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Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt
Sooner Is Better: Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt September 2019 ABSTRACT Why do states intervene covertly in some places and not others? This is a pressing question for theorists and policymakers because covert action is widespread, costly, and consequential. I argue that states wield it—whether by supporting political parties, arming dissidents, sponsoring coups, or assassinating leaders—when they fear that a target is at risk of shifting its alignment toward the state that the intervener considers most threatening. Covert action is a rational response to the threat of realignment. Interveners correctly recognize a window of opportunity: Owing to its circumscribed nature, covert action is more likely to be effective before realignment than after. This means that acting sooner is better. I test this argument in case studies of covert action decision-making by the United States in Indonesia, Iraq, and Portugal. I then conduct a test of the theory’s power in a medium-N analysis of 97 cases of serious consideration of such action by the United States during the Cold War. Interveners, I suggest, do not employ covert action as a result of bias on the part of intelligence agencies. Nor do they use it to add to their power. Rather, states act covertly when they fear international realignment. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1. The Puzzle and Its Importance In April 1974, military officers in Portugal overthrew a right-wing dictatorship. A caretaker government under a conservative officer, Antonio Spínola, set elections for March of 1975. But Spínola resigned at the end of September, frustrated with menacing opposition from the left. -
461114 1 En Bookbackmatter 209..247
Conclusion: Convergent Paths In November 1945, the President of the Republic of Vietnam, Hồ Chí Minh, sent a letter addressed to ‘the President of the Republic of Indonesia’, proposing that a joint declaration of solidarity to be made by Indonesia and Vietnam in the form of a ‘Preparatory Commission Struggling for a Federation of the Free Peoples of Southern Asia’. The letter, entrusted to an American journalist named Harold Isaacs, did not reach President Soekarno.1 It was handed to Vice-President Mohammad Hatta, who then passed it on to Prime Minister Sutan Sjahrir. Sjahrir discussed the offer with Soedjatmoko Koko, the interpreter to foreign correspon- dents of the Republican government, but told him that he would not reply and preferred just to ignore the letter. Sjahrir indifference sprang from his conviction that the situation in Indonesia and Vietnam were very different. The Indonesian nationalists were up against the Dutch, who were ‘a weak colonial power and could be defeated quickly.’ Hồ Chí Minh had to contend with the French, who could and would resist him for a long time. Furthermore, he looked askance at the fact that the DRV government depended on support from the communists, which was not the case in Indonesia. In conclusion, Sjahrir argued, ‘If we ally ourselves with Hồ Chí Minh, we shall weaken ourselves and delay Independence.’2 The story of the missed opportunity for cooperation between Vietnam and Indonesia3 as a result of Sjahrir’s ‘betrayal of the greater Asian revolution’,as 1Harold Robert Isaacs is the author of No Peace for Asia, which has been cited widely in this dissertation. -
The Making of Middle Indonesia Verhandelingen Van Het Koninklijk Instituut Voor Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde
The Making of Middle Indonesia Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Edited by Rosemarijn Hoefte KITLV, Leiden Henk Schulte Nordholt KITLV, Leiden Editorial Board Michael Laffan Princeton University Adrian Vickers Sydney University Anna Tsing University of California Santa Cruz VOLUME 293 Power and Place in Southeast Asia Edited by Gerry van Klinken (KITLV) Edward Aspinall (Australian National University) VOLUME 5 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/vki The Making of Middle Indonesia Middle Classes in Kupang Town, 1930s–1980s By Gerry van Klinken LEIDEN • BOSTON 2014 This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution‐ Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC‐BY‐NC 3.0) License, which permits any non‐commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The realization of this publication was made possible by the support of KITLV (Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies). Cover illustration: PKI provincial Deputy Secretary Samuel Piry in Waingapu, about 1964 (photo courtesy Mr. Ratu Piry, Waingapu). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Klinken, Geert Arend van. The Making of middle Indonesia : middle classes in Kupang town, 1930s-1980s / by Gerry van Klinken. pages cm. -- (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, ISSN 1572-1892; volume 293) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-26508-0 (hardback : acid-free paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-26542-4 (e-book) 1. Middle class--Indonesia--Kupang (Nusa Tenggara Timur) 2. City and town life--Indonesia--Kupang (Nusa Tenggara Timur) 3. -
The Partai Nasional Indonesia, 1963
THE PARTAI NASIONAL INDONESIA 1963-1965 J. Eliseo Rocamora Reputations once acquired are hard to shed. The stereotype of the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) as an opportunist, conservative party composed of Javanese prijaji elements remains despite basic changes which occurred within the party in the later years of Guided Democracy. Tljis undifferentiated image of the PNI arose in the early 1950's and, for that time, it represented a fairly accurate, though limited, description. As the party began to change under the impetus of Guided Democracy politics and the push of internal party dynamics, Indonesian and foreign observers either disregarded the party alto gether or tended to seek explanations for these changes in outside factors." Thus, the PNI's "turn to the left," in the 1963 to 1965 period, was termed variously as: an opportunistic response to the increasingly leftist politics of Guided Democracy; the result of strong pressure from President Sukarno; or the work of PKI (Communist Party) infiltration of the party leadership. The fact that Djakarta's political cognoscenti-- journalists and intellectuals--continue to espouse and disseminate this interpreta tion reflects biases born of their own political attitudes and in volvement. A similarly-limited view of the PNI in Western academic literature is in part the result of the paucity of work on the Guided Democracy period and in part a consequence of an excessive concentra tion on a few actors at the center. The generally-accepted framework for analyzing Guided Democracy politics1--a three-sided triangle made up of Sukarno, the Army and the PKI--only explains certain facets of Indonesian politics, that is, the major battles for ideological and institutional predominance. -
(PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress During Liberal Democracy
Indonesian Historical Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 61-70 © 2018 The Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI) 1950-1959: Political Role and Progress during Liberal Democracy Armedyestu Priyonggo, Yety Rochwulaningsih, Indriyanto Magister Ilmu Sejarah, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Diponegoro *Penulis Korespondensi: [email protected] Abstract The establishment of PSI was a continuation of the movement of youth groups during the period of the National Movement which the members came from intellectual elites named PNI Baru. This organization had an important role in the form of Parliamentary Democracy system in Indonesia. During independence period, PNI Baru became a political party called Partai Rakyat Sosialis (Paras), Paras then affiliated with Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Parsi) to become the Received: Partai Sosialis in the late of 1945. Partai Sosialis appeared convincing as July 2, 2018 the dominating party in the course of Indonesian politics in early Accepted: independence, placing Sjahrir and Amir as cabinet leaders for five October 28, 2018 consecutive periods. After the name of Partai Sosialis changed into PSI on February 12, 1948, the party was unable to be considered as a potential political party anymore. PSI had no chance to contribute to the political dynamics of Indonesia at that time. It was only after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty that the PSI was able to carry out effective party work, including their involvement in cabinet in the 1950s. The PSI members were responsible of serving the government as ministers in the structure of the Natsir Cabinet of 1950, the Wilopo Cabinet of 1952 and Burhanuddin Harahap Cabinet of 1955, the other figures who had special affiliation and sympathy with PSI also became party representatives to serve the government during that period. -
Sejarah Paket C Indonesia Merdeka Modul 9 Awal.Indd
MODUL TEMA 9 MODUL 9 Indonesia Merdeka i Hak Cipta © 2018 pada Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Dilindungi Undang-Undang Kata Pengantar Sejarah Indonesia Paket C Setara SMA/MA Modul Tema 9 : Indonesia Merdeka endidikan kesetaraan sebagai pendidikan alternatif memberikan layanan kepada mayarakat yang Penulis: Sulaiman Hasan karena kondisi geografi s, sosial budaya, ekonomi dan psikologis tidak berkesempatan mengiku- ti pendidikan dasar dan menengah di jalur pendidikan formal. Kurikulum pendidikan kesetaraan Diterbitkan oleh: Direktorat Pembinaan Pendidikan Keaksaraan dan Kesetaraan- P dikembangkan mengacu pada kurikulum 2013 pendidikan dasar dan menengah hasil revisi berdasarkan Ditjen Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini dan Pendidikan Masyarakat-Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 2018 peraturan Mendikbud No.24 tahun 2016. Proses adaptasi kurikulum 2013 ke dalam kurikulum pendidikan kesetaraan adalah melalui proses kontekstualisasi dan fungsionalisasi dari masing-masing kompetensi iv+ 36 hlm + illustrasi + foto; 21 x 28,5 cm dasar, sehingga peserta didik memahami makna dari setiap kompetensi yang dipelajari. Pembelajaran pendidikan kesetaraan menggunakan prinsip fl exible learning sesuai dengan karakteristik peserta didik kesetaraan. Penerapan prinsip pembelajaran tersebut menggunakan sistem pembelajaran modular dimana peserta didik memiliki kebebasan dalam penyelesaian tiap modul yang di sajikan. Kon- sekuensi dari sistem tersebut adalah perlunya disusun modul pembelajaran pendidikan kesetaraan yang memungkinkan peserta didik untuk belajar dan melakukan evaluasi ketuntasan secara mandiri. Tahun 2017 Direktorat Pembinaan Pendidikan Keaksaraan dan Kesetaraan, Direktorat Jendral Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini dan Pendidikan Masyarakat mengembangkan modul pembelajaran pendidikan kesetaraan dengan melibatkan Pusat Kurikulum dan Perbukuan Kemdikbud, para akademisi, pamong belajar, guru dan tutor pendidikan kesetaraan. Modul pendidikan kesetaraan disediakan mulai paket A tingkat kompe- tensi 2 (kelas 4 Paket A). -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuseript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus. sorne thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be trom any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print. colored or paor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough. substandard margins. and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. ln the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages. these will be noted. Also. if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed. a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps. drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overtaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographie prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Information and Leaming 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor. MI 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 MOHAMAD ROEM'S POLITICAL ACTIVITIES AND ISLAMIC POLITICAL VISION (1908-1983) by Hamdan Juhannis A thesis submitted to the Institute ofIslamic Studies Faculty ofGraduate Studies and Research, McGill University in partial fnlfilhnent ofthe requirement for the degree of Master ofArts Institute ofIslamic Studies McGill University .- ...• May 1999 ;.~ © Hamdan Juhannis National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. -
Mohamad Roem in MEMORIAM: MOHAMAD ROEM (1908-1983)
Mohamad Roem IN MEMORIAM: MOHAMAD ROEM (1908-1983) George McT. Kahln Mohamad Roem, one of the most highly respected of Indonesia's leaders, died in his home in Jakarta on September 24, 1983 at the age of 75. Never at the top of the pyramid of power, he was heavily relied upon by some who were, and during the course of the revolution he emerged as his country's ablest diplomat. He was one of the leaders of the revolution whom I respected most, and our friendship began with our first meeting in Yogyakarta in 1948. Intrinsically Roem was a modest man, known for his openness, absolute honesty, gentleness of manner, and thoughtful regard for others. Many were struck by how genuinely concerned he was to understand the views of those with whom he interacted, whatever their religion— whether in his home or at the negotiating table. But there was also a formidable inner iron to his char acter that derived from his strong and unflagging adherence to principle. These qualities and an unobtrusive astuteness were what finally brought the Dutch to con clude that Roem was their toughest Indonesian adversary at the negotiating table. From these attributes, too, stemmed his unusual capacity to serve as mediator and conciliator among diverse political factions within Islamic organizations and more broadly in the various cabinets in which he served. Mohamad Roem was born on May 16, 1908, son of the lurah of Klewogan desa on the outskirts of the town of Parakan in Central Java. His father sent him to a secu lar primary school and then, from 1917 to 1924, Roem attended the Hollandsch-In- landsche Schools (H IS) in Temanggung and Pekalongan. -
74 Bab Iv Peran Mohammad Hatta Tahun 1955-1965 A
74 BAB IV PERAN MOHAMMAD HATTA TAHUN 1955-1965 A. Mohammad Hatta Sebagai Kepala Negara Sama dengan rakyat Indonesia pada umumnya, Hatta menghadapi tahun 1950-an dengan penuh harap bahwa, pemulihan kedaulatan akan membawa Indonesia kepada cita-cita yang selama ini diperjuangkan, yaitu berupa keadilan, kemakmuran, dan kesejahteraan. Namun, berbeda dengan rakyat pada umumnya, Hatta memyadari sekali bahwa cita-cita tersebut baru akan terlaksana apabila syarat-syaratnya terpenuhi, antara lain: persatuan yang bulat, stabilitas yang langgeng, dan kerja keras. Persyaratan ini menurut Hatta akan mudah terpenuhi bila masing-masing pihak, pertama-tama berpegang pada pedoman dalam kehidupan bernegara, yaitu Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar. Pertama, sebagai pedoman dalam bersikap. Kedua, sebagai kerangka tempat bermain segala macam keinginan dan kepentingan, termasuk di dalamnya aturan permainan yang harus dipatuhi. Oleh sebab itu Hatta sangat menyadari akan hal ini bahwa, kedaulatan tidak akan tercipta secara otomatis dengan kesulitan-kesulitan yang terjadi. Bila ketidaksabaran mengahadapinya, maka akan memudahkan orang untuk mengesampihngkan pedoman serta aturan permainan tadi. Moh. Hatta memiliki kedudukan dan peran yang sangat penting dalam pemerintahan negara. Ia sebagai Kepala Pemerintahan RIS 1950, Wakil Presiden 1950-1956, dan pemimpin yang secara formal tiada 75 mempunyai kedudukan, karena ia tidak bergabung ke salah satu organisasi atau partai 1956-1957.1 Sebelumnya pada tanggal 20 Desember 1949, Hatta berhasil membentuk kabinet RIS dengan mengikutsertakan pihak RI (Yogyakarta) serta PMF sebagai berikut:2 NO NAMA JABATAN PARTAI 1. Drs. Mohammad Hatta Perdana Menteri - 2. Drs. Mohammad Hatta Menteri Luar - Negeri 3. Anak Agung Gde Agung Menteri Dalam - Negeri 4. Hamengkubuwono IX Menteri - Pertahanan 5. Prof. Mr. -
Planters Against Peasants
PLANTERS AGAINST PEASANTS VERHANDELINGEN VAN HET KONINKLIJK INSTITUUT VOOR TAAL-, LAND- EN VOLKENKUNDE 97 KARL]. PELZER PLANTERS AGAINST PEASANTS THE AGRARIAN STRUGGLE IN EAST SUMATRA 1947-1958 'S-GRAVENHAGE - MARTINUS NI]HOFF 1982 © Copyright 1982 by KoninklIjk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden, The Netherlands_ All rights reserved, including the right to translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form. Printed in The Netherlands ISBN 90.247.6182.4 CONTENTS Introduction by Clifford Geertz VII Editorial Note XII List of Abbreviations XV List of Tables XVIII Chapter I The Negara Sumatera Timur and the Agrarian Issue 1 Chapter II The Republic of Indonesia and the Agrarian Problem 17 Chapter III The Indonesian Communist Party and the Agrarian Issue 30 Chapter IV The Agrarian Controversy in Sumatera Timur from the Time of Transfer of Sover- eign ty to the Tanjungmorawa Incident 47 Chapter V The First Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinet and the State Commission for the Division of Estate Lands in East Sumatra (1953-1954) 83 Chapter VI Years of Mounting Frustration for the Planter (1955-1956) 110 Chapter VII The Nationalization of Dutch Plantations 147 Notes 171 Index 182 INTRODUCTION In social history, as in so much else, special cases often turn out to be the most deeply representative: Venice, Cairo, California. East Sumatra, whose evolution from commercial enclave to poli tical nightmare Karl Pelzer took as the subject of his last and finest work, is a most unstandard place. Nowhere else in Indo nesia, not even Central Java, did plantation agriculture develop so extensively, so resourcefully, so profitably, or so destructively. -
Sukarno and Colonialism: an Analysis of Indonesia's Foreign Policy
https://doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v16i1.3838.1-17 Sukarno and Colonialism: An Analysis of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Discourse, 1955-1961 Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia1 1School of International Relations/Research School for Southeast Asian Studies, Xiamen University, China, [email protected] 1International Relations Department, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia, [email protected] ABSTRACT For the most part, the literature about Indonesia’s foreign policy does not stray far from a descriptive and chronological presentation of the subject. The fact of the matter is that an in-depth analysis of the nation’s foreign policy from a different era will impart valuable lessons to the current policymakers in charge of formulating and implementing such a policy. The era of Sukarno bore witness to the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy that was strong in ideas and practices. Employing discourse analysis, this article seeks to analyze five of Sukarno’s speeches, which were delivered in various international forums from 1955 to 1963. During that time, Indonesia put forward a coherent and consistent foreign policy with colonialism as its master signifier. The promotion of such a discourse contributed positively to the diplomatic effort on the issue of West Papua by mobilizing supports from Asian-African nations, as well as attracting the interest of the superpowers. As a result, Indonesia’s national interest to bring West Papua into the Republic was well served, and furthermore, Indonesia succeeded in enhancing its image, role, and leadership in world affairs. This experience presents a challenge to the contemporary policymakers in producing a configuration of strong ideas and concepts that would allow the implementation of a foreign policy that serves the national interest, when the nation has once again risen as an important player on international affairs. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuseript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus. sorne thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be trom any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print. colored or paor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough. substandard margins. and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. ln the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages. these will be noted. Also. if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed. a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps. drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overtaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographie prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. Bell & Howell Information and Leaming 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor. MI 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 MOHAMAD ROEM'S POLITICAL ACTIVITIES AND ISLAMIC POLITICAL VISION (1908-1983) by Hamdan Juhannis A thesis submitted to the Institute ofIslamic Studies Faculty ofGraduate Studies and Research, McGill University in partial fnlfilhnent ofthe requirement for the degree of Master ofArts Institute ofIslamic Studies McGill University .- ...• May 1999 ;.~ © Hamdan Juhannis National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395.