Colombia Human Rights & Development
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Membership History of WFP Mission Statement
www.witnessforpeace.org Clip and return to WFP, 1229 15th St NW, Washington DC 20005 DC Washington NW, St 15th 1229 WFP, to return and Clip rdtCr ye_________Ep _____________ Exp. _________________ type Card Credit Card Number _____________________________________ Number Card Phone ____________________ Fax ___________________ Fax ____________________ Phone Email ___________________________________________ Email City _____________________ State _______ Zip ________ Zip _______ State _____________________ City Address _________________________________________ Address Name ___________________________________________ Name AL = $_________ = AL TOT Shipping ($1.50 per copy) $1.50 X ________ = $_________ $_________ = ________ X $1.50 copy) per ($1.50 Shipping __________________ $_________ _____________________________________ __________________ $_________ _____________________________________ Acción Permanente por la Paz la por Permanente Acción __________________ $_________ _____________________________________ __________________ $_________ _____________________________________ itleT Cost Publications _____ $250 _____ $500 _____ other $500 _____ $250 _____ _____ _____ $35 _____ $50 _____ $100 $50 $35 _____ _____ _____ Membership: information to: 1229 15th St, NW Washington, DC 20005 20005 DC Washington, NW St, 15th 1229 to: information Complete and enclose check, money order, or credit card card credit or order, money check, enclose and Complete oin Now! Order Now! Order Now! oin J he Call-A-Week Campaign Call-A-Week he T Getting involved in -
Witness for Peace Delegation Tovenezuela
DELAWARE COUNTY PLEDGE OF RESISTANCE P.O. Box 309~Swarthmore, PA [email protected]~www.delcopledge.org Fall 2006 disturbing parallels to the current wars Pledge to are inescapable. Reasons for our mili- tary invasion of Vietnam were entirely Screen Vietnam different from those given for the inva- sion and occupation of Iraq. However, one is struck by the similar rhetoric pro- War Film duced by MacNamara and Johnson and that produced by Rumsfeld, Cheney, Sir! No Sir! and Bush.” (All quotes from the Sir! No Sir! website). After viewing Sir! No Sir! recently, by Ron Coburn I listened to a discussion that followed, which was for me a unique and sad ex- Pledge is holding a screening of Sir! No perience. I heard the anguish and fear Sir! on Saturday, October 14, 7 pm, at in the voices of a number of Vietnam Media-Providence Friends School, 125 war veterans, emotions which precipi- W. Third Street, Media, Pa. This is the tated their antiwar activities, including time to see this powerful and disquiet- the killing of their officers. I felt their ing film. It is highly unlikely that this patriotism, their grief for lost buddies, film will EVER be shown by our stan- and their disillusionment. I will never dard media outlets. forget the story of how one U.S. soldier “In the 1960s, an antiwar movement in Iraq was overheard discussing with opportunity to meet and thank them was emerged that altered the course of his- fellow soldiers questions about the ne- powerful. I recommend it to everyone. -
The Anti-Contra-War Campaign: Organizational Dynamics of a Decentralized Movement
International Journal of Peace Studies, Volume 13, Number 1, Spring/Summer 2008 THE ANTI-CONTRA-WAR CAMPAIGN: ORGANIZATIONAL DYNAMICS OF A DECENTRALIZED MOVEMENT Roger Peace Abstract This essay examines the nature and organizational dynamics of the anti-Contra-war campaign in the United States. Lasting from 1982 to 1990, this anti-interventionist movement sought to halt the U.S.- backed guerrilla war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. The forces pulling the anti- Contra-war campaign (ACWC) together and pulling it apart are analyzed. The essay is comprised of four parts: 1) overview of the Contra war and the ACWC; 2) the major activist networks involved in the ACWC, 3) the development of common political goals and educational themes; and 4) the national coordination of activities—lobbying, educational outreach, protests, and transnational activities. The final section addresses the significance of the ACWC from an historical perspective. Introduction The U.S.-directed Contra war against Sandinista Nicaragua in the 1980s sparked an anti-interventionist campaign that involved over one thousand U.S. peace and justice organizations (Central America Resource Center, 1987). The anti-Contra-war campaign (ACWC) was part of a vigorous Central America movement that included efforts to halt U.S. aid to the Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments and provide sanctuary for Central American refugees. Scholarly literature on the anti-Contra-war campaign is not extensive. Some scholars have examined the ACWC in the context of the Central America movement (Battista, 2002; Brett, 1991; Gosse, 1988, 1995, 1998; Nepstad, 1997, 2001, 2004; Smith, 1996). Some have concentrated on particular aspects of the ACWC—political influence (Arnson and Brenner, 1993), local organizing in Boston and New Bedford, Massachusetts (Hannon, 1991; Ryan, 1989, 1991), and transnational activities (Kavaloski, 1990; Nepstad, 1996; Nepstad and Smith, 1999; Scallen, 1992). -
Inside the Volcano – a Curriculum on Nicaragua
Inside the Volcano: A Curriculum on Nicaragua Edited by William Bigelow and Jeff Edmundson Network of Educators on the Americas (NECA) P.O. Box 73038 Washington, DC 20056-3038 Network of Educators' Committees on Central America Washington, D.C. About the readings: We are grateful to the Institute for Food and Development Policy for permission to reproduce Imagine You Were A Nicaraguan (from Nicaragua: What Difference Could A Revolution Make?), Nicaragua: Give Change a Chance, The Plastic Kid (from Now We Can Speak) and Gringos and Contras on Our Land (from Don’t Be Afraid, Gringo). Excerpt from Nicaragua: The People Speak © 1985 Bergin and Garvey printed with permission from Greenwood Press. About the artwork: The pictures by Rini Templeton (pages 12, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 38, 57 60, 61, 66, 74, 75, 86, 87 90, 91. 101, 112, and the cover) are used with the cooperation of the Rini Templeton Memorial Fund and can be found in the beautiful, bilingual collection of over 500 illustrations entitled El Arte de Rini Templeton: Donde hay vida y lucha - The Art of Rini Templeton: Where there is life and struggle, 1989, WA: The Real Comet Press. See Appendix A for ordering information. The drawing on page 15 is by Nicaraguan artist Donald Navas. The Nicaraguan Cultural Alliance has the original pen and ink and others for sale. See Appendix A for address. The illustrations on pages 31, 32 and 52 are by Nicaraguan artist Leonicio Saenz. An artist of considerable acclaim in Central America, Saenz is a frequent contributor to Nicar&uac, a monthly publication of the Nicaraguan Ministry of Culture. -
Ethnozoological Assessment of Native Rodents in Rural Areas of the Sucre Department, Colombia
ISSN (Print): 0974-6846 Indian Journal of Science and Technology, Vol 11(46), DOI: 10.17485/ijst/2018/v11i46/137333, December 2018 ISSN (Online): 0974-5645 Ethnozoological Assessment of Native Rodents in Rural Areas of the Sucre Department, Colombia Gerson A. Salcedo-Rivera, Jose A. Fuentes-Mario and Jaime De La Ossa-V* Grupo de Investigacion en Biodiversidad Tropical, Laboratorio de Fauna Silvestre, Universidad de Sucre, Colombia; [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Abstract Objective: A study about ethnozoological valuation for native wild rodents (Coendou prehensilis, Cuniculus paca, Dasyprocta punctata, Hydrochoerus isthmius and Notosciurus granatensis) in rural areas of department of Sucre, Colombian Caribbean is presented. Methods/Statistical Analysis: Research was realized between July 2017 and June 2018 with use of semi structured questionnaires applied to autochthonous users (638) of faunistic resources following snowball methodology; information obtained was analyzed for socio-economic aspects of informers and used species, for which was obtained: Mention Frequency (MF), Use Value Index (UVI), Relative Popularity Level (RPL), Accuracy Level Index (ALI) and Diversity Value of each Animal Index (DVAI). Findings: N. granatensis and D. punctata was the spe- cies with higher numbers of ethnozoological categories associated (7/10), but C. paca and H. isthmius presented higher values of MF (627 and 349), UVI (1 and 0.56) and RPL (0.98 and 0.55). On the other hand, data about species included in categories of aphrodisiac, amulet, craftwork, commerce, consumption, pet, ornamental, problematic and breeding are contributed; also, ethnomedical notes that emphasize the use of several parts are presented for C. -
Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross -
2020 Highlights and Director of CAFEMIN, a Shelter for Immigrants Locat- Colombia Ed in Mexico City, She Joined Our Event from Mexico
Building Bridges - Connecting Communities So much of what we have been through this past year and the things we have accomplished were captured in the words of our guest speaker at this year's Annual Gather- ing, Sister María Magdalena Silva Rentería. The founder 2020 Highlights and Director of CAFEMIN, a shelter for immigrants locat- Colombia ed in Mexico City, she joined our event from Mexico. We McGovern-Pocan “Dear Colleague” letter to Sec. of turned the challenge of State Pompeo: As part of our participation in the na- COVID, which limited our tional Colombia Steering Committee, CRLN staff and face-to-face interactions, into members convinced 9 U.S. Representatives from Illinois the advantage of a virtual to sign onto this letter, 1/10 of the national total of 94 gathering, making it easier to Congressional signatures! The letter called on Pompeo to have our friends from abroad urge the Duque Admin- join us. Sr. María Magdalena istration to recommit to shared with us her stories of implementing the historic providing shelter and sup- 2016 peace accords; to port for immigrants, as well as her analysis of the issues protect Colombia’s endan- underlying the crisis of migration and action suggestions gered human rights de- for how we can respond in this critical moment. Her ex- fenders; to dismantle the periences were very relevant to our sanctuary efforts, our paramilitary successor net- work with migrants’ rights and our solidarity work with works; and to hold ac- communities in Central America and beyond. countable Colombian Ar- my intelligence units who If you missed our Annual Gathering, you can planned and carried out watch it on YouTube in English at surveillance on 130 jour- https://bit.ly/2020CRLNEnglish or in nalists, political leaders, judges, human rights defenders, Spanish at https://bit.ly/CRLN2020Spanish and military whistleblowers with U.S.-provided equip- ment. -
Women, Conflict- Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Ben Keenan/Trocaire Contents
Colombia: Women, Conflict- Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Ben Keenan/Trocaire Contents Executive Summary 1 Recommendations 3 1.0 Background to the Conflict 5 1.1 The Prospect of Peace 1.2 Land and displacement 1.3 Poverty and inequality 2.0 Conflict Related Sexual Violence 7 2.1 Afro-Colombian and Indigenous Women 2.2 Children, sexual violence and the conflict 2.3 Sexual violence and economic interests 3.0 Modus Operandi of Sexual Violence in Conflict 10 3.1 Sexual and gender violence used for social control 3.2 Sexual violence and sexual slavery 3.3 Sexual violence within armed operations 3.4 Sexual violence and the Security Forces 4.0 Access to Justice and Reparation 13 4.1 Social stigmatisation 4.2 Patriarchal attitudes and re-victimisation in the administration of justice 4.3 Impunity and the Rule of Law 4.4 Policies and laws 4.5 Gender Equality Law 1257 4.6 Constitutional Court Auto 092 of 2008 4.7 Investigation and prosecution 4.8 The Victims and Land Restitution Law 1448 4.9 Health and psycho-social support 4.10 Marco Para La Paz (Legal Framework for Peace) 5.0 Women and the Construction of Peace 21 5.1 Women defenders and community leaders 5.2 Women as peace builders 5.3 International instruments 1 Colombia: Women, Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and the Peace Process Executive Summary The magnitude of conflict-related sexual violence against women in Colombia is yet to be fully understood. It is a crime that is massively underreported. Where it is reported women encounter major obstacles to accessing the justice system including extremely high levels of impunity. -
Colombia's Peace Process Through 2016
Colombia’s Peace Process Through 2016 (name redacted) Analyst in Latin American Affairs December 31, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R42982 Colombia’s Peace Process Through 2016 Summary In August 2012, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos announced that the government was engaged in exploratory peace talks with the violent leftist insurgent group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in a bid to resolve a nearly 50-year internal armed conflict. The secret, initial dialogue between the Santos government and the FARC’s leadership led to the opening of formal peace talks with the FARC—the oldest, largest, and best-financed guerrilla organization in Latin America. Formal talks began in Oslo, Norway, in October 2012 and then, as planned, moved to Havana, Cuba, where they continued for more than 50 rounds. Despite more than three years of negotiations, the leader of the FARC, Rodrigo Londoño, alias “Timochenko,” had not met publicly with President Santos. In September 2015, the two leaders shook hands in a televised meeting and announced that the negotiating parties would reach a final accord no later than March 23, 2016. However, that deadline, as many others before it, went unmet. By the end of 2015, the most difficult issue in the peace talks’ agenda, outlined in a framework agreement, was resolved. Government and FARC negotiators reached a partial agreement on victims of the conflict, providing a comprehensive system for reparations, justice, truth and guarantees for non-repetition and outlining a transitional justice system. In late January 2016, the United Nations (U.N.) Security Council adopted Resolution 2261, stating that a U.N. -
DRAFT Jilamito Sign-On Letter
April 5, 2021 Secretary Janet Yellen Secretary of the Treasury U.S. Governor, IDB Invest Board Member, U.S. Development Finance Corporation Dear Secretary Yellen, We, the undersigned organizations, write to you to express our serious concern that in December 2020, IDB Invest, a member of the Inter-American Development Bank Group, approved a $20.25 million loan for the Jilamito Hydroelectric Project in Honduras.1 Additionally, the U.S. Development Finance Corporation (DFC) has indicated it will finance the project.2 Sustained opposition to the project by affected communities is well-documented as are egregious acts of violence and intimidation that those who oppose the project have been subjected to. Furthermore, the Broad Movement for Dignity and Justice (MADJ for its Spanish acronym), a well-respected Honduran civil society organization that local residents affected by the project belong to,3 has presented serious complaints to the Honduran authorities alleging corruption and other irregularities related to the project. Investigation of these complaints are still pending. We urge you, in your new position as Secretary of the Treasury, to review this project and immediately halt its financing by IDB Invest and DFC. In Honduras, corruption is widespread, as is impunity for those in power. As a result the judicial system does not protect the rights of communities impacted by business interests nor uphold rule of law or environmental standards.4 To the contrary, it plays a direct role in criminalizing 1https://www.IDBinvest.org/en/news-media/IDB-invest-supports-construction-jilamito-hydroelectric-project- honduras 2 https://www.dfc.gov/media/press-releases/dfc-aims-finance-1-billion-private-sector-investment-honduras 3 The Movimiento Amplio por la Dignidad y Justicia (MADJ) is a civil society organization made up of rural, urban, and Indigenous communities and members that opposes corruption and impunity and defends natural resources, human rights, dignity, and justice. -
Elite Bargains and Political Deals Project: Colombia Case Study
Elite Bargains and Political Deals Project: Colombia Case Study Roddy Brett Stabilisation Unit February 2018 This report has been produced by an independent expert. The views contained within do not necessarily reflect UK government policy. Author details The author is Senior Lecturer/Associate Professor with the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews, and the Director of the Masters Programme in Peace and Conflict Studies and Acting Director of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies. He has acted as Advisor to the United Nations Development Programme in both Colombia and Guatemala, to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Guatemala and as Advisor on Indigenous Affairs to the Norwegian Embassy in Guatemala. Background to Elite Bargains and Political Deals Project This case study is one of a series commissioned to support the Stabilisation Unit’s (SU’s) development of an evidence base relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project explores how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. Drawing on the case studies, the SU has developed a series of summary papers that bring together the project’s key findings and will underpin the revision of the existing ‘UK Approach to Stabilisation’ (2014) paper. The project also contributes to the SU’s growing engagement and expertise in this area and provides a comprehensive analytical resource for those inside and outside government. -
Colombia's New Armed Groups
COLOMBIA’S NEW ARMED GROUPS Latin America Report N°20 – 10 May 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. MORE THAN CRIMINAL GANGS?.......................................................................... 2 A. THE AUC AS PREDECESSOR ..................................................................................................3 B. THE NEW ILLEGAL ARMED GROUPS ......................................................................................6 III. CASE STUDIES.............................................................................................................. 8 A. NORTE DE SANTANDER .........................................................................................................8 1. AUC history in the region..........................................................................................8 2. Presence of new illegal armed groups and criminal organisations ..............................8 3. Conflict dynamics....................................................................................................10 4. Conclusion ...............................................................................................................11 B. NARIÑO ..............................................................................................................................11 1. AUC history in the region........................................................................................11