Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
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Shape of Corruption 06 01 12
The Shape of Corruption: Colombia as a Case Study Laura Langbein, Dept. of Public Administration and Policy, American University Pablo Sanabria, School of Government, Universidad de Los Andes Prepared for Presentation at IPMN Conference: Innovations in Public Management for Controlling Corruption. 27-29 June 2012. Abstract We examine corruption within a single country that is characterized by a stable democracy and thriving legal and illegal markets—Colombia. We focus on local, small-scale corruption, examining whether city officials solicit an extra payment when citizens seek to use public services. Using individual level data on bribe requests from citizens in 55 large and small cities in Colombia, measured over time from 2004-2011, we find that, for whole sample, and within the majority of Colombian cities, that the level of corruption is stable. The evidence that corruption is stable is disturbing. Corruption exchanges are one form of cooperative behavior. If cooperative production is stable, the result is likely to lead to economic growth. If cooperative predation is stable, it makes effective political change difficult to implement effectively, and it represents costly transfers, usually from the less well off to those who are better off. Corruption is a classic example of cooperative predation. Our results suggest that it is quite stable at different levels in most Colombian cities. 1 Introduction Corruption, commonly defined as “the use of public office for private gains” (Swaleheen, 2011:23; Bardhan. 1997), is widely regarded as a vicious social problem: it is costly, robbing countries of economic growth in favor of costly transfers of money, often from the poor to the relatively more powerful gate-keepers or service providers. -
The Colombian Peace Process Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg
REPORT February 2018 Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg and Idun Tvedt1 Designing peace: the Colombian peace process The peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) have become a global reference for negotiated solutions to armed conflicts. The talks demonstrated how a well-prepared and robust process design can contrib- ute significantly to the outcome of a negotiated settlement. In several ways the pro- cess broke new ground. The parties developed frameworks and established mecha- nisms that laid the groundwork for building legitimacy for the process and increasing confidence in it. The direct participation of victims at the negotiating table and the effective inclusion of gender in the process are examples of this. Important elements of the process design included the into and out of Colombia; following:1 • gender inclusion by ensuring the participation of women and a gender focus in the peace agreement; • a secret initial phase to establish common ground; • broad and representative delegations; • a short and realistic agenda; • the extensive use of experts at the negotiating table • a limited objective: ending the conflict; and bilaterally with the parties; and • the principle that “incidents on the ground shall not • the implementation of confidence-building measures. interfere with the talks”; • the holding of talks outside Colombia to protect the process; Introduction • rules regulating the confidentiality of the talks; • the principle that “nothing is agreed until everything The peace talks between the Government of Colombia and is agreed”; the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s • a high frequency of negotiation meetings to ensure Army (FARC-EP) concluded with the signing of a peace continuity; agreement on November 24th 2016 after five years of ne- • direct talks with no formal mediator, but with third- gotiations. -
The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices. -
Del Limbo Al Acuerdo Final De Paz El Proceso De Paz Entre El Gobierno Santos Y Las Farc–EP
DEL LIMBO AL ACUERDO FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS FINAL DE PAZ JURÍDICAS Y POLÍTICAS Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las FARC – EP ESPERANZA HERNÁNDEZ DELGADO Flores de esperanza por fusiles · Maestro Jafeth Gómez ISBN 978-958-8166-94-0 Del limbo al acuerdo final de paz El proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las Farc–EP Esperanza Hernández Delgado 2 UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE BUCARAMANGA Instituto de Estudios Político, IEP ISBN digital 978-958-8166-94-0 Del limbo al acuerdo final de paz. Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las FARC - EP JUAN CAMILO MONTOYA BOZZI Rector EULALIA GARCÍA BELTRAN Vicerrectora Académica GILBERTO RAMÍREZ VALBUENA Vicerrector administrativo y financiero JORGE EDUARDO LAMO GÓMEZ Decano facultad de ciencias políticas y jurídicas ESPERANZA HERNANDEZ DELGADO Autora JAFETH GÓMEZ Flores de esperanza por fusiles Portada HIPERTEXTO Diseño y diagramación JOSÉ ÓSCAR MACHADO ROMERO Corrector de estilo PUBLICACIONES UNAB Producción Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga Avenida 42 No 48 – 11 Bucaramanga, Colombia www.unab.edu.co Las opiniones contenidoas en esta obra, no vinculan la Institución, son exclusiva responsabilidad de la autora dentro de los principios democráticos de la cátedra libre y la libertad de expresión consagrados en el artículo 3° del Estaturo General de la Corporación Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. 3 Dedicado a Francisco A. Muñoz, mi maestro. Compartimos bellos sueños de construcción de paces imperfectas y la inmensa alegría de un ejercicio profesional centrado en la paz. Sus enseñanzas fueron infinitas, desde mediaciones y empoderamientos pacifistas hasta una actitud abierta a la magia de la vida 4 Agradecimientos A la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB, por representar el primer escenario de mi formación profesional y apoyar después mi ejercicio de investigación para la paz, durante el tiempo que estuve vinculada con el IEP. -
Redalyc.History of the Colombian Left-Wings Between 1958 and 2010
Revista Tempo e Argumento E-ISSN: 2175-1803 [email protected] Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Brasil Archila, Mauricio; Cote, Jorge History of the Colombian left-wings between 1958 and 2010 Revista Tempo e Argumento, vol. 7, núm. 16, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 376-400 Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Florianópolis, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=338144734018 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative e ‐ ISSN 2175 ‐ 1803 History of the Colombian left‐wings between 1958 and 20101 Abstract This article looks at the history of left‐wings in Colombia, Mauricio Archila framed within what was happening in the country, Latin Ph.D. and Professor in the Graduate program at America, and the world between 1958 and 2010. After the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá, and specifying what we mean by “left‐wings” and outlining their associate researcher of the CINEP. background in the first half of the 20th century, there is a Colombia. panorama of five great moments of the period under study to [email protected] reach the recent situation. The chronology favors the internal aspects of the history of Colombian left‐wings, allowing us to appreciate their achievements and limitations framed into Jorge Cote such a particular context as the Colombian one. MA student in History at the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá. Keywords: Colombia; Left‐wings; Guerrillas; Social Colombia. -
The Drug Trade in Colombia: a Threat Assessment
DEA Resources, For Law Enforcement Officers, Intelligence Reports, The Drug Trade in Colombia | HOME | PRIVACY POLICY | CONTACT US | SITE DIRECTORY | [print friendly page] The Drug Trade in Colombia: A Threat Assessment DEA Intelligence Division This report was prepared by the South America/Caribbean Strategic Intelligence Unit (NIBC) of the Office of International Intelligence. This report reflects information through December 2001. Comments and requests for copies are welcome and may be directed to the Intelligence Production Unit, Intelligence Division, DEA Headquarters, at (202) 307-8726. March 2002 DEA-02006 CONTENTS MESSAGE BY THE ASSISTANT THE HEROIN TRADE IN DRUG PRICES AND DRUG THE COLOMBIAN COLOMBIA’S ADMINISTRATOR FOR COLOMBIA ABUSE IN COLOMBIA GOVERNMENT COUNTERDRUG INTELLIGENCE STRATEGY IN A LEGAL ● Introduction: The ● Drug Prices ● The Formation of the CONTEXT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Development of ● Drug Abuse Modern State of the Heroin Trade Colombia ● Counterdrug ● Cocaine in Colombia DRUG RELATED MONEY ● Colombian Impact of ● Colombia’s 1991 ● Heroin Opium-Poppy LAUNDERING AND Government Institutions Involved in Constitution ● Marijuana Cultivation CHEMICAL DIVERSION ● Opium-Poppy the Counterdrug ● Extradition ● Synthetic Drugs Eradication Arena ● Sentencing Codes ● Money Laundering ● Drug-Related Money ● Opiate Production ● The Office of the ● Money Laundering ● Chemical Diversion Laundering ● Opiate Laboratory President Laws ● Insurgents and Illegal “Self- ● Chemical Diversion Operations in ● The Ministry of ● Asset Seizure -
JORGE ELIECER GAITAN.Pdf
JORGE ELIECER GAITÁN: TRAYECTORIA E IDEOLOGIA DE UN CAUDILLO LIBERAL EDGAR EDUARDO FRANCO TORRES UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DE COLOMBIA UNIVERSIDAD DE SALERNO ITALIA Bogotá, Colombia. 2012 1 JORGE ELIECER GAITÁN: TRAYECTORIA E IDEOLOGIA DE UN CAUDILLO LIBERAL EDGAR EDUARDO FRANCO TORRES Trabajo de grado para obtener el título de Máster en Ciencia Política de la Universidad Católica de Colombia y la Universidad de Salerno de Italia. Asesoría Dr. Miguel A. Infante D. Coordinador Académico Maestría UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DE COLOMBIA UNIVERSIDAD DE SALERNO ITALIA Bogotá, Colombia. 2012 2 DEDICATORIA A mi padre del partido liberal y a mi madre del partido conservador que vivieron la década de los años 40. 3 AGRADECIMIENTOS Agradezco a la Universidad Católica de Colombia, por haberme brindado darme la oportunidad de cursar un programa a académico de tan alto prestigio y calidad como lo es el de la maestría en ciencia política en convenio con la Universidad de Salerno de Italia. De igual forma Agradezco a los directivos del Programa Doctores Antonio Scoccozza y. Miguel Infante, por su paciencia, confianza y ánimo en la elaboración del trabajo de grado, así como todo el entusiasmo impreso en el diseño y desarrollo del programa. A mis seres queridos y amigos que me dieron el impulso constante para lograr salir adelante con este trabajo. A todas y cada una de las personas que me colaboraron activamente para la realización de este documento. 4 RESUMEN Jorge Eliecer Gaitán creador del movimiento Gaitanista, el cual fue dirigido por Gloria Gaitán (su hija), cuya sede se encontraba ubicada en el barrio las Cruces de Bogotá, hoy hace parte de un importante fragmento de la historia colombiana. -
Capitulo Barranquilla
1 «Barranquilla me permitió ser escritor. Tenía la población inmigrante más elevada de Colombia – árabes, chinos, etcétera – era como Córdoba en la Edad Media. Una ciudad abierta, llena de personas inteligentes a las que les importaba un carajo ser inteligentes (…)‖ 1 Gabriel García Márquez 1 (Martin, 2009 p. 161) 2 INVESTIGACIÓN PERIODÍSTICA TRAS LAS HUELLAS DE MACONDO CAPITULO BARRANQUILLA INFORME FINAL Autor: MARÍA DEL PILAR RODRÍGUEZ SAUMET Periodista - Escritora Curadora de Arte *Gabitera Bogotá, Colombia 2014 3 INVESTIGACIÓN PERIODÍSTICA TRAS LAS HUELLAS DE MACONDO CAPITULO BARRANQUILLA INFORME FINAL Autor: MARÍA DEL PILAR RODRÍGUEZ SAUMET Periodista - Escritora Curadora de Arte *Gabitera Interventor: JOSÉ MANUEL PACHECO Gerente de Competitividad y Apoyo las Regiones (e) INVESTIGACIÓN FINANCIADA CON RECURSOS DEL FONDO DE PROMOCIÓN TURÍSTICA Y EL VICEMINISTERIO DE TURISMO DE LA REPÚBLICA DE COLOMBIA. Bogotá, Colombia 2014 4 Dedicatoria: Dedico las presentes líneas a Gabriel José de la Concordia García Márquez por haberle dado un único regalo a Colombia: La inmortalidad. 5 Agradecimientos: Agradezco al Fondo de Promoción Turística y al Vice – ministerio de Turismo de la República de Colombia por la confianza en este proyecto y los recursos para su ejecución; a Jaime Abello Banfi por su respaldo, lucidez y complicidad invaluable, a José Manuel Pacheco por su magnífica labor; a Jaime, David y Shani García-Márquez por todo el tiempo y el afecto compartido; a Elena Ponce por su dedicación y entrega. 6 Tabla de Contenidos: DEDICATORIA: 4 TABLA DE CONTENIDOS: 6 RESUMEN: 12 Introducción: 19 RECHACÉ UNA INVITACIÓN Y A CAMBIO ME REGALÓ UN LIBRO: 25 LA PRIMERA VEZ QUE LO VÍ SE NOS OLVIDÓ INVITARLO: 26 ¡QUE ESCRIBA LA QUE DICE QUE YO NO SÉ ESCRIBIR! 28 EL AMIGO QUE MÁS ME QUIERE… 30 EL ÚLTIMO ENCUENTRO: UN RETRATO HISTÓRICO. -
Yearbook Peace Processes.Pdf
School for a Culture of Peace 2010 Yearbook of Peace Processes Vicenç Fisas Icaria editorial 1 Publication: Icaria editorial / Escola de Cultura de Pau, UAB Printing: Romanyà Valls, SA Design: Lucas J. Wainer ISBN: Legal registry: This yearbook was written by Vicenç Fisas, Director of the UAB’s School for a Culture of Peace, in conjunction with several members of the School’s research team, including Patricia García, Josep María Royo, Núria Tomás, Jordi Urgell, Ana Villellas and María Villellas. Vicenç Fisas also holds the UNESCO Chair in Peace and Human Rights at the UAB. He holds a doctorate in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford, won the National Human Rights Award in 1988, and is the author of over thirty books on conflicts, disarmament and research into peace. Some of the works published are "Procesos de paz y negociación en conflictos armados” (“Peace Processes and Negotiation in Armed Conflicts”), “La paz es posible” (“Peace is Possible”) and “Cultura de paz y gestión de conflictos” (“Peace Culture and Conflict Management”). 2 CONTENTS Introduction: Definitions and typologies 5 Main Conclusions of the year 7 Peace processes in 2009 9 Main reasons for crises in the year’s negotiations 11 The peace temperature in 2009 12 Conflicts and peace processes in recent years 13 Common phases in negotiation processes 15 Special topic: Peace processes and the Human Development Index 16 Analyses by countries 21 Africa a) South and West Africa Mali (Tuaregs) 23 Niger (MNJ) 27 Nigeria (Niger Delta) 32 b) Horn of Africa Ethiopia-Eritrea 37 Ethiopia (Ogaden and Oromiya) 42 Somalia 46 Sudan (Darfur) 54 c) Great Lakes and Central Africa Burundi (FNL) 62 Chad 67 R. -
Corruption and Plan Colombia
CORRUPTION AND PLAN COLOMBIA The Missing Link Transparency International (TI) is the world’s leading non-governmental anti-corruption organisation, addressing corruption and corruption risk in its many forms through a network of more than 100 national chapters worldwide. Transparency International Defence and Security (TI-DS) works to reduce corruption in defence and security worldwide. Author: Hannah Stone Contributors: Adam Isacson, Paul Angelo Editor: Karolina MacLachlan Images: Front Cover - Adobe Stock, P1 - Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff (Flickr - Creative Commons), P11- Adobe Stock, P23 - West Point (Flickr - Creative Commons) © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in parts is permitted, providing that full credit is given to Transparency International and provided that any such reproduction, in whole or in parts, is not sold or incorporated in works that are sold. Written permission must be sought from Transparency International if any such reproduction would adapt or modify the original content. With thanks to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands for its generous support. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of Transparency International Defence & Security and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. Published June 2019. Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of May 2019. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. Transparency International UK’s registered charity number is 1112842. -
Gender and the Role of Women in Colombials Peace
UN WOMEN BACKGROUND PAPER GENDER AND THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN COLOMBIA’S PEACE PROCESS Prepared for the United Nations Global Study on 15 Years of Implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) MARCH 4, 2016 VIRGINIA M. BOUVIER New York, March 2016 © 2016 UN Women. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of UN Women, the United Nations or any of its affiliated organizations. Author: Dr. Virginia M. Bouvier, Senior Advisor, Peace Processes, U.S. Institute of Peace Editor: Leigh Pasqual Reviewed by: Nahla Valji, Emily Kenney Recommended citation: Dr. Virginia M. Bouvier, “Gender and the Role of Women in Colombia’s Peace Process,” (New York: UN Women, March 4, 2016). UN WOMEN BACKGROUND PAPER GENDER AND THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN COLOMBIA’S PEACE PROCESS DR. VIRGINIA M. BOUVIER, SENIOR ADVISOR FOR PEACE PROCESSES AT THE UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Advance copy ABSTRACT: The promises and visions articulated in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent UN resolutions and position papers that recognize the connection between gender equity and women’s participation in all aspects of peace processes and peacebuilding on the one hand, and international peace and security on the other, have not been fulfilled. Nonetheless, these resolutions have opened the way for advocacy that has had some suc- cesses in specific contexts. Colombia offers one such case. Through desk research, literature review, and per- at, around, and outside the peace talks that were sonal interviews, this paper provides an overview launched in late 2012 between the Colombian gov- of the Colombian internal armed conflict and the ernment and the Colombian Revolutionary Armed peace process currently underway to transform it.1 Forces (FARC-EP). -
Colombia – Presidential Elections – Cali Cartel – 1998 Presidential Election – Risaralda Elections – Pereira Elections – Liberal Youth Organisation – Liberal Party
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: COL31618 Country: Colombia Date: 18 April 2007 Keywords: Colombia – Presidential elections – Cali Cartel – 1998 Presidential Election – Risaralda elections – Pereira elections – Liberal Youth Organisation – Liberal Party This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1994 presidential election involving Ernesto Samper Pizano? 2. Can you provide information about a scandal involving the Cali Cartel accusing President Samper of receiving money for this campaign? 3. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1997 election for the Risaralda governorship involving Dr Carlos Arturo Lopez? 4. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1998 election for the Pereira Mayorship involving Dr Luis Alberto Duque Torres? 5. Can you provide a list of the candidates and the result of the 1998 presidential elections involving Dr Horacio Serpa Uribe? 6. Can you provide information on Liberal youth organisation in Pereira in 1990? 7. Can you provide information on the structure of Liberal youth organisation in the early 1990s? 8. Who were the leaders of the liberal party in the early 1990’s in particular in Pereira? 9. What were the policies of the liberal party in the early 1990’s? 10.