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IFES Faqs on Elections in Colombia
Elections in Colombia 2018 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Americas International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org May 14, 2018 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 When will the newly elected government take office? ................................................................................ 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How many candidates are registered for the May 27 elections? ................................................................. 1 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 1 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 2 What is the structure of the government? ................................................................................................... 2 Are there any quotas in place? ..................................................................................................................... 3 What is the -
Redalyc.Institucionalización Organizativa Y Procesos De
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0121-5167 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios Políticos Colombia Duque Daza, Javier Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006 Estudios Políticos, núm. 31, julio-diciembre, 2007 Instituto de Estudios Políticos Medellín, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=16429059008 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006∗ Organizational Institutionalization and Selection Process of Presidential Candidates in the Liberal and Conservative colombian Parties Javier Duque Daza∗ Resumen: En este artículo se analizan los procesos de selección de los candidatos profesionales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos durante el periodo 1974-2006. A partir del enfoque de la institucionalización organizativa, el texto aborda las características de estos procesos a través de tres dimensiones analíticas: la existencia de reglas de juego, su grado de aplicación y acatamiento por parte de los actores internos de los partidos. El argumento central es que ambos partidos presentan un precario proceso de institucionalización organizativa, el cual se expresa en la debilidad de sus procesos de rutinización de las reglas internas. Finaliza mostrando cómo los sucedido en las elecciones de 2002 y de 2006, en las que se puso en evidencia que el predominio histórico de los partidos Liberal y Conservador estaba siendo disputado por nuevos partidos, los ha obligado a encaminarse hacia su reestructuración y hacia la búsqueda de mayores niveles de institucionalización organizativa. -
Final-Signatory List-Democracy Letter-23-06-2020.Xlsx
Signatories by Surname Name Affiliation Country Davood Moradian General Director, Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies Afghanistan Rexhep Meidani Former President of Albania Albania Juela Hamati President, European Democracy Youth Network Albania Nassera Dutour President, Federation Against Enforced Disappearances (FEMED) Algeria Fatiha Serour United Nations Deputy Special Representative for Somalia; Co-founder, Justice Impact Algeria Rafael Marques de MoraisFounder, Maka Angola Angola Laura Alonso Former Member of Chamber of Deputies; Former Executive Director, Poder Argentina Susana Malcorra Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina; Former Chef de Cabinet to the Argentina Patricia Bullrich Former Minister of Security of Argentina Argentina Mauricio Macri Former President of Argentina Argentina Beatriz Sarlo Journalist Argentina Gerardo Bongiovanni President, Fundacion Libertad Argentina Liliana De Riz Professor, Centro para la Apertura y el Desarrollo Argentina Flavia Freidenberg Professor, the Institute of Legal Research of the National Autonomous University of Argentina Santiago Cantón Secretary of Human Rights for the Province of Buenos Aires Argentina Haykuhi Harutyunyan Chairperson, Corruption Prevention Commission Armenia Gulnara Shahinian Founder and Chair, Democracy Today Armenia Tom Gerald Daly Director, Democratic Decay & Renewal (DEM-DEC) Australia Michael Danby Former Member of Parliament; Chair, the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Australia Gareth Evans Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Australia and -
Una Mirada Atrás: Procesos De Paz Y Dispositivos De Negociación Del Gobierno Colombiano
La Fundación Ideas para la Paz (FIP) es un centro de pensamiento independiente, apoyado por el sector empresarial, cuya misión es contribuir con ideas y propuestas a la superación del conflicto en Co- lombia. Desde su origen en 1999, FIP ha estado comprometida con el apoyo a las negociaciones de paz y en su agenda de trabajo e inves- tigación ha contribuido con propuestas e ideas en la construcción de paz. Estas seguirán siendo sus prioridades: el conflicto colombiano necesariamente concluirá con una negociación o una serie de nego- ciaciones, que requerirán la debida preparación y asistencia técnica si han de ser exitosas para construir un escenario de paz duradero. Working papers Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O. Octubre de 2008 Fundación Ideas para la paz Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O1. Octubre de 2008 Serie Working papers FIP No. 4 2 • www.ideaspaz.org/publicaciones • Contenido 5 Presentación 6 1. Introducción 7 2. Importancia de las estructuras o dispositivos de negociación en los procesos de paz: el caso de Colombia 7 El conflicto armado colombiano 7 Las razones para la solución política y una definición de paz 8 Los niveles de negociación dentro de un conflicto armado 8 Dispositivos de negociación y procesos de paz 10 3. Aparición y transformación de los dispositivos formales de negociación del poder ejecutivo colombiano en los procesos de paz: 1981-2006 11 Julio César Turbay Ayala: orden público y negociación 12 Belisario Betancur Cuartas: voluntarismo y prisa por la paz 16 Virgilio Barco Vargas: institucionalización y pragmatismo 18 César Gaviria Trujillo: negociar en medio del conflicto 20 Ernesto Samper Pizano: ilegitimidad e inmovilidad 21 Andrés Pastrana Arango: de vuelta al voluntarismo 23 Álvaro Uribe Vélez: acometer y rectificar 26 4. -
Peace Talks in Colombia
Peace Talks in Colombia June S. Beittel Analyst in Latin American Affairs March 31, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42982 Peace Talks in Colombia Summary In August 2012, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos announced that the government was engaged in exploratory peace talks with the violent leftist insurgent group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in a bid to resolve a nearly 50-year internal armed conflict. The secret, initial dialogue between the Santos government and the FARC’s leadership led to the opening of formal peace talks with the FARC—the oldest, largest, and best financed guerrilla organization in Latin America. The formal talks began in Oslo, Norway, in October 2012 and then, as planned, moved to Havana, Cuba, where they have continued for more than 30 rounds. The talks between the government and FARC are the first in a decade and the fourth effort in the last 30 years. Some observers maintain that conditions are the most attractive to date for both sides to negotiate a peace settlement rather than continuing to fight. It now appears that the Santos Administration anticipated the peace initiative by proposing several legislative reforms enacted in the first two years of its first term (2010-2012), including a law to restitute victims of the conflict and a “peace framework” law. In addition, the warming of relations with neighboring countries such as Ecuador and Venezuela since President Santos took office in August 2010 also helped lay the groundwork for the peace process. Venezuela, Chile, Cuba, and Norway have actively supported the process, which has been lauded by most countries in the region. -
Análisis Comparativo Sobre Financiamiento De Campañas Y Partidos Políticos Colombia
Unidad para la promoción de la Democracia/OEA – International IDEA ANÁLISIS COMPARATIVO SOBRE FINANCIAMIENTO DE CAMPAÑAS Y PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS COLOMBIA Humberto de la Calle I. INTRODUCCIÓN Para comprender de mejor modo el tema materia de este trabajo, es preciso examinar brevemente los contornos principales del régimen político colombiano y sus sistemas electoral y de partidos. En materia electoral, Colombia tiene un sistema mayoritario a dos vueltas para la elección de Presidente y Vicepresidente de la República. Todo el territorio nacional (incluido el voto en el extranjero) conforma una sola circunscripción para la elección de Presidente, cuya reelección está prohibida de manera absoluta. Los gobernadores departamentales y los alcaldes municipales se eligen por voto simplemente mayoritario a una vuelta y no son reelegibles para el periodo siguiente. De igual manera, hay circunscripción única nacional para la elección del Senado (Cámara Alta), compuesto por 102 miembros (dos de ellos elegidos en circunscripción especial indígena). La Cámara de Representantes (Cámara Baja) se elige en circunscripciones territoriales que corresponden a los departamentos que conforman la división política del país (32) y al Distrito Capital de Bogotá, a razón de dos representantes por cada una de ellas y uno más por cada 250.000 habitantes o fracción mayor de 125 mil que tengan en exceso sobre los primeros doscientos cincuenta mil. Existe una circunscripción especial para minorías étnicas, políticas y de los colombianos residentes en el exterior. Hasta el reciente Acto Legislativo Número 1 de 2003, por el cual se adoptó la llamada Reforma Política, las candidaturas se presentaban mediante listas cerradas y bloqueadas. No era posible combinar ni alterar el orden de la lista. -
Aciertos De Juan Manuel Santos En Las Negociaciones De Paz Con
ACIERTOS DE JUAN MANUEL SANTOS EN LAS NEGOCIACIONES DE PAZ CON LAS FARC-EP FRENTE A LAS NEGOCIACIONES DE BELISARIO BETANCUR Y ANDRÉS PASTRANA. NATALIE DIAZ SIMMONDS PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD JAVERIANA FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y CIENCIAS SOCIALES DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIA JURÍDICA Y POLÍTICA SANTIAGO DE CALI, COLOMBIA 2020 ACIERTOS DE JUAN MANUEL SANTOS EN LAS NEGOCIACIONES DE PAZ CON LAS FARC-EP FRENTE A LAS NEGOCIACIONES DE BELISARIO BETANCUR Y ANDRÉS PASTRANA. TRABAJO DE GRADO PARA OPTAR POR EL TÍTULO DE POLITÓLOGA NATALIE DIAZ SIMMONDS DIRECTOR HERNANDO LLANO ÁNGEL PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD JAVERIANA FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y CIENCIAS SOCIALES DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIA JURÍDICA Y POLÍTICA SANTIAGO DE CALI, COLOMBIA 2020 “El acuerdo del fin del conflicto no tiene dueño. No pertenece a los partidos ni al Gobierno, pertenece a todos los colombianos” Humberto de la Calle Lombana Jefe del Equipo Negociador TABLA DE CONTENIDO TABLA DE CONTENIDO ........................................................................................................................... 2 ÍNDICE DE TABLAS .................................................................................................................................. 3 INTRODUCCIÓN ........................................................................................................................................ 4 1. OBJETIVOS ............................................................................................................................................ 8 1.1 Objetivo general ................................................................................................................................. -
Major Leadership Features of the Peace Process in Colombia
Leadership and Developing Societies Vol 2 No 1, pp. 57-87 Major Leadership Features of the Peace Process in Colombia Adriana Calderon ABSTRACT This article examines the main leadership components of peace negotiations between the Colombian Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana, Cuba. It identifies the leadership factors associated with the success of the four-year peace process that started in 2012, while comparing it to previous peace dialogues in Colombia to draw out the political learning process. The hypothesis is that three components, namely political learning in its complexity, the inclusion of women, and the inclusion of victims, have been crucial for the success of the peace process. Firstly, the concept of political learning is understood as materialising as a political leadership function. Second, in an idiosyncratic and to some extent patriarchal culture like Colombia’s, it is essential to examine the role of women in the peace building process as engaging negotiators and mediators, rather than as only being passively exposed to politics. Third, the inclusion of victims in peace negotiations was an uncommon decision, and it appears to have eased the Accords. This article also contends that leadership as process, and in particular leadership styles, are fundamental to understanding the complexity that led to ending the world’s longest-running civil war. Introduction On 26 August 2012 the Government oF the Republic oF Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces oF Colombia (FARC) came to an agreement to end Colombia’s 52-year civil war. After six months oF secret meetings in Havana de Cuba, From February September 2012 to, the President oF Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, and the negotiation leader oF FARC, Ivan Marquez aka Timochenko, publicly announced that a negotiation process had been initiated. -
Havana Peace Agreement's Ambiguous Sway On
Yes but No: Havana Peace Agreement’s Ambiguous Sway on Colombia’s Rural Development Policy by Andrés García Trujillo A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Global Governance Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2018 © Andrés García Trujillo Examining Committee Membership The following served on the Examining Committee for this thesis. The decision of the Examining Committee is by majority vote. External Examiner Cristina Rojas Professor, Carleton University Supervisor Jennifer Clapp Professor, University of Waterloo Internal-external Member Reina Neufeldt Professor, University of Waterloo Other Member(s) Yasmine Shamsie Professor, University of Wilfrid Laurier Derek Hall Professor, University of Wilfrid Laurier ii Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. iii Abstract On 24 November 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) signed a peace accord to end a six-decade war. One of the items included in the accord was the Comprehensive Rural Reform (CRR), an agreement laying out substantive measures on rural development aimed at improving land access, public goods provision and peasant’s agricultural supports. This thesis explores whether negotiated transitions can serve to enact distributive rural change through an in-depth examination of the relationship between Colombia’s rural development policy and the peace accord. It traces the antecedents, negotiation and early implementation of the CRR. -
The Influence Industry Personal Data in Colombia's 2018 Legislative And
The Inuence Industry Personal Data in Colombia’s 2018 Legislative and Presidential Elections researched and written by José Luis Peñarredonda in partnership with Tactical Technology Collective’s Our Data Our Selves project ourdataourselves.tacticaltech.org June 2018 Country profile: Colombia 1. Basic information Colombia has almost 50 million inhabitants [1], of which 77% live in urban areas and 23% in rural areas [2]. Its capital, Bogotá, with a population of around 7.9 million people, [3] is the most populated municipality in the country and contains 15.8% of the population. Colombia’s government is divided into three branches of public power (executive, legislative and judicial) and three administrative levels (national, departmental and municipal; see table 1). At present there are 32 departments and 1,122 municipalities. At each of these levels the heads of the executive and legislative branches are elected by popular vote; other mechanisms are in the judicial branch. Departmental and municipal elections are held every four years and the next ones are to be held in 2019. National elections are also held every four years, with one date for the election of the Congress and another for the election of the president. Table 1: Administrative levels vs. branches of public power in Colombia Executive Legislative National Presidency Congress Departmental Government Assembly Municipal Mayoralty Council The most recent legislative elections were held on March 11, 2018, and the presidential elections, which involve two rounds, are scheduled for May 27 and June 17, 2018. In addition, extraordinary elections may be held through participation mechanisms like plebiscites or referendums, the most recent of which occurred on October 2, 2016, when Colombians voted against the endorsement of the peace agreements with the FARC. -
The Judicialization of Peace
\\jciprod01\productn\H\HLI\59-2\HLI204.txt unknown Seq: 1 21-JUN-18 12:16 Volume 59, Number 2, Summer 2018 The Judicialization of Peace Courtney Hillebrecht* & Alexandra Huneeus,** with Sandra Borda*** As international courts gain in influence, many worry that they will impoverish domestic politics— that they will limit democratic deliberation, undermine domestic institutions, or even thwart crucial political initiatives such as efforts to make peace. Indeed, many states are in the midst of withdrawing, or actively considering withdrawal, from international commitments presided over by international courts. The Article focuses on the currently unfolding Colombian peace process, the first to be negotiated under the watch of not one but two international courts, to show that these concerns misconstrue the way interna- tional courts actually work. Throughout four years of peace talks, many predicted that the International Criminal Court and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights would impede peace by demanding prosecution of war criminals. Instead, the 2016 Colombian peace accord opens the way to a far less punitive peace than many of those familiar with the courts and underlying treaties would have deemed possible. The effect of the engagement of the international courts in Colombia has not been to impose rigid conditions from afar, but rather to allow domestic players to reinterpret the content of Colombia’s international legal obligations: the terms of Colombia’s peace were produced through—not despite—the international courts’ ongoing deliberative en- gagement with the peace process. The Article draws on original empirical data to reveal precisely how the international courts enabled the construction of Colombia’s sui generis peace. -
The Victims and Land Restitution Law in Colombia in Context
THE VICTIMS AND LAND RESTITUTION LAW IN COLOMBIA IN CONTEXT An analysis of the contradictions between the agrarian model and compensation for the victims Paula Martínez Cortés THE VICTIMS AND LAND RESTITUTION LAW IN COLOMBIA IN CONTEXT An analysis of the contradictions between the agrarian model and compensation for the victims Paula Martínez Cortés| FDCL, TNI| December 2013 Editors: Forschungs- und Dokumentationszentrum Transnational Institute (TNI) Chile-Lateinamerika – FDCL e.V. PO Box 14656, 1001 LD Amsterdam, Gneisenaustraße 2a, D-10961 Berlin Niederlande Fon: +49 30 693 40 29 Fon: + 31 20 662 66 08 Fax: +49 30 692 65 90 Fax: + 31 20 675 71 76 eMail: [email protected] eMail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.fdcl.org Internet: http://www.tni.org Author: Paula Martínez Cortés Layout: Monika Brinkmöller Print: Copy House Cover photo: svenwerk / flickr.com Translation: Simon Phillips (Linguatransfair) © FDCL, Berlin, December 2013 Produced with financial support from the European Commission. The views expressed herein are those of the author and not of the EC. Published by FDCL and TNI for the Hands off the Land Alliance Paula Martínez Cortés Paula Martínez Cortés studies political science at the National University of Colombia. She is a master’s student in local rural development, and participates in the European Union Agris Mundus program. THE VICTIMS AND LAND RESTITUTION LAW IN COLOMBIA IN CONTEXT An analysis of the contradictions between the agrarian model and compensation for the victims Paula Martínez Cortés Forschungs- und Dokumentationszentrum Chile-Lateinamerika (FDCL), Transnational Institute (TNI) – December 2013 Introduction Contents Contents Introduction 3 1. The context of the socioeconomic, political and internal armed conflict in Colombia 4 2.