Conflict Dynamics and Reducing the Role of Armed Groups in the Economy 51 About the Authors 63 Acknowledgments 64 1 | Chatham House The Development of Libyan Armed Groups Since 2014: Community Dynamics and Economic Interests Summary • Libya’s multitude of armed groups have followed a range of paths since the emergence of a national governance split in 2014. Many have gradually demobilized, others have remained active, and others have expanded their influence. However, the evolution of the Libyan security sector in this period remains relatively understudied. Prior to 2011, Libya’s internal sovereignty – including the monopoly on force and sole agency in international relations – had been personally vested in the figure of Muammar Gaddafi. After his death, these elements of sovereignty reverted to local communities, which created armed organizations to fill that central gap. National military and intelligence institutions that were intended to protect the Libyan state have remained weak, with their coherence undermined further by the post-2014 governance crisis and ongoing conflict. -
Nafusa Mountains 1 June 2011
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - OCHA Humanitarian Overview- Nafusa Mountains 1 June 2011 The Nafusa (Western) Mountains In mid-February 2011, anti-Government The widespread insecurity and lack of food Around 63,000 Libyan refugees stay in the region is made up of the districts of Nalut protests took place in Zintan, as similar and medical supplies has led to population governorates of Tatouine, Medenine, Gabes and the Jabal al Gharbi in the west of Libya. protests were taking place across Libya. displacement into neighbouring Tunisia. On and Douz/Kibili. Three camps have also been The mountains run in an arc starting at Reports indicate numerous instances of 6 April, the first significant wave of Libyans established in Dhibat, Remada, and Tatouine. Wazin, on the border with Tunisia, and indiscriminate shelling in civilian areas, crossed into Tunisia at the Wazin/Dhibat On 31 May, around 1,800 people were staying curving upward to the northeast ending in population displacement, road blocks (Dehiba) border. at the three camps. Humanitarian assistance preventing the delivery of essential is being provided both at the camp and Garyan, 94 kilometres south of Tripoli. The On 21 April, after opposition forces took supplies and damage to infrastructure community level, although the longer this principle economic activity of the region is control of the border crossing, movements such as water tanks. crisis continues the greater host community agriculture, including the cultivation of olives, from the Nafusa Mountains into Tunisia resources and hospitality will be stretched. figs, apricots, grain and herding of goats and Since early March, continued hostilities increased. -
Libia: Ficha Del País
OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS Libia La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comunicación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios, no defendiendo posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. SEPTIEMBRE 2021 Religión: Islámica (98%), con una gran mayoría sunní y un grupo menor de población de musulmanes ibadíes. El 2 % restante incluye a cristianos, Libia hinduistas, budistas y judíos. Bandera: Tres franjas en colores rojo, negro y verde, con una media luna y una estrella a la derecha de la media luna. Moneda: Dinar libio = 1.000 dirhams. Mar Mediterráneo Forma de Estado: La forma de Estado país será determinada en el próximo Zauiya TÚNEZ TRIPOLI texto constitucional. Misratah Banghazi Yafran Gharyan Tubruq División administrativa: A escala local, la Ley 59 del año 2012 introdujo una nueva división administrativa, recuperando la denominación de baladiyat (la Nalut Sirte Ras Lanuf Ajdabiyah denominación habitual en árabe para los municipios). Se establecieron 99 EGIPTO baladiyat o municipalidades (un número que posteriormente se ha ampliado, Jalu Waddan hasta llegar según las estimaciones a 124 a mediados de 2018). A escala re- gional, el Estado Libio se estructura en principio en tres Gobernaciones (o mu- Sarir hafazat), recuperando las tres divisiones más o menos históricas de Libia, es decir Tripolitania, Cirenaica (Barka / Barca) y Fezán. Sin embargo, por el mo- Awbari Al Uwaynat mento las tres Gobernaciones carecen en la práctica de competencias reales y Zawilah Murzuq de estructuras de gobierno propio, que se concentran en las municipalidades. -
Imperatives for Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Libya
ImperatIves for post-conflIct reconstructIon In Libya by Ibrahim Sharqieh REUTERS / THE / REUTERS b IGGER PICTURE IGGER Having endured for four decades, the political system of his family, represents an end of an era of autocracy for Jamahiriya1 – or ‘state of the masses’ – created by Colonel Libya. Libyans now face new challenges – in particular, the Muammar al-Qaddafi, has resulted in Libya having a unique reconstruction of a war-torn country and the building of political dynamic. Its growth has been stunted in many ways, institutions that never existed under Qaddafi’s heavy-handed as it lacks political parties,2 civil society organisations, trade rule. While military force was necessary to oust Qaddafi, unions, economic associations and even a unified army. a successful reconstruction process requires a different When he led the coup that brought him to power in 1969, set of methods, approaches and philosophies. Libyans are Qaddafi exploited the fact that the country had two capitals, encouraged not to rush this process, as rebuilding the nation Tripoli and benghazi, claiming that he wanted to take power will be arduous and complicated, for two reasons. The first is from King Idris al-Sanousi, who was accused of favouring the extent of reconstruction required, as the former regime the eastern part of Libya. Ironically, Qaddafi himself meant to left behind a society that requires rehabilitation in almost marginalise that same region, particularly benghazi,3 hoping all areas of education, health, economics and infrastructure. to centralise his power and government in Tripoli. It is not surprising, therefore, that this year’s uprising began in the east, with its hub in benghazi.