Politics by Other Means: Conflicting Interests in Libya's Security Sector
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Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed
Libya: Protect Vulnerable Minorities & Assist Civilians Harmed • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, IOM, the U.S., and other donors to provide protec- tion for displaced sub-Saharan Africans, including through the adoption of migrant-friendly policies and compliance with human rights obligations. • The Libyan authorities should work with UNSMIL, the U.S., and other donors to protect displaced dark-skinned Libyans, foster reconciliation, and provide long-term solutions for them. • The Libyan authorities should request NATO’s, the U.S’s, and UNSMIL’s long-term commitment, and technical and financial assistance to develop an effective security sector capable of protecting civil- ians. • NATO must fully and transparently investigate, and when appropriate make amends for civilian harm incurred as a result of its military operations in Libya. Similarly, the Libyan authorities should ensure all civilian conflict-losses are accounted for and amends offered to help civilians recover. With the death of Muammar Gaddafi a long-standing dictatorship has come to an end. The majority of Libyans are celebrating a new future; but certain groups, including suspected loyalist civilians, sub-Saharan Africans, and ethnic minorities remain displaced and vulnerable to violent attacks. The National Transitional Council (NTC) – the current de facto government of Libya – lacks command and control over all armed groups, including those responsible for revenge attacks. As such, the NTC cannot yet establish or maintain the rule of law. The plight of these vulnerable civilians foreshadows challenges to reconciliation, integration, and equal treatment of all in the new Libya. Further, civilians suffering losses during hostilities have not been properly recognized or assisted. -
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1
Libyan Municipal Council Research 1. Detailed Methodology 2. Participation 3. Awareness 4. Knowledge 5. Communication 6. Service Delivery 7. Legitimacy 8. Drivers of Legitimacy 9. Focus Group Recommendations 10. Demographics Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research by Altai Consulting. This research is intended to support the development and evaluation of IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative programming with municipal councils. The research consisted of quantitative and qualitative components, conducted by IRI and USAID/OTI Libya Transition Initiative respectively. • Data was collected April 14 to May 24, 2016, and was conducted over the phone from Altai’s call center using computer-assisted telephone technology. • The sample was 2,671 Libyans aged 18 and over. • Quantitative: Libyans from the 22 administrative districts were interviewed on a 45-question questionnaire on municipal councils. In addition, 13 municipalities were oversampled to provide a more focused analysis on municipalities targeted by programming. Oversampled municipalities include: Tripoli Center (224), Souq al Jumaa (229), Tajoura (232), Abu Salim (232), Misrata (157), Sabratha (153), Benghazi (150), Bayda (101), Sabha (152), Ubari (102), Weddan (101), Gharyan (100) and Shahat (103). • The sample was post-weighted in order to ensure that each district corresponds to the latest population pyramid available on Libya (US Census Bureau Data, updated 2016) in order for the sample to be nationally representative. • Qualitative: 18 focus groups were conducted with 5-10 people of mixed employment status and level of education in Tripoli Center (men and women), Souq al Jumaa (men and women), Tajoura (men), Abu Salim (men), Misrata (men and women), Sabratha (men and women), Benghazi (men and women), Bayda (men), Sabha (men and women), Ubari (men), and Shahat (men). -
Nationwide School Assessment Libya Ministry
Ministry of Education º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report - 2012 Assessment Report School Nationwide Libya LIBYA Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 Libya Nationwide School Assessment Report 2012 º«∏©àdGh á«HÎdG IQGRh Ministry of Education Nationwide School Assessment Libya © UNICEF Libya/2012-161Y4640/Giovanni Diffidenti LIBYA: Doaa Al-Hairish, a 12 year-old student in Sabha (bottom left corner), and her fellow students during a class in their school in Sabha. Doaa is one of the more shy girls in her class, and here all the others are raising their hands to answer the teacher’s question while she sits quiet and observes. The publication of this volume is made possible through a generous contribution from: the Russian Federation, Kingdom of Sweden, the European Union, Commonwealth of Australia, and the Republic of Poland. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the donors. © Libya Ministry of Education Parts of this publication can be reproduced or quoted without permission provided proper attribution and due credit is given to the Libya Ministry of Education. Design and Print: Beyond Art 4 Printing Printed in Jordan Table of Contents Preface 5 Map of schools investigated by the Nationwide School Assessment 6 Acronyms 7 Definitions 7 1. Executive Summary 8 1.1. Context 9 1.2. Nationwide School Assessment 9 1.3. Key findings 9 1.3.1. Overall findings 9 1.3.2. Basic school information 10 1.3.3. -
Libya's Conflict
LIBYA’S BRIEF / 12 CONFLICT Nov 2019 A very short introduction SERIES by Wolfgang Pusztai Freelance security and policy analyst * INTRODUCTION Eight years after the revolution, Libya is in the mid- dle of a civil war. For more than four years, inter- national conflict resolution efforts have centred on the UN-sponsored Libya Political Agreement (LPA) process,1 unfortunately without achieving any break- through. In fact, the situation has even deteriorated Summary since the onset of Marshal Haftar’s attack on Tripoli on 4 April 2019.2 › Libya is a failed state in the middle of a civil war and increasingly poses a threat to the An unstable Libya has wide-ranging impacts: as a safe whole region. haven for terrorists, it endangers its north African neighbours, as well as the wider Sahara region. But ter- › The UN-facilitated stabilisation process was rorists originating from or trained in Libya are also a unsuccessful because it ignored key political threat to Europe, also through the radicalisation of the actors and conflict aspects on the ground. Libyan expatriate community (such as the Manchester › While partially responsible, international Arena bombing in 2017).3 Furthermore, it is one of the interference cannot be entirely blamed for most important transit countries for migrants on their this failure. way to Europe. Through its vast oil wealth, Libya is also of significant economic relevance for its neigh- › Stabilisation efforts should follow a decen- bours and several European countries. tralised process based on the country’s for- mer constitution. This Conflict Series Brief focuses on the driving factors › Wherever there is a basic level of stability, of conflict dynamics in Libya and on the shortcomings fostering local security (including the crea- of the LPA in addressing them. -
Peace and Conflict Assessment of Libya
1 Contents 0. Background .......................................................................................................................... 3 1. Understanding conflict and the potential for peace in Libya ...................................... 4 2. Key challenges for international assistance .................................................................. 14 3. Principles for delivering assistance into Libya ................................................................ 15 4. Peacebuilding needs and recommended actions ..................................................... 17 2 0. Background On 2 August 2012, three months before the last shots were fired in Sirte formally ending the civil conflict against the Qaddafi regime, the National Transitional Council outlined a timetable for transition to a democratically governed society. The authors of the transition plan envisaged a rapid 18-month process that would see the creation of a national body to oversee elections, election of a temporary legislative body, appointment of a temporary government, drafting of a national constitution for public endorsement and, ultimately, a fresh set of national elections under the agreed constitution. The initial steps in the plan were relatively successful, as the elected General National Congress (GNC) began its work in July 2012 and appointed Libya’s first publicly mandated government in October 2012. The transition process did not, however, strengthen Libya’s state and society as hoped by its authors and supportive international actors, but instead uncovered and deepened a range of political and social conflicts. The result was a national political divide leading to the creation of two competing governments and legislatures in 2014, both of which claimed national public and legal legitimacy, an escalation in local armed violence across the country resulting at its peak in 500,000 IDPs (8% of the population) and over 1,500 deaths per year,1 and the onset of an economic crisis. -
Libya's Growing Risk of Civil War | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2256 Libya's Growing Risk of Civil War by Andrew Engel May 20, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Brief Analysis Long-simmering tensions between non-Islamist and Islamist forces have boiled over into military actions centered around Benghazi and Tripoli, entrenching the country's rival alliances and bringing them ever closer to civil war. n May 16, former Libyan army general Khalifa Haftar launched "Operation Dignity of Libya" in Benghazi, O aiming to "c leanse the city of terrorists." The move came three months after he announced the overthrow of the government but failed to act on his proclamation. Since Friday, however, army units loyal to Haftar have actively defied armed forces chief of staff Maj. Gen. Salem al-Obeidi, who called the operation "a coup." And on Monday, sympathetic forces based in Zintan extended the operation to Tripoli. These and other developments are edging the country closer to civil war, complicating U.S. efforts to stabilize post-Qadhafi Libya. DIVIDING LINES I slamists and non-Islamist forces have long been contesting each other's claims to being the legitimate heart of the 2011 revolution. Islamist factions such as the Muslim Brotherhood-related Justice and Construction Party and the Loyalty to the Martyrs Bloc have dominated the General National Congress (GNC) since summer 2013, when the forcibly passed Political Isolation Law effectively barred all former Qadhafi regime members -- even those who had fought the regime -- from participating in government for ten years. -
Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance
SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces: Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law SSR PAPER 2 Arab Uprisings and Armed Forces Between Openness and Resistance Derek Lutterbeck DCAF The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) is an international foundation whose mission is to assist the international community in pursuing good governance and reform of the security sector. The Centre develops and promotes norms and standards, conducts tailored policy research, identifies good practices and recommendations to promote democratic security sector governance, and provides in‐country advisory support and practical assistance programmes. SSR Papers is a flagship DCAF publication series intended to contribute innovative thinking on important themes and approaches relating to security sector reform (SSR) in the broader context of security sector governance (SSG). Papers provide original and provocative analysis on topics that are directly linked to the challenges of a governance‐driven security sector reform agenda. SSR Papers are intended for researchers, policy‐makers and practitioners involved in this field. ISBN 978‐92‐9222‐180‐5 © 2011 The Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces EDITORS Alan Bryden & Heiner Hänggi PRODUCTION Yury Korobovsky COPY EDITOR Cherry Ekins COVER IMAGE © Suhaib Salem/Reuters The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not in any way reflect the views of the institutions referred to or -
Arab Spring’ ―Some Thoughts on the Civil-Military Relations―
The Armies in the ‘Arab Spring’ ―Some Thoughts on the Civil-Military Relations― Akifumi Ikeda Eva Bellin, a leading political scientist on the contemporary Arab world, once argued the robustness of authoritarianism in the region as an outcome of the extraordinary capacity and will of the coercive apparatuses, the military in particular, to repress any sort of protestation from among the public.1 She was astounded, together with most other analysts, as the phenomena known by the name of ‘Arab Spring’ unfolded and those deeply entrenched authoritarian regimes started stumbling one by one, with some of them being rapidly overthrown. Yet, she maintains the basic appropriateness of her previous arguments, as the variation in the uprisings and their consequences tend to confirm that the central insight, that is to say the coercive apparatus’ will to repress, determined the fates of those regimes.2 Moderate Cases: Tunisia and Egypt In fact, relatively peaceful processes of regime change were seen in Tunisia and Egypt, where the armed forces remained at least politically neutral and/or 1 Eva R. Bellin, "The Robustness of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Exceptionalism in Comparative Perspective," Comparative Politics, 36 (2) (2004). 2 Bellin, "Reconsidering the Robustness of Authoritarianism: Lessons of the Arab Spring," Comparative Politics, 44 (2) (2012). maintained a non-interventionist attitude towards the process and, by and large, refrained from violent repression against the mass protestations. In a way, it was a manifesto that the military is a national, professional and integrated institution which serves the interest of the nation and not that of the regime. -
The Prospect of Libya
FHSMUN GULF COAST 7 UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL THE SITUATION IN LIBYA Author: Brian D. Sutliff “The prospect of Libya in freefall should give all pause, especially the vulnerable neighbours.”1 “…ensuring the democratic rights of the Libyan people, the need for a consensual government based on the principle of separation of powers, oversight and balance between them, as well as the need to empower state institutions like the Government of National Accord so that they can address the serious challenges ahead, respect for the Libyan judiciary and its independence.”2 Introduction In the aftermath of the Arab Spring of 2011 and subsequent regime changes in Egypt and Tunisia, the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi’s3 42-year long reign unleashed violence and reprisals that continue to rend Libya’s fragile social fabric and threaten to destabilize the broader region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While the Fund for Peace currently ranks Libya as the 28th most fragile country, simultaneously the Fund ranks Libya as experiencing the most severe deterioration of its situation over the last 10 years (2009-2019).4 Renewed violence and continued power struggles exacerbate existing regional and/or ethnic/tribal rivalries within Libya, while also attracting the attention of both neighboring and global powers. The violence and instability of the past 8 years, exemplified by General Khalifa Hiftar’s renewed assault on Tripoli, starkly illustrate the profound need for a just and enduring political solution. Scale of the Problem The estimates for the numbers of Libyans killed, wounded, and displaced, including those who have fled the country, do not garner the same attention and focus as the horrific totals emanating from Syria, but Libya’s population is approximately 35% that of Syria’s 1 International Crisis Group (ICG), “The Libyan Political Agreement: Time for a Reset”, Middle East and North Africa Report No. -
Yosof Ibderi Was Mayor of Gharyan in Northwest Libya Until Militias Led by Khalifa Haftar Attacked and Seized the City Last Month
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 05/13/2019 8:03:17 PM "DISSEMINATED BY MERCURY PUBLIC AFFAIRS, LLC, A REGISTERED FOREIGN AGENT, ON BEHALF OF LIBYA'S GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL ACCORD. MORE INFORMATION IS ON FILE WITH THE DEPT. OF JUSTICE, WASHINGTON, DC". From: Adam Smith Sent: Sunday, May 5, 2019 12:50 PM Cc: Adam Smith <[email protected]> Subject: Eyewitness to the crisis in Libya Yosof Ibderi was mayor of Gharyan in northwest Libya until militias led by Khalifa Haftar attacked and seized the city last month. Mayor Gharyan, who was displaced to Tripoli, today released the following statement regarding the humanitarian crisis in the city of 200,000 under control of Haftar: “The humanitarian situation is dire. Most of the residents are trapped in Gharyan and have no place to go. There are no ways of bringing food items, cooking gas, or basic necessities into the town. Haftar’s militia’s created check points and instituted extreme security measures, including confiscating and searching phones, enacting strict curfews.There is no freedom of expression, assembly or movement. Even during the times of Qaddafi it wasn't this bad. Residents live in constant fear, and at some have been killed or are missing. The occupiers are thugs, militias with very disturbing tribal vigilante inclinations. The few residents of Gharyan who were initially supportive of Haftar are now 180 degrees against him after they saw the type of brutality his forces unleashed." For background, Haftar is the militia leader President Trump several weeks phoned to the surprise of much of the international community and apparently the State Department. -
The United Nations Response to the Libyan Crisis
Report No: 201, August 2015 THE UNITED NATIONS RESPONSE TO THE LIBYAN CRISIS ORTADOĞU STRATEJİK ARAŞTIRMALAR MERKEZİ CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN STRATEGIC STUDIES ORSAM Süleyman Nazif Sokak No: 12-B Çankaya / Ankara Tel: 0 (312) 430 26 09 Fax: 0 (312) 430 39 48 www.orsam.org.tr, [email protected] THE UNITED NATIONS RESPONSE TO THE LIBYAN CRISIS ORSAM Report No: 201 August 2015 ISBN: 978-605-9157-05-6 Ankara - TURKEY ORSAM © 2015 Content of this report is copyrighted to ORSAM. Except reasonable and partial quotation and use under the Act No. 5846, Law on Intellectual and Artistic Works, via proper citation, the content may not be used or republished without prior permission by ORSAM. The views expressed in this report reflect only the opinions of its authors and do not represent the institutional opinion of ORSAM. Prepared by: Nebahat Tanrıverdi Yaşar, Research Assistant, ORSAM ORSAM 2 Report No: 201, August 2015 Contents Preface.................................................................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................... 7 I. UN-BROKERED PEACE NEGOTIATIONS AND THE UN’S POLICY SHIFT .......................... 9 II. WHAT DOES THE UN AIM TO DO IN LIBYA? ............................................................................ 13 a. Government of National Accord ................................................................................................... -
The Human Conveyor Belt : Trends in Human Trafficking and Smuggling in Post-Revolution Libya
The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya March 2017 A NETWORK TO COUNTER NETWORKS The Human Conveyor Belt : trends in human trafficking and smuggling in post-revolution Libya Mark Micallef March 2017 Cover image: © Robert Young Pelton © 2017 Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Acknowledgments This report was authored by Mark Micallef for the Global Initiative, edited by Tuesday Reitano and Laura Adal. Graphics and layout were prepared by Sharon Wilson at Emerge Creative. Editorial support was provided by Iris Oustinoff. Both the monitoring and the fieldwork supporting this document would not have been possible without a group of Libyan collaborators who we cannot name for their security, but to whom we would like to offer the most profound thanks. The author is also thankful for comments and feedback from MENA researcher Jalal Harchaoui. The research for this report was carried out in collaboration with Migrant Report and made possible with funding provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway, and benefitted from synergies with projects undertaken by the Global Initiative in partnership with the Institute for Security Studies and the Hanns Seidel Foundation, the United Nations University, and the UK Department for International Development. About the Author Mark Micallef is an investigative journalist and researcher specialised on human smuggling and trafficking.