IFES Faqs on Elections in Colombia
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Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends
Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends By Stephen J. Randall, FRSC Fellow of the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute and Director, Institute for United States Policy Research Jillian Dowding, MA Assistant Director, Institute for United States Policy Research December 2006 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org © Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Introduction For some analysts Colombia is seen to be at a crossroads, with the capacity to move beyond more than thirty years of internal conflict and realize its potential, especially in the economic sector. This paper outlines the current political, economic and security situation in the country and explores some of the possible scenarios for the next five to ten year period.1 The authors suggest that it is critically important to examine the ways in which the political and strategic environment has evolved over the past decade in order to understand the current situation and predict where the country will likely move in the near future. Most analysts of Colombia concur that Colombia has not realized its economic potential in the past fifty years because of the internal conflict, a conflict that has its roots in both ideological differences as well as socio-economic inequalities, but which have been greatly exacerbated since the emergence of the narcotics industry in the 1970s. That internal conflict has defeated government after government in its effort to develop a broader vision of the role that Colombia could play in inter-American relations or economically to move into the developed world. -
Redalyc.Institucionalización Organizativa Y Procesos De
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0121-5167 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios Políticos Colombia Duque Daza, Javier Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006 Estudios Políticos, núm. 31, julio-diciembre, 2007 Instituto de Estudios Políticos Medellín, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=16429059008 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006∗ Organizational Institutionalization and Selection Process of Presidential Candidates in the Liberal and Conservative colombian Parties Javier Duque Daza∗ Resumen: En este artículo se analizan los procesos de selección de los candidatos profesionales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos durante el periodo 1974-2006. A partir del enfoque de la institucionalización organizativa, el texto aborda las características de estos procesos a través de tres dimensiones analíticas: la existencia de reglas de juego, su grado de aplicación y acatamiento por parte de los actores internos de los partidos. El argumento central es que ambos partidos presentan un precario proceso de institucionalización organizativa, el cual se expresa en la debilidad de sus procesos de rutinización de las reglas internas. Finaliza mostrando cómo los sucedido en las elecciones de 2002 y de 2006, en las que se puso en evidencia que el predominio histórico de los partidos Liberal y Conservador estaba siendo disputado por nuevos partidos, los ha obligado a encaminarse hacia su reestructuración y hacia la búsqueda de mayores niveles de institucionalización organizativa. -
Elections in Colombia: 2014 Presidential Elections
Elections in Colombia: 2014 Presidential Elections Frequently Asked Questions Latin America and the Caribbean International Foundation for Electoral Systems 1850 K Street, NW | Fifth Floor | Washington, D.C. 20006 | www.IFES.org May 23, 2014 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How many candidates are registered for the May 25 elections? ................................................................. 1 Who are the candidates running for President?........................................................................................... 1 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 3 What is the structure of the government? ................................................................................................... 3 What is the gender balance within the candidate list? ................................................................................ 3 What is the election management body? What are its powers? ................................................................. 3 How many polling -
Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross -
Understanding the Deterioratin in US-Colombian Relations, 1995
UNDERSTANTING THE DETERIORATIN IN US-COLOMBIAN RELATIONS, 1995- 1997. CONFLICT AND COOPERATION IN THE WAR AGAINST DRUGS BY ALEXANDRA GUÁQUETA M. PHIL. THEIS SOMERVILLE COLLEGE, UNIVERISTY OF OXFORD APRIL, 1998 INTRODUCTION Colombia, unlike the majority of its Latin American and Caribbean neighbours, had a remarkable record of friendly relations with the United States throughout most of the twentieth century. However, this situation changed in 1995 when the U.S. downgraded Colombia's previous status of alliance in the war against illegal drugs by granting it a conditional certification (national interest waiver) on its performance in drug control.1 The drug certification is the annual process by which the U.S. evaluates other countries' accomplishments in drug control making foreign aid conditional to their degree of cooperation. It also involves economic sanctions when cooperation is deemed unsatisfactory. In 1996 and 1997 Bill Clinton's administration decertified Colombia completely. The media reported Colombia's 'Cuba-nisation' in Washington as U.S. policy makers became obsessed with isolating the Colombian president, Ernesto Samper.2 Colombia was officially branded as a 'threat to democracy' and to the U.S.3 1 See chapter 3 for detailed explanaition of certification. 2 Expression used by journalist Henry Raymount in Washington and quoted in El Tiempo, November 6, 1996, p. 11A. 3 U.S. Department of State, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (INCSR) 1997, Washington D.C., March 1997. p. xli. 1 Colombia and the U.S. quarrelled so severely that they perceived each other as enemies. 'Never before, had relations between the U.S. -
Elite Bargains and Political Deals Project: Colombia Case Study
Elite Bargains and Political Deals Project: Colombia Case Study Roddy Brett Stabilisation Unit February 2018 This report has been produced by an independent expert. The views contained within do not necessarily reflect UK government policy. Author details The author is Senior Lecturer/Associate Professor with the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews, and the Director of the Masters Programme in Peace and Conflict Studies and Acting Director of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies. He has acted as Advisor to the United Nations Development Programme in both Colombia and Guatemala, to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Guatemala and as Advisor on Indigenous Affairs to the Norwegian Embassy in Guatemala. Background to Elite Bargains and Political Deals Project This case study is one of a series commissioned to support the Stabilisation Unit’s (SU’s) development of an evidence base relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project explores how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. Drawing on the case studies, the SU has developed a series of summary papers that bring together the project’s key findings and will underpin the revision of the existing ‘UK Approach to Stabilisation’ (2014) paper. The project also contributes to the SU’s growing engagement and expertise in this area and provides a comprehensive analytical resource for those inside and outside government. -
Final-Signatory List-Democracy Letter-23-06-2020.Xlsx
Signatories by Surname Name Affiliation Country Davood Moradian General Director, Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies Afghanistan Rexhep Meidani Former President of Albania Albania Juela Hamati President, European Democracy Youth Network Albania Nassera Dutour President, Federation Against Enforced Disappearances (FEMED) Algeria Fatiha Serour United Nations Deputy Special Representative for Somalia; Co-founder, Justice Impact Algeria Rafael Marques de MoraisFounder, Maka Angola Angola Laura Alonso Former Member of Chamber of Deputies; Former Executive Director, Poder Argentina Susana Malcorra Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Argentina; Former Chef de Cabinet to the Argentina Patricia Bullrich Former Minister of Security of Argentina Argentina Mauricio Macri Former President of Argentina Argentina Beatriz Sarlo Journalist Argentina Gerardo Bongiovanni President, Fundacion Libertad Argentina Liliana De Riz Professor, Centro para la Apertura y el Desarrollo Argentina Flavia Freidenberg Professor, the Institute of Legal Research of the National Autonomous University of Argentina Santiago Cantón Secretary of Human Rights for the Province of Buenos Aires Argentina Haykuhi Harutyunyan Chairperson, Corruption Prevention Commission Armenia Gulnara Shahinian Founder and Chair, Democracy Today Armenia Tom Gerald Daly Director, Democratic Decay & Renewal (DEM-DEC) Australia Michael Danby Former Member of Parliament; Chair, the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Australia Gareth Evans Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Australia and -
Quid Iuris 26
Esta revista forma parte del acervo de la Biblioteca Jurídica Virtual del Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas de la UNAM www.juridicas.unam.mx http://biblio.juridicas.unam.mx LA VICEPRESIDENCIA DE LA REPÚBLICA EN LA HISTORIA CONSTITUCIONAL DE COLOMBIA Hernán Alejandro Olano García* SUMARIO: I. Introducción; II. La vicepresidencia en el constitucionalismo del siglo XIX; III. El último tramo de la vicepresidencia; IV. La vicepresidencia en la Carta de 1991; V. Remuneración del Vicepresidente; VI. Funciones del Vicepresidente; VII. Comisiones nacionales presididas por el Vicepresidente de la República; VIII. Programas presidenciales coordinados por el Vicepresidente; IX. Seguridad para los Expresidentes y Exvicepresidentes de la República; X. Futuro de la vicepresidencia; XI. El Vicepresidente en el constitucionalismo comparado latinoamericano; XII. Fuentes de consulta. *Abogado, con estancia Post Doctoral en Derecho Constitucional como Becario de la Fundación Carolina en la Universidad de Navarra, España y estancia Post Doctoral en Historia como Becario de AUIP en la Universidad del País Vasco, España; Doctor Magna Cum Laude en Derecho Canónico; es Magíster en Relaciones Internacionales y Magíster en Derecho. Es el Director del Programa de Humanidades en la Facultad de Filosofía y Ciencias Humanas de la Universidad de La Sabana, donde es Profesor Asociado, Director (e.) del Departamento de Historia y Estudios Socio Culturales y Director del Grupo de Investigación en Derecho, Ética e Historia de las Instituciones «Diego de Torres y Moyachoque, Cacique de Turmequé». Miembro de Número de la Academia Colombiana de Jurisprudencia, Miembro Correspondiente de la Academia Chilena de Ciencias Sociales, Políticas y Morales y Miembro Honorario del Muy Ilustre y Bicentenario Colegio de Abogados de Lima, Perú. -
Notes on the Implementation of the Peace Agreement in Colombia
CHALLENGES IN COLOMBIA’S CHANGING SECURITY LANDSCAPE Notes on the Implementation of the Peace Agreement in Colombia: Securing a Stable and Lasting Peace by Juan Carlos Restrepo, Presidential Security Advisor to the President of Colombia, Presidential Delegate for the implementation of security guarantees in the peace agreement between the Colombian government and FARC-EP Allow me to introduce this note with a metaphor: the urban country followed a relatively normal a peace agreement is like a marriage. One development path, for some parts of Colombia the thing is the signature on the documents, and time for development stopped running while the a very different thing is the 30 or 40 years that conflict took place in the rural parts of the country, (hopefully) follow. and half a century was lost in many regards. During that period, those regions of Colombia prioritized On June 23, 2016, after more than half a century today as “most affected by the conflict” saw very of armed confrontation between the Colombian little of the government, in the form of neither government and the FARC-EP guerrilla group, the roads, schools, nor hospitals. Various armed actors— parties signed an agreement intended to end an regular and irregular forces alike—made their armed conflict that left behind a trail of blood, presence known, however. poverty, and displacement: more than two hundred thousand people killed, a population of nearly It is now June 2018, and President Juan Manuel seven million people displaced from their territories, Santos is about to leave government after serving and more than eight million victims. -
Conflict, Displacement, and Elections Action Plan for Municipal Elections in Colombia
Conflict, Displacement, and Elections Action Plan for Municipal Elections in Colombia Political Rights and Enfranchisement System Strengthening Project (PRESS) Action Plan VIl Jeff Fischer November 2006 IOM International Organization for Migration International Organization for Migration IOM’s Political Rights and Enfranchisement System Strengthening Project is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development and IOM is grateful for this support. The views in this paper are those of the author and not necessarily of IOM, its member states, USAID, or the U.S. Government. Additional Information on IOM PRESS can be found at: www.geneseo.edu/~iompress Questions or comments? [email protected] 2 Table of Contents Acronyms and Organizations 5 PART I 7 Executive Summary 7 PRESS Project Background and Methodologies 10 Colombian Legal Framework for Conflict, Displacement, and Elections 12 Conflict 13 Displacement 14 Elections 15 Colombia History of Conflict, Displacement, and Elections 17 Conflict 17 Displacement 18 Elections 21 Colombian Government Services and Displacement 25 Social Action 25 Office of the Prosecutor 26 Colombian Civil Society Organizations and Displacement 26 National Convergence of Organizations for Displaced Persons 26 National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) 27 Afro-Colombian Ethnic Movement (Afrodes) 27 Consultancy for Human Rights and Displacement (CODHES) 28 Media for Peace 28 International Community and Displacement 29 International Organization for Migration (IOM) 29 United Nations High Commission -
Una Mirada Atrás: Procesos De Paz Y Dispositivos De Negociación Del Gobierno Colombiano
La Fundación Ideas para la Paz (FIP) es un centro de pensamiento independiente, apoyado por el sector empresarial, cuya misión es contribuir con ideas y propuestas a la superación del conflicto en Co- lombia. Desde su origen en 1999, FIP ha estado comprometida con el apoyo a las negociaciones de paz y en su agenda de trabajo e inves- tigación ha contribuido con propuestas e ideas en la construcción de paz. Estas seguirán siendo sus prioridades: el conflicto colombiano necesariamente concluirá con una negociación o una serie de nego- ciaciones, que requerirán la debida preparación y asistencia técnica si han de ser exitosas para construir un escenario de paz duradero. Working papers Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O. Octubre de 2008 Fundación Ideas para la paz Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O1. Octubre de 2008 Serie Working papers FIP No. 4 2 • www.ideaspaz.org/publicaciones • Contenido 5 Presentación 6 1. Introducción 7 2. Importancia de las estructuras o dispositivos de negociación en los procesos de paz: el caso de Colombia 7 El conflicto armado colombiano 7 Las razones para la solución política y una definición de paz 8 Los niveles de negociación dentro de un conflicto armado 8 Dispositivos de negociación y procesos de paz 10 3. Aparición y transformación de los dispositivos formales de negociación del poder ejecutivo colombiano en los procesos de paz: 1981-2006 11 Julio César Turbay Ayala: orden público y negociación 12 Belisario Betancur Cuartas: voluntarismo y prisa por la paz 16 Virgilio Barco Vargas: institucionalización y pragmatismo 18 César Gaviria Trujillo: negociar en medio del conflicto 20 Ernesto Samper Pizano: ilegitimidad e inmovilidad 21 Andrés Pastrana Arango: de vuelta al voluntarismo 23 Álvaro Uribe Vélez: acometer y rectificar 26 4. -
Colombia: President Uribe’S
COLOMBIA: PRESIDENT URIBE’S DEMOCRATIC SECURITY POLICY 13 November 2003 Latin America Report N°6 Bogotá/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE SECURITY POLICY............................................................................................ 3 III. BATTLES WON, VICTORY NOT IN SIGHT .......................................................... 7 A. CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS ................................................................................................9 B. ERADICATION OF ILLICIT CROPS .........................................................................................10 C. NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE IRREGULAR ARMED GROUPS .....................................................11 D. INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT...................................................................................................12 IV. SECURITY VS. FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE ........................................................................................................................................ 14 V. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 16 APPENDICES A. MAP OF COLOMBIA.............................................................................................................19 B. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP .......................................................................20