CHAPTERS

SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS OF GRAM PANCHAYAT MEMBERS 3

Socio-econom ic status of

Gram Panchayat m em bers

This chapter presents the socio-economic background of the gram panchayat members. It analyzes social profile of the gram panchayat members through variables such as age, religion, caste, place of birth, marital status and educational qualification. The economic factors cover occupation, income of the family, landholdings and election expenditure. It also examines the status of women in the family before and after becoming panchayats members.

The socio-economic conditions play an important role in characterizing social life and behaviour of an individual and so it is essential to analyze the socio-economic background of the respondents. Knowledge of the socio-economic background of a community is an indispensable prerequisite for understanding behaviour of its members. This hold good for all human communities and more so in case of rural communities, which are traditional in their structure. In a society like ours where religion, caste and kinship influence socicd life and acute disparity in the standard of living and the sub-culture among various

68 groups and religions exists, a study of socio-economic conditions of representatives would help reveal sociological significant dimensions. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 147)

The nature of leadership is greatly determined by different variables like age, religion, caste, education, occupation, income and landholdings. These variables besides giving insight into their personality makeup also enable us to analyze their social bias in terms of the dominant caste and class to which they belong. The socio­ economic, educational and political background of the representatives would help us to anticipate as to what they are capable of doing, what we should expect firom them and how well they are equipped to discharge the responsibilities devolved up on them by the electorate. As Gerait Pany observes “it is a wide spread assumption of political sociology that social background and upbringing of a decision-maker will influence his attitudes and policies.” (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 148)

According to Milbrath, it is a tradition in almost all societies that politics is mainly men’s affair and women should fall in line with them politiccdly. The changes brought by modem industrial societies are eroding this sex difference but impart of tradition is still visible. Men tend to be more psychologically involved in politics than women. The reason for fewer women participating in politics may be prevailing in socio-economic conditions and biological make up on one hand and traditional and conservative outlook and general backwardness among the masses on the other hand. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 148- 149)

This chapter analysis the socio-economic data collected through questionnaires administered to 667 panchayat members which includes 205 women members from 1997-2002 term, 322 women members and 140 male members from 2002-2007 term. The study explores religion, caste, class and other socio-economic diversities which are central to the political processes and to women’s political participation. The major social factors considered for analysis includes age, religion, caste, place

69 of birth, marital status, education, constraints at family and community levels, membership of social organizations and gender role transformation. The economic factors cover occupation, annual family income, landholdings, occupation and election expenditure.

Social Background of Gram Panchayat Members

A numerical description of gram panchayats in Goa, panchayat members, reservation of seats for women and interviews conducted is provided in the table below.

Table 3.1 Classification of gram panchayat members

1997- 188 1428 452 205 0 2002

2002- 189 1439 456 322 140 2007

A total number of 667 respondents were interviewed. From 1997- 2002 term 205 women members were interviewed, out of which 198 were elected from reserved seats and 7 from unreserved seats. And out of 205 respondents, 6 were elected unopposed from reserved seats. Among the 322 women members interviewed from 2002-2007 term, 283 were elected from reserved seats and 39 from open seats. From 322 respondents, 25 were elected unopposed and from them 23 were elected unopposed from reserved seats and 2 from open seats. It is important to note that 36 women from the previous term were re-elected in 2002- 2007 and out of which 19 women were elected from open seats. This shows that women are gradually showing interest in active politics. From 140 male respondents, 7 were elected unopposed.

70

. 1 - Table 3.2 Classification of women gram panchayat members

Elected through 96.6 (198) 87.9 (283) NA reserved seats

Elected through 3.4 (7) 12.1 (39) NA unreserved seats

From 1997-2002 term 205 women members were interviewed, out of which 198 were elected from reserved seats and 7 from unreserved seats. From 322 respondents fi-om the 2002-2007 term, 283 were elected from reserved seats and 39 fi*om unreserved seats. This shows that women are developing interest in politics and so are contesting elections even from open seats. Women are no longer depending only on reserved seats.

71 Table 3.3 Census data indicators for Goa and

Geographical area (in ‘000 Sq.Kms.) 3.7 3287

Population (in lakhs) 13.48 10286

Total no. of females (in lakhs) 6.61 4964

Total no. of males (in lakhs) 6.87 5322

Sex ratio (females per 1000 males) 961 933

Proportion of SC population to the 1.77 (23791) 16.20 total population (%)

Proportion of ST population to the 0.04 8.20 total population (%)

Literacy rate (per 1000 population) 820 648

Female literacy rate 754 537

Male literacy rate 884 753

The above table reveals social indicators for Goa and India from Population Census 2001. The total population of Goa is 13.48 lakhs, out of this 6.61 are females and 6. 87 are males. Sex ratio is 961 females per 1000 males, which is higher than the female sex ratio for India. There is 1.77 per cent SCs and 0.04 per cent STs in Goa. Overall literacy rate as well female literacy rate is also higher in Goa compared to India. In Goa female literacy rate per 1000 population is 754 and males it is 884.

72 Table 3.4 Agewise distribution of gram panchayat members

Women Women Men Age in years (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

21 -30 7.3 (15) 12.1 (39) 6.4 (9)

3 1 -4 0 38.5 (79) 51.3 (165) 38.6 (54)

4 1 -5 0 38 (78) 27.6 (89) 33.6 (47)

5 1 -6 0 13.7 (28) 8.4 (27) 15.7 (22)

61 - 70 2(4) 0 .6 (2) 5.7 (8)

7 1 -8 0 0.5 (1) 0 0

Age of the gram panchayat members is one of the significant variables in panchayat politics. It is important in terms of experience aind maturity of Judgment. Age to a large extent determine behaviour and attitude of a person. Traditionally it was the privilege of male elders to occupy important positions in rural politics and youngsters were supposed to obey their elders who enjoyed unquestionable authority of dictation. However, this concept is also changing. But at present we find more number of youngsters occupying leadership roles in politics. The youth display a greater initiative, courage and confidence, but sometimes their decisions may be immature and rash. On the contrary elder people are more cautious and mature, but they may be comparatively conservative, inactive and lethargic. Therefore tilt may be towards middle age people.

73 The above table indicates the age-wise distribution of gram panchayat members in Goa. Before the panchayat elections took place after the Seventy-third Amendment Act was passed, there was a belief that mainly older women would come forward in local politics. The perceptions were built upon the reckoning that they have lesser household duties as their children would be groAvn up and they might also have daughter-in-law to look after the household responsibilities. The other reason was that higher age also stands for maturity and experience, which is respected and valued in rural society. Surprisingly, in Goa it was found that this is generally not the case and rather younger women came to the fore.

Age of all the three groups of respondents varied between 21 to 70 years, however there was just one woman representative of 75 years from 1997-2002 term. The above table shows that more than 70 per cent gram panchayat members were in the age group of 31-50 years. About 76.5 per cent women members from 1997-2002 term were in the age group of 31-50 years. From 2002-2007 term 78.9 per cent women were in the age group of 31-50 years, while 72.2 per cent men from the same term were in the age group of 31-50 years.

It is interesting to note that among all the three groups of representatives, participation in active politics declined with growing age. Among women representatives from 1997-2002 term 13.7 per cent were between 51-60 years and 2 per cent i.e. two members were from 61-70 years age group. And from 2002-2007 term 8.4 per cent and Q.6 per cent i.e. only two women members were between 51-60 years and 61-70 years of age respectively, and among men representatives 15.7 per cent were in the age group of 51-60 years and just 5.7 per cent were from 61-70 years of age group. This is significant in the context of rural Indian tradition where old age people are respected and younger people are not supposed to occupy positions of leadership. Thus the above table reveals that the panchayat membership in Goa is no longer based on seniority of age alone. At the same time it is also important to note that comparatively there were fewer members from the age group of 21-

74 30 years. There were 7.3 per cent women members from 1997-2002 term, and 12.1 per cent women and 6.4 per cent male members from 2002-2007 term.

In brief panchayat leadership in Goa is controlled by middle aged people i.e. from 31-50 years of age, and neither by younger nor elderly people. The reason for this could be that people below 30 years may be pre-occupied with thefr studies and career and women in particular may be busy with their household chores and looking after their young children, while interest of elderly people in active politics might have declined with growing age or they may be ousted by younger competitors. It could be concluded that majority gram panchayat members in Goa were mature middle-age people, which is a healthy sign in rural politics.

Table 3.5

Religionwise distribution of gram panchayat members

■m Women Women Men Religion (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

Christian 23.4 (48) 29.8 (96) 26.4 (37)

Hindu 75.6 (155) 69.3 (223) 72.9 (102)

Muslim 1 (2) 0.9 (3) 0.7(1)

Religion is another important variable in rural politics. Inspite of India being a secular countiy, religious oriented voting or the election of candidates on the basis of affiliation to religion has taken place in elections at all levels and the same is visible at the panchayat elections in Goa. The major religious groups in Goa are Hindus, Christians and Muslims. Each religious group is diA/ided into number of castes. The religion-wise distribution of the panchayat members indicates the pattern of population of Goa.

75 The data reveals that majority of gram panchayat members were Hindus. The second highest were Christians and very few were Muslims. This is in line with the Census data on Goa, according to which, the Icirge majority of people of the State profess Hinduism. Christianity is the next popular religion followed by Islcim. From 1997- 2002 group 75.5 per cent were Hindus, 23.4 per cent were Christians and 1 per cent i.e. only two women members were Muslims. From 2002-2007 term among women 69.3 per cent were Hindus, 29.8 per cent were Christians, 0.9 per cent i.e. three were Muslims and among male respondents, 72.9 per cent were Hindus, 26.4 per cent were Christians and 0.7 per cent i.e. only one male respondent was Muslim.

Table 3.6

Castewise distribution of gram panchayat members

Women Women Men Caste (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

General 58(119) 53.8 (173) 57.9 (81)

OBC 28.3(58) 30.7 (99) 18.6 (26)

SC 1.5 (3) 0.9 (3) 2.1 (3)

ST 12.2(25) 14.6 (47) 21.4 (30)

Caste is the basis on which Indian society is based. The manifests itself as a vertical structure in which individual castes are hierarchically graded and permanently kept apart, and at the same time, are linked by well-defined expectations and obligations which integrate them into the village social system. At one end of the spectrum there are outcastes named as SCs and STs and on the other end there are upper castes consisting of the priest, landlords and merchant castes. In between there are hundreds of other socially backwards castes. Rajani Kothari defined caste as system of stratification in which distances are maintained through endogamy,

76 pollution and the legitimacy of rituals. According to A. R. Desal caste largely determines the function, the status and the opportunities available as well as handicaps for an individual. There are two views regarding the influence of caste. If caste is regarded as the sole determinant of political behaviour then one would overlook other variables affecting politics in India. The pessimistic view that caste has taken a complete and firm grip on Indian politics would be an over simplification of a complex socio-political situation. On the other hand, it is also difficult to accept the more simplistic view that caste has lost its pre-eminence in the social hierarchy and other variables Uke class, party and Interest groups have become more dominant. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 151-152)

According to M. N. Srlnlvas, though the scope for individual and family mobility has strikingly increased aflier independence, caste continues to be relevant in subtle and indirect ways in such mobility. (Srinivas, 1982: 117) In India society caste is and bound to remain an important factor in socio-political life. In the post-independence era, caste has transformed from a social status group to a political group to articulate various interests of its members. Rigid caste system prevails in many rural parts of India even today and it holds that politics is the prerogative of upper caste. The social value system in rural areas does not allow representatives of lower castes to hold office with dignity and especially women of lower caste have to encounter both genders as weU as caste discrimination. However, caste system is comparatively less stringent in Goa.

In Goa the major castes clubbed under general category are , Saraswats and Marathas. Communities notified by government of Goa as OBCs includes Dhangar, Dhobi, Rajak, Madval, Nhavi, Nai, Nabhik, Napit, Mahalo, Koli, Kharvi, Nathjogi, Gosavl, Kumbar including Christian Kumbhar, Teli, Shimpi, Christian Mahar, Kalaikar (Blacksmith/Tinsmith), Paugi/Gabit, Christian Bcirber, Satarkar, Bhandari Naik, Thakkar, Vishwakarma/Chari/Mesta, Christian Renders and Komarpant. Bhangui, Chambhar, Mahar,

77 Mahyavanshi and Maang are the five communities included by the government of Goa as SCs. And STs includes Velip, Gawda and Kunbi. The population of SCs in Goa is 23791 i.e. 1.77 per cent and the population of STs is 566 i.e. 0.04 per cent. Saraswats in Goa enjoys high social status, monetary resources and connections.

The above table on caste distribution shows that the respondents from 1992-2002 included 58 per cent from general castes, 28.3 per cent OBCs, 1.5 per cent i.e. three members SCs and 12.2 per cent STs. Among women from 2002-2007 term 53.8 per cent were from general castes, 30.7 per cent OBCs, 0.9 i.e. three members were SCs, 14.6 per cent STs and among male respondents 57.9 per cent belonged to general castes, 18.6 per cent were OBCs, 2.1 per cent i.e. three members were SCs and 21.4 per cent STs. More than 50 per cent of the gram panchayat members from all three groups belonged to general castes followed by OBC following the pattern of population in Goa. Almost all the member from SCs and STs Communities were elected through reserved seats for respective communities. This reveals that fair representation of SCs and STs in politics could be obtained only through reservations. It is important to note that in the absence of caste reservation, reservation for women would have benefited only women from general category.

Caste discrimination faced by gram panchayat members is very prominent in some parts of India. Many of them were harassed by upper caste panchayat members and some were also prevented from hoisting the national flag on occasions like 15 August and 26 January. Lower castes women representatives were stripped in public, physically abused, chased and threatened. Caste based discrimination of both men and women sarpanches was almost a dally occurrence. For instance, Sosar Devi Raigar, a Dalit woman member of Deoly gremi panchayat in Rajasthan was forced off a tractor while she was on her way to cast her vote in the election for panchayat sarpanch. She was then dragged into the mustard fields and beaten. Later she was stripped in public. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2005: 3) A Dalit woman

78 member, Rama Devi from Nadia gram panchayat in Madhya EYadesh was beaten by the panchayat sarpanch for seeking account for a particular project. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2007: 3) Deepa Devi, a Dalit women sarpanch of Biwai gram panchayat in Rajasthan was prevented from hoisting the national flag at the village level Independence Day function and the flag was hoisted by another gram panchayat member belonging to a dominant caste. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2006: 4)

In Tamil Nadu, in the three gram peinchayats of Pappapatti, Keeripatti and Nattamangcilam, president’s post reserved for .SCs had remained vacant for about nine years due to resistance of the dominant OBCs. In Nattamangalam^ polling could not be held as nobody filed nominations. In Pappapatti, the elections were countermanded due to death of a candidate. Polling was held in Keeerlpattl and a Dalit president was elected. However, he resigned dramatically within five minutes of taking oath of office. This was the second time that a victorious candidate had resigned from the post of president of Keeripatti gram panchayat. In April 2002, a Dalit president had quit Immediately after taking charge under similar circumstances. A host of political leaders and Dalit activists had condemned resignation-and demanded that democracy be restored in Keeripatti and other gram panchayats where genuine Dalit candidates had been prevented from being elected as president. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2005: 5)

In Tamil Nadu, Kodlkulam gram panchayat auctioned post of its Dalit president Balamanl Veemah, who was a poor, illiterate Dalit woman, whom the villagers were forced to elect because the post was reserved for SC woman. The bidders gathered at the village square for the auction on 18 November 2006 and the highest bidder, Karuppusamy Ayyavu Thevar, offered Rs. 2.16 lakhs and won. Karuppusamy denies any auctioning and claimed that he was chosen by the villagers. The Madurai District Collector had said that he had not heard of the auction. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2006: 4)

In Maharashtra, in Dighl gram panchayat the post of sarpanch and other seven panchayat members were auctioned on 20 July 2008.

79 While the sarpanch’s post reserved for a SC woman was auctioned for Rs. 40,000, the other six seats. Including three reserved for women, one for OBC and another for candidates from the nomadic tribes, were auctioned for between Rs. 19,000 and Rs. 24,000 each. The seventh seat reserved for a candidate from the denotlfled tribes, went for Rs. 1,000. According to the villagers, the money collected from the contestants would be used for welfare and development activities. Ahmednagar district collector P. Anbalan said that although no complaint had been filed, the coUectorate had already initiated a preliminary inquiry. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2008: 3-4)

In , two , Lallal and Chandrika Prasad, filed their nominations for the 28 June 2008 by-election for the gram panchayat pradhan’s post In Malasa village, but could not contest election due to the dominance of upper caste Thakurs who form the majority in the village. While Lallal’s papers were rejected because he could not get a single person to propose his name, Chandrika withdrew under pressure from the Thakurs. It was the third time that the pradhan’s post remained vacant. In August 2005 when the gram pradhan elections were held, not a single Dalit filed nomination. Again, in the by-elections that followed in February 2006, no Dalit candidate dared to file nomination. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2008: 4)

Dalits from Ghanshyamnagar gram panchayat in Gujarat had registered a complaint against deputy sarpanch Rajiv Khoda for announcing a fine of Rs. 1,000 on any one who socializes with the Dalits. At the heart of the controversy Ued the demolition drive in the area. In April 2009, following a green signal from the nagarpalika, the house of a Daht was demolished for being illegcdly constructed. Following the demolition, the Dalits wrote an application to the taluks development officer, urging him to demolish all Illegal constructions belonging to upper castes too. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2009: 2)

Dalit women sarpanches are suffering double discrimination, as Dalits and as women. At the fourth state-level convention of women panchayat presidents held in Chennai on 17 March 2009, Dalit women

80 panchayat presidents narrated stories of discrimination faced by them. A typical example was the problems and insults faced by Vasantha when she became president of Kelaiperumazhi village panchayat in Tamil Nadu, with a predominant Dalit population. When she refused to dance to the tunes of those who were ruling the panchayat for last twenty-two years they started creating problems for her. The high was when they locked the panchayat office for four months during the flood relief disbursement and accused her of misappropriating the funds. She had lodged a complaint with the police. In the subsequent gram sabha meeting she was abused and beaten up by the Thevar people. (Peinchayati Raj Update, 2009: 3)

A similar situation was faced by Ramamani, president of Mathavalur village panchayat in Tamil Nadu. Ramamani could not ride her moped when an upper caste person came by. She was expected by upper caste people to get off the vehicle and walk. Once when she did not get off her mopped, she was pushed down and beaten up. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2009: 3)

Though caste discrimination is a common feature in most villages in our country, what is new is the courage to protest such blatant show of caste prejudices, as was evident in some examples. Shiyji Manjhi, a Dalit mukhiya of Methwaliya gram panchayat in Bihar, was prevented from hoisting the national flag on the Republic Day celebrations on 26 January by three persons belonging to dominant caste. They told the Dalit muhkiya that being a Dalit he could not hoist the national flag. Dalit viUagers went to the local police station to lodge their complaint but the police refused. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2007: 3)

The Dalit woman sarpanch of Thari viUage in Uttar Pradesh was gang-raped on 4 December 2006. The culprits belonged to the influential strata of the same village. The victim reported that the same people had threatened to teach her a lesson if she did not withdraw from the panchayat elections. When she went to the local police station to lodge a complaint, the police did not register the case and

81 misbehaved with her. Later, an FIR was registered on the intervention of some BSP leaders. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2007: 3)

Dalit students of the Government Middle School from Ambujavalli hcunlet in Tamil Nadu were prevented from taking part in the cultural programmes during the Republic Day celebrations by a school teacher and other members of the staff. The gram panchayat immediately took note and lodged a complaint with District collector. And a resolution condemning the practice of untouchability was passed at the gram sabha meeting held on the s£ime day. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2007;

3)

The caste struggle had hindered the functioning of Athichanallur grcim panchayat in TamU Nadu. Chandralekha Sankaran was elected sarpanch after the post was reserved for Dalit woman and Ganesh Samarian upper-caste candidate was elected as a vice-president of the panchayat. The panchayat was dominated by upper caste members. Among the six panchayat members, three were Thevars, one was Nadar and only two were Dalits. With the backing of upper castes majority, the vice-president began to disrupt the functioning of the panchayat. Unable to bear Sankaran’s caustic comments, Chandralekha lodged a complaint with the local police, who refused to take action. On the contrary, they forced her to reach a compromise on Ganesh’s terms. Later, a complaint was filed in the Madras High Court that eight men in the village, including Chandralekha’s husband, had molested Arumuga Vadivu, a resident of the village: Chandralekha submitted that the case had been foisted on the Dalits because the Thevars could not accept a Dalit as the president of the panchayat. The High Court ordered the local police to file a FIR regarding this issue. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2007: 4)

Sanningappanavar Phaklrappa, a fourty-five years old Dalit was appointed as a peon in the office of Kattebennur gram panchayat in Karnataka in 1987. He proved to be an exemplary worker. Yet his appointment was not confirmed for eighteen long years he worked for the panchayat. He approached every important cind not so important

82 person to get his service regularized but in vain. Then he decided to contest gram panchayat elections held in 2005 and won. Later he was unanimously elected as the president of the gram panchayat. He is a primary school dropout and has three children. He felt that his experience in the gram panchayat would come handy to serve the people as president. In a newspaper interview, he stated that his priorities as panchayat president were to solve drinking water problem in the village and improve sanitation apart from taking up usual developmental works. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2005: 3)

In Chitrakut district of Uttar Pradesh, a meeting of village pradhans andsocial activists was organized by Association of Local Governance of India (ALGI). For understanding the real successes of Panchayati Raj, it is very important to know the experiences of elected representatives belonging to Dalit, Adivasi and other weaker sections of society. Sanjo Kol, Pradhan of Girdaha panchayat was widely regarded as a sjmibol of a new generation of young Kol tribal women who would no longer tolerate injustice which were very much regular part of the life of the previous generation. These women were searching for new role and new identity. Sanjo was riding a motorcycle to many meetings and was not afraid to challenge injustice publicly. She said that when she had decided to stand for pradhan’s post, It was taken as a chaUenge to their authority by local dominant persons. So they connived with local officials in such a way that her name was eliminated from the voter’s list and she could not stand for pradhan’s post. She made a last minute effort with a social activist to approach the District Magistrate for justice. It was only the last-minute intervention at the higher level which led to re-inclusion of her name in the voter’s list, so finally she fought the election and won it. After winning elections guided by idealism, she tried to get various development works for her village approved without pajrtng any commission to any official. But her experience was that some objection or the other was always raised and some hurdles were created so that development funds could not reach her village or else very small amount would reach. Finally some sort of compromise was made with 83 ofiQcials and then the flow of development funds increased. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2010; 6)

Table 3.7

Birthwlse distribution of gram panchayat members

Women Women Men Birth Place (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

Goa 93 (191) 93.5 (301) 97.1 (136)

Karnataka 2(4) 2.5 (8) 0.7 (1)

Maharashtra 5(10) 4(13) 1.5 (2)

Tamil Nadu 0 0 0.7 (1)

The above table indicates the birth place of panchayat members. The distribution of women respondents of 1997-2002 term by place of birth contained 93 per cent from Goa, 2 per cent i.e. four members from Karnataka and 5 per cent i.e. ten members from Maharashtra. These 7 per cent respondents were bom outside Goa and are married to Goans. Among women respondents of 2002-2007 term, 93.5 per cent were bom in Goa, 2.5 per cent i.e. eight members were bom in Kamataka and 4 per cent i.e. thirteen were bom in Maharashtra. Out of these 6.5 per cent members bom outside Goa, 18 were married to Goans and the remaining 3 members were non-Goans settled in Goa. From the male respondents, 97.1 per cent were bom in Goa, 0.7 per cent i.e. one member was from Kamataka and Tamil Nadu respectively, and 1.5 per cent i.e. two members were bom in Maharashtra. Among those bom in Maharashtra all 1.5 per cent were Goans, and there was just 1 member respectively, i.e. 0.7 per cent from Kamataka and Tamil Nadu who were non-Goans settled in Goa.

84 Table 3.8

Marital status of gram panchayat me m b e r s

Women Women Men Marital Status (2002- (1997-2002) (2002-2007) 2007)

Married 94.1 (193) 95.6 (308) 90.7 (127)

Unmarried 0.5 (1) 2.2 (7) 9.3 (13)

Widowed 5.4 (11) 2.2 (7)

The above table reveals that more than 90 per cent of the panchayat members were married. Of the total respondents interviewed from 1997-2002 term, 94.1 per cent were married, 0.5 per cent i.e. one was unmarried and 5.4 per cent i.e. eleven were widowed. And among female respondents of 2002-2007 term, 95.6 per cent were mcirried, followed by 2.2 per cent i.e. seven members were unmarried and widowed respectively, while 90.7 per cent male respondents were married and 9.3 per cent unmarried. Since more than 85 per cent of the panchayat members were above 30 years of age it was expected that they would be married. Thus the percentage of married members matches with the percentage of the members above 30 years of age.

85 Table 3.9

Educational level of gram panchayat members

Women Women Men Education Level (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

Illiterate 2(4) 2.2 (7) 0

1 - 4 (Primary) 13.2 (27) 8.1 (26) 12.1 (17)

5 - 7 (Middle School) 14.6 (30) 8.4 (27) 5.7 (8)

8 - 10 (High School) 52.5 (108) 56.5 (182) 54.5 (76)

11-12 (Higher 9.3 (19) 12.4 (40) 12.1 (17) Secondary)

1 3 - 14 0.5 (1) 1.6 (5) 0.7 (1) (Undergraduate)

15 (Graduate) 5.9 (12) 9 (29) 12.1 (17)

Post Graduate 1 (2) 0 . 6 (2) 0.7 (1)

Professional 1 (2) 1.2 (4) 2.1 (3)

Education is the most widely accepted variable among all the socio-economic variables. It is one of the important variables that determine quality leadership. Illiteracy restricts a person’s access to information and makes her/him dependent on others. Education is important in order to be able to read and understand the orders, rules and regulations. It also enhances self-esteem of individuals. It broadens person’s outlooks and also increases her/his capacity to make rational electoral choices. Education to a great extent affects women’s participation in political affairs. Uneducated women are at disadvantage for two reasons, one being gender and the other being level of education. Education tends to increase level of self-confidence and consciousness among women. It also helps women to think on their

86 own and increases their power of interaction. It enables women to make appropriate decisions.

Education leads to empowerment of women in various ways. In India, where social status of women is not laudable and the level of female literacy is distressingly low, the effect of education can be pervasive. Education brings forth a few tangible gains. It leads to better standard of living and brightens the prospect of getting employment, particularly outside the agricultural sector. The international conference on population and development held in Cairo in 1994 gave particular emphasis on empowerment of women and stated that beyond the achievement of the goal of universal primary education in all countries before the year 2015, all countries were urged to ensure the widest and earliest possible access by girls and women to secondary and higher levels of education. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 160)

Almond and Verba have done the most thorough research on the effects of education on political orientations in their five nations study. Their findings hold cross national uniformity. These are: (i) The more educated person is more aware of the impact of government on the individual than the person with less education; (ii) The more educated individual has more political information; (iii) The more educated individual has opinions on a wider range of political subjects and the focus of his attention to politics is wider; (iv) The more educated individual is more likely to engage in political discussion; (v) The more educated individual feels free to discuss politics with Avider range of people. Those with less education are more likely to report that there are many people with whom they avoid such discussions; (vi) The more educated individual is more likely to consider himself capable of influencing the government decisions; (vii) The more educated individual is more likely to be a member and an active member of some organizations; (viii) The more education individual is more likely to follow politics and pays attention to election campaigns than the less educated indiAadual. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 159)

87 Lack of education has been articulated as an important factor hampering active political participation. This is borne out by the fact that most of the active members are educated. During the course of interviews 1 came across two women members who were very active, one of them had studied upto standard two and the other member just knew to write her name. This indicates that some women representatives do not allow lack of education to intimidate them. But they did agree that if educated their capacities would have enhanced and would have participated more efficiently in decision making process at panchayats.

We see that more than 70 per cent of the members are not very educated as they have made it only upto high school. Thus they can hardly be rated as education In a functional sense as most of them have studied in Marathi medium and the rules and regulations of Goa Panchayati Raj Act were available only in English and no other local languages like Konkcini and Marathi. And so majority of the members had never read these rules and regulations and some had not even seen Goa Panchayati Raj Act and Goa Panchayati Raj Rules and Regulations.

The above table indicates that the education level of panchayat members varied from illiteracy to post graduation and professional degrees. Among the women panchayat members from 1997-2002, 2 per cent i.e. four members were illiterate and from them one was of thirty years and the age of other three members was sixty years and above. From the same term, 98 per cent were literate, 13.2 per cent and 14.6 per cent had studied upto primaiy and middle school respectively. About 52.5 per cent members had studied upto high school, 9.3 per cent had passed higher secondary and 0.5 per cent i.e. 1 was undergraduate. From 2002-2007 term 2.2 per cent i.e. seven members were illiterate and among them three were of fifty years and above. From the same term 97.8 per cent were literate, 8.1 per cent had studied upto primary, 8.4 per cent upto middle school, 56.5 per cent and 12.4 per cent had passed high school and higher secondary respectively and 1.6 per cent i.e. five were undergraduates. All male

88 respondents were literate, 12.1 per cent had studied upto primary, 5.7 per cent had passed middle school, 54.5 per cent had studied upto high school, 12.1 per cent had passed higher secondciry and 0.7 per cent i.e. only one was undergraduate. Thus more than 50 per cent of the panchayat members from all the groups had studied upto high school. From 1997-2002 term, 5.9 per cent had graduate and 1 per cent i.e. one each had post graduate and professional degrees. From the next term 9 per cent women were graduates, 0.6 per cent were post graduates and 1.2 per cent were professionals. Among the male respondents 12.1 per cent were graduate, 0.7 per cent i.e. two were post graduates and 2.1 per cent i.e. four had professional degrees. Thus the above table shows reluctance of educated people to enter politics at local level. The above data on education of gram panchayat members is in line with the Census data of the State, which shows that the female literacy in the State is 75.37 per cent rn comparison to 88.42 per cent for men. In Goa female literacy rate per 1000 is 754 and for male it is 884.

Hazel D’ Lima in her 1980 study of women in PRIs noted that educated women perform better in local government. It was observed during the course of interview that educated women were more assertive, for them their role in gram panchayats was not just an extension of their role as housewives.

In addition to the entry into politics some women members were also interested in social organizations. About 30.2 per cent members from 1997-2002 term and 29.2 per cent members from 2002-2007 term' were members of mahila mandals. During the course of interview it was noticed that most active members were also members of mahila mandals, so it seems to have some influence on the efficiency of the women members.

When all the members were asked whether they faced any constraints before and after becoming gram panchayat members, they replied that they had not faced any obstacle or constrciins at the family level as well as community level before and after becoming panchayat

89 members. But later during Informal discussion many members spoke about various constraints they faced after becoming panchayat members like less education or low level of awareness about the functioning of panchayats, non-cooperative secretaries of the panchayat, non-cooperation from villagers, for instance objecting constructing drain or road near their house or land and thus obstructing developmental activities undertaken in the village and frequent passage of no confidence motions due to party politics was also a major hindrance to development. In addition transfer or change of secretaries and lack of full-time secretaries affected panchayat programme continuity. Housework and other family responsibilities were posed as a major constraint by almost all women panchayat members as their husbands did not share their work burden at home.

Many women refused to share about their family constraints as they had some inhibitions as to whether the information would find its way to the wrong people because the members from the same panchayat knew each other at personal and family level. In some cases though the husband supported the woman in contesting gram panchayat elections and functioning as a member other family members were not in favour of it. Traditionally a distinction is made between “men’s work” and “women’s work”. The management of household is women’s job. All the domestic chores like drawing water, cooking, cleaning the house, washing clothes, looking after children, etc. is considered to be women’s work. This notion is so deeply ingrained that if men are found undertaking any of these functions they are usually ridiculed, especially in rural areas.

It was important to measure if political participation has changed the status of women in the family. To analyze gender role transformation at the household level, all women respondents Were asked whether their daily work pressure had increased after becoming panchayat members and all of them replied that their work load had increased. For household level transformation some questions related to household chores like cooking, washing, sweeping and child care

90 were put forth. Most women said that they got some help from the other female household members when they had to attend panclrriyat meetings. But there was no gender role transformation. No male members especicdly husbands helped the women members by sharing household responsibilities. Before becoming panchayat members all women from both the terms themselves performed household activities like cooking, sweeping, cleaning utensils, washing and caring ^hildren and the same continued even after becoming panchayat nvembers, except in case of one woman member of 2002-2007 term whose husband helped her in sweeping the house and taking care of children after she became panchayat member. Thus there was hardly any gender role transformation at the household level as women members continued to perform household chores and play the same subordinate role even after becoming panchayat members. Grcmi panchayat work was only an additional activity for them. The reasons for this may be that even after becoming panchayat members, women do not gain personal or economic empowerment and as a result, their decision­ making power is low. This clccirly shows that reservations for women in politics alone cannot change the status of women in the family.

Economic Background of Gram Panchayat Members

The economic status of the gram panchayat member has been assessed through variables of occupation, annual income of the family, property in the form of landholdings and election expenditure.

91 Table 3.10 Occupation of gram panchayat members

Women Women Men Occupation (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

Business 6.3 (13) 3.7 (12) 45.7 (64)

Farming 1 (2) 0.9 (3) 30 (42)

Service 7.3 (15) 6 .8 (22) 20.7 (29)

Housework 83.9 (172) 88 (283) NA

Retired 1 (2) 0.3 (1) 0.7(1)

Labourer 0.5 (1) 0.3 (1) 2.9 (4)

The Sociologist M. N. Srinlvas Avrites that women were thought to be incapable of understanding what went outside the domestic walls. (Srinivas, 1982: 117) The traditional wisdom has always held household as the female domain and the outside world as the male domain. This thinking is more in rural areas where women are associated with kitchen and private life, while men are linked with the workspace and public life.

Occupational distribution of the female respondents indicates that majority of them were home-makers, i.e. 83.9 per cent of 1997- 2002 term and 88 per cent of the next term were home-makers. About 6.3 per cent women of 1997-2002 term had business, 1 per cent i.e. two members were engaged in agriculture, 7.3 per cent were in service while 1 per cent i.e. two had retired from service and 0.5 per cent i.e. one was labourer. From women respondents of the next term, 3.7 per cent were engaged in business and 0.9 per cent i.e. three were farmers, while 6.8 per cent were in service and 0.3 per cent i.e. one each had retired and did labour work respectively. Most male respondents were in business, i.e.45.7 per cent, about 30 per cent were farmers and 20.7 per cent were in service while 0.7 per cent i.e one had retired from

92 service and 2.9 per cent were labourers. Thus the above data reflects the economic dependence of women on men which may lead to curtailing of their role in decision-making.

Occupation of the panchayat members to some extent determines how much time they can spare for the panchayat work. Panchayat members who were in private service found it difficult to adjust their time for panchayat work compared to other members. The reason for low percentage of servicemen was that according to the rules government servants are debarred from panchayat elections. Among male panchayat members there were comparatively more businessmen. This may be attributed to their nature of work as they are available for the panchayat work as per the panchayat timings since they have no service obligations.

Table 3.11

Annual family income of gram panchayat members

Annual Family Women Women Men Income (in rupees) (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

6,000 - 25,000 5.4 (11) 3.1 (10) 2.9 (4)

25,001-50,000 27.8 (57) 28.9 (93) 29.8 (41)

50,001 - 75,000 22 (45) 26.1 (84) 25.4 (35)

75,001 - 1,00,000 34.5 (71) 33.3 (107) 29 (40)

1,00,001 - 1,25,000 4.4 (9) 4(13) 5.1 (7)

1,25,001 - 1,50,000 3.4 (7) 3.1 (10) 4.3 (6)

1,50,001 - 1,75,000 1 (2) 0 0.7(1)

1,75,001 -2,00,000 1.5 (3) 0.9 (3) 1.4 (2)

2,00,001 - 2,25,000 0 0 0

Above 2,25,000 0 0.6 (2) 1.4 (2)

93 In India generally income is taken as an index of social status and influence of a person particularly, where social status and income go hand in hand with their income of a person. Though income may not be an exclusive basis of influence but certainly it is an important basis. Income is one of the chief rewards of an occupation. The prestige of an occupation is affected by the average income of those who pursue it. Individual’s status differs on account of income variation even within the same occupation. Moreover, even if the occupation possesses low status, but provides a better income, then the individual with high income is looked up. as possessing a higher status. Apart from these considerations, income by itself is crucial factor in determining individual’s power, prestige, consumption patterns and control of services, utilities, etc. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 170)

The studies on leadership have revealed that there is a positive relationship between Income and leadership. For instance, Oscar Lewis has stated that wealth is a basic criterion for leadership. Although leaders are found from all the three socio-economic classes, they clearly come from the upper levels and the correlation* between wealth and leadership is highest as we move up the scale. Generally, economically dominant are the most influential persons in all the communities of the world. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 171)

The collection of the data regarding income of panchayat members was difficult as the members were reluctant to reveal their correct family income and so the income reported may not ,be accurate, but it still gives a rough idea about the financial position of the households. The income data of the panchayat members other than those who were in service and pensioners was not exact as their income was not fixed, for example, income of the businessmen and of those who owned landed property.

The above table reveals that majority of the panchayat members i.e. more thcin 90 per cent had an annual income between Rs.25,001 to Rs. 1,00,000. About 4.4 per cent women from 1997-2002 term, 4 per cent women from 2002-2007 term and 5.1 per cent male members from

94 the same term had araiual family income between Rs. 1,00,001 to Rs. 1,25,000. While 3.4 per cent women from 1997-2002 term, 3.1 per cent women and 4.3 per cent men from the next term had Income between Rs. 1,25,001 to Rs. 1,50,000. From 1997-2002 term 1 per cent women i.e. two and 0.7 per cent i.e. one male from the next term belong to annual income group between Rs. 1,50,001 to Rs. 1,75,000. Percentage of members who belong to annual income group between Rs. 1,75,001 to 2,00,000 are 1.5 per cent i.e. three women respondents from 1997-2002 term, 0.9 per cent i.e. three women respondents and 1.4 per cent i.e. two male members from the next term. Just 0.6 per cent i.e. two women from 1997-2002 term and 1.4 per cent i.e. two men from the 2002-2007 term had an annual family income above Rs.2,25,000. Thus comparatively few panchayat members belong to the income groups above Rs. 1,50,000. The data on income was collected with an aim to determine whether or not economic affluence is a determining factor in local leadership. The findings reflect that economic dominance is not a deciding in rural politics in Goa. This may also hold true in other states. For example, a forty years old beggar, Gosam Gangawa was elected as sarpanch of Tagilepally gram panchayat in Andhra Pradesh. The villagers had contributed to pay her security money for the election. She said that she would not give up begging and would work for the betterment of the village with guidance from the villagers. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2006: 1)

Table 3.12

Landholdings of gram panchayats members

Land Women Women Men Holdings (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

No 68.8 (141) 73 (235) 50 (70)

Yes 31.2 (64) 27 (87) 50 (70)

95 Ownership of land is one of the determinants of economic status in rural India. Panchayat members were hesitant to respond to the question on family land holdings, and so the figures presented may not be accurate. Among the women respondents firom 1997-2002 term, 31.2 per cent women reported that they owned land, while from 2002- 2007 term 27 per cent women and 50 per cent male respondents had land holdings. The data reflects that more male representatives own Icind compared to women respondents.

Table 3.13

Election expenditure of gram panchayat members

Election Women Women Men expenditure (1997-2002) (2002-2007) (2002-2007)

Brother * 0 0.3 (1) 0

Father 0 0.3 (1) 0

Husband 85.3 (175) 88.3 (284) 0

Myself 9.8 (20) 7.1 (23) 99.3 (139)

Villagers 4.4 (9) 4(13) 0.7 (1)

Son 0.5 (1) 0 0

Election expenses of majority women were borne by their husbands, i.e. 85.3 per cent from 1997-2002 term and 88.3 per cent from the 2002-2007 term. Out of the remaining respondents of 1997- 2002 term, election expenses of 9 per cent women were taken care of by the villagers, 0.5 per cent i.e. election expenses of just one member was borne by son and 20 per cent women had themselves spent on their elections. From the next term brother and father of 0.3 per cent i.e. one

96 woman had spent on her elections respectively. About 7.1 per cent women managed their own election expenses, while 4 per cent women were helped by villagers. Among the male respondents 99.3 per cent had themselves borne their election expenditure and remaining 0.7 per cent i.e. one was supported by villagers.

Table 3.14 Distribution of educational level based on religion

Education Level Christian Hindu Muslim

Illiterate 3.3 (6) 0.8 (4) 16.7 (1)

1 - 4 (Primary) 6 .6 (12) 11.9 (57) 16.7 (1)

5 - 7 (Middle School) 4.4 (8) 11.9 (57) 0

8 - 1 0 (High School) 54.7 (99) 51.5 (270) 16.7 (1)

-11-12 (Higher 14.9 (27) 9.8 (47) 33.2 (2) Secondary)

13-14 (Undergraduate) 1.7 (3) 0.8 (4) 0

15 (Graduate) 10. 5 (19) 7.9 (38) 16.7 (1)

Post Graduate 1.7 (3) 0.4 (2) 0

Professional 2.2 (4) 5(1) 0

The above table reveals that out of the total respondents 181 were Christians, 480 were Hindus and only 6 were Muslims. And among them six Christian, four Hindu and one Muslim respondent were illiterates. From among the Christian members 54.1 per cent had studied upto high school, 14.9 per cent had studied upto higher secondary and 1.7 per cent i.e. three were undergraduates. Among Hindu members 51.5 per cent had studied upto high school, 9.8 per cent were had studied upto higher secondary and 0.8 per cent i.e. 4 were undergraduates. More Christian members were post graduates 97 and professionals compared to Hindu representatives. This reflects that higjily educated Hindus are more reluctant to enter local politics. Among the six Muslim respondents one each had studied upto primaiy, high school, graduation, two had studied upto h i^ e r secondary and one was illiterate.

Table 3.15

Distribution of occupation based on religion

Occupation Christian Hindu Muslim

Business 19.3 (35) 11.3(54) 0

Farming 2.2 (4) 9(43) 0

Service 12.7 (23) 8.5 (41) 33.3 (2)

Housework 63 (114) 70.4 (338) 66.7 (4)

Retired 1.1(2) 0.4 (2) 0

Labourer 0.6 (1) 0 0

Unemployed 1.1 (2) 0.4 (2) 0

From all the three religions majority women did housework. Among Christian representatives majority i.e. 19.3 were in business, 12.7 per cent in service and 2.2 per cent were engaged in farming. From total number of Hindu members most were in service unlike Christian members, more were engaged in farming and few were in service compared to Christian respondents. There was no Muslim respondent engaged in business or farming. Only Christians and Hindus in Goa are engaged in farming. Thus there are no significant variations noticed regarding occupations of respondents based on their religion.

98 Table 3.16

Distribution of annual family income based on religion

Annual Family Income Christian Hindu Muslim (in rupees)

6,000 - 25,000 6 .1 (11) 2.9 (14) 0

25,001 - 50,000 25.4 (46) 29.6 (144) 50(3)

50,001 - 75,000 26.5 (48) 24.2 (116) 0

75,001 - 1,00,000 32.5 (59) 33.1 (157) 33.3 (2)

1,00,001 - 1,25,000 5(9) 4(19) 16.7 (1)

1,25,001 - 1,50,000 1.7 (3) 4.2 (20) 0

1,50,001 - 1,75,000 0 0.6 (3) 0

1,75,001-2,00,000 2.8 (5) 0.6 (3) 0

2,00,001 - 2,25,000 0 0 0

Above 2,25,000 0 0.8 (4) 0

The above table reveals that majority of the panchayat members from all the three religions were from the annual income group between Rs.25,001 to Rs. 1,00,000. There were very few gram panchayat members from all the three groups earning above 1,50,000 annually. The findings reflect that majority of the grcim panchayat members from all the three religions were from average income groups. This indicates that economic dominance is not a major deciding factor in local Goan politics.

99 Table 3.17

Distribution of landholdings based on religion

r^nd Holdings Christian Hindu Muslim

No 78.5 (142) 62.1 (298) 100 (6)

Yes 21.5 (39) 37.9 (182) 0

The landholding pattern indicates that majority of the Hindus — ^-^ives hold land compared to Christians. No Muslim ;had land holdings. This may indicate that Hindus members nically better off in comparison to Christians and Muslims.

Table 3.18

Distribution of education based on caste

Eiducation Level General OBCs SCs STs

Illiterate 0.8 (3) 0 0 7.8 (8)

1 - 4 (Primary) 11 (41) 6.6 (12) 0 16.7 (17)

5 - 7 (Middle School) 9.1 (34) 9.8 (18) 0 12.1 (13)

8-10 (High School) 53.41199) 62.9 (115) 66.7 (6) - 45.7 (46)

11-12 (Higher 11.5 (43) 12 (22) 9.8 (10) Secondaiy) 11.1 (1)

1 3 - 14 1.1 (4) 1.1 (2) 0 (Undergraduate) 1 (1)

15 (Graduate) 10.2 (38) 7.1 (13) 22.2 (2) 4.9 (5)

Post Graduate 0.8 (3) 0 0 2(2)

Professional 2.1 (8) 0.5 (1) 0 0

100 Majority of the members from general caste from all the three religions were more educated. From higher secondary to post graduate and professional degree majority members were from general category from all the three religious groups. Most members from all the castes had studied upto high school. While majority illiterates were STs. This may indicate that STs were deprived of educational facilities.

Table 3.19

Distribution of occupation based on caste

Occupation General OBCs IIIJIIIiiiL STs

Business 16.4 (61) 9.3 (17) 11.1 (1) 9.8 (10)

Farming 6.4 (24) 3.3 (6) 11.1 (1) 15.7 (16)

Service 9.9 (37) 8.7 (16) 11.1 (1) 11.8 (12)

Housework 65.7 (245) 77.6 (142) 66.7 (6) 61.7 (63)

Retired 1.1 (4) 0 0 0

Labourer 0 0 0 1 (1)

Unemployed 0.5 (2) 1.1 (2) 0 0

Majority of the women from all the four castes groups, i.e. general OBCs, SCs and STs did housework. Majority members from both general and OBCs groups were in business. Compared to general and OBCs group more members of SCs and STs were in service and majority were engaged in farming. This shows a large number of SCs and STs members were depended on agriculture for their livelihood.

101 Table 3.20

Distribution of annual family income based on caste

Annual Famity General O B C s S C s STs Income (in rupees)

6,000 - 25,000 3.8 (14) 3.3 (6) 0 4.9 (5)

25,001 - 50,000 20.4 (76) 32.8 (60) 55.6 (5) 49 (50)

50,001 - 75,000 24.1 (90) 23 (42) 11.1 (1) 30.4 (31)

75,001 - 1,00,000 36.4 (136) 35.5 (65) 33.3 (3) 15.7 (16)

1,00,001 - 1,25,000 5.9 (22) 3.8 (7) 0 0

1,25,001 - 1,50,000 5.6 (21) 1.1 (2) 0 0

1,50,001 - 1,75,000 0.8 (3) 0 0 0

1,75,001-2,00,000 1.9 (7) 0.5 (1) 0 0

2,00,001-2,25,000 0 0 0 0

Above 2,25,000 1.1 (4) 0 0 0

The above table reveals that a good number of respondents from all the four castes belong to income groups between Rs. 50,001- Rs. 10,000. The traditional belief that SCs and STs are economically backward in comparison to other castes is reflected in the data, as there are no members from these two castes earning annual income more than Rs. 1,00,000.

Table 3.21

Distribution of land holdings based on caste

Land Holdings General OBCs SCs STs

No 61.1 (228) 84.7 (155) 88.9 (8) 53.9 (55)

Yes 38.9 (145) 15.3 (28) 11.1 (1) 46.1 (47)

102 The above table reveals that more members from general caste have land holdings compared to the OBCs and SCs. It is significant to note that 46.1 per cent STs members own agricultural land and majority of these people are engaged in farming activities.

Empowerment of women is critical to the socio-economic progress of the community. The empowerment of women and improvement of women’s social, economic and political status is essential for achievement of both transparent and accountable governments and administration and sustainable development in all areas of life. (Ambedkar and Nagendra, 2006: 261) Effective political participation by gram panchayat members at the grassroots level is crucial for strengthening democratic decentralization. The working of the panchayats depends on how the members perform the functions assigned to them. The political process in India so far has allowed very limited opportunities for women’s participation in politics. Furthermore, patriarchy and socio-economic marginalization have driven women into the backwaters of politics. The data reveals that in addition to institutional factors, the hostile attitude of upper caste members, their marginalization by political, social and economic systems and gender discrimination are some of the major constraints faced by women gram panchayat members.

Age plays an important role in political participation. Being in their young age women gram panchayat members were unable to devote much time to their respective wards from where they were elected. The family and education are another two major determinants which influence the women’s participation in politics. These postulates not only effect their nature and scope of participation in politics but also determine the variations in their participatory level. Low educational level or illiteracy is directly related to low level or absence of active participation in panchayat affairs. Because of their illiteracy or low level of education gram panchayat women members depend on the secretaries or other male educated members. In most cases women’s position in the family has not really altered as a result of their

103 becoming panchayat members. But there is no doubt that their self- confidence has grown immensely. Some women had made their presence felt inspite of low education level. For instance, a ST woman sarpanch, Muimibai, from Baraiyakhera gram panchayat in had brought electricity to her tribal village. She had studied upto fifth standard and was elected as sarpanch in 2000. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2002: 3) In another instance, a Dalit woman sarpanch Chhaya Kamble, made her village proud by prioritizing sanitation and encouraging each family to construct their own toilet. When she was elected there only few public toilets and there were no toilets for the families. The situation weis bad and it affected health. Even families who could afford to build a toilet did not do so because they thought it was unnecessaiy. To tackle this problem Kamble moved resolution at the gram sabha that eveiy house must have a toilet. As a first step, she started convincing people from her own community. The zilla parishad and gram sabha chipped in with some funds, and soon all the Dcdit families had their own toilets. Kamble then approached the rest of the villagers and convinced the women folk, as it was they who suffered the most.. After three years of work ever family built their own toilet and now it is seen as a ideal village across the state. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2004: 3)

Reservation of posts in gram panchayats for women, SCs and STs is one of the major features of the Seventy-third Amendment. Caste and patriarchy continues to hold balance in the rural setting. Most women, SC and ST candidates were in the fray not because of any inner urge or as agents of social change, but largely because of constitutional imperatives of reservation. A major portion of the population is still dominated by fatalistic attitudes and an inequitable caste system, which hold that politics is the prerogative of only men and the upper castes of society. The social construct of a woman as a public figure is not given much credence. Particularly, women belonging to lower castes are not acceptable to the higher castes groups. And all the more if Dalit woman representative bold and active in decision-making, it is intolerable.

104 After the passage Seventy-third Amendment Act, reservations has achieved some positive results like creating space for at least a few women; widening the base of democracy by facilitating the representation of under-represented sections of our society; legitimizing and asserting the role of women as partners in the public sphere; and enhancing the self esteem, confidence and motivation of women leaders. However, there are many structural and other constraints, which prevent women fi-om actively participating in the affairs of panchayats. One of the most important obstacles for women’s entry and participation is politics is the role-conflict. Women have to shoulder greater responsibilities in comparison to men in bringing up children and looking after household work. And so women need to strike a balance between her role as a house-wife and as a politician. Traditionally there is a feeling among women and especially rural women that they are meant to do domestic work. They are also made to think that politics is a dirty profession and so unwomanly. This attitude prevents women from actively participating in politics even if they enter it. Further, women panchayat members are not treated on par with male members either by male panchayat members or government officials.

A study conducted by research scholars of Seethalakshmi Ramaswami College in Tamil Nadu revealed that husbands of many women panchayat presidents were real decision-makers in their public life. Seethalakshmi Ramaswami CoUege was one of the five colleges selected for a comparative study of women leaders in panchayats. The study was sponsored by the Educational Resource Centre Trust from New . The main findings of the study were (i) In most cases powers were vested with the husbands, especially over the matters to be decided in panchayat meetings; (11) Although many women peinchayat presidents were educated their decisions were influenced by their husbands; (iii) The main reason for husbands being decision-makers was low Uteracy rate among women; (iv) Some determined and assertive women managed to overcome constraints like lack of education and information, economic insufficiency and domestic responsibilities; (v) 105 T h o u ^ women may be less qualified for a political career, they can achieve a lot because of their political shrewdness and wide general knowledge; (vi) Although government provides training, some women panchayat presidents were not aware of the facility; (vii) women panchayat presidents wiU not be able to enjoy political change unless there is change in the mindset of men. (Panchayati Raj Update, 2005: 1)

However, recent constitutional amendments are definitely stronger steps in the direction of increasing women’s participation in rural politics. After these amendments men’s attitude towards women’s entry into politics has changed. Now the situation has moved from total rejection to limited objection and in some cases active encouragement too. Initially the concern was how in this patriarchal society, where politics is invariably a monopoly of men, women panchayat members will perform. But today women members are attending meetings; and going out for public and social causes. Until now women’s identity was as “the Sarpanch’s wife”, or “the family member of Sarpanch” but now they themselves are members of the panchayat, Sarpanch and Deputy Sarpanch.

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