DOCSLIB.ORG

HB-No53-Serbia and Croatia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
HB-No53-Serbia and Croatia HELSINKIBulletin Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Rige od Fere str. # 20 , 11000 Belgrade, Serbia tel./fax +381 11 30 32 408; e-mail: [email protected] ; www.helsinki.org.rs No 53 ● January 2010 Serbia and Croatia: Past Still in the Way Almost two decades after the end of Above all, the two countries share the war and fourteen years after the responsibility for Bosnia-Herzegovina. establishment of diplomatic relations, Unlike official Zagreb that clearly Serbia and Croatia still move from one distances itself from any paternalism crisis to another – each reviving over Bosnian Croats, official Belgrade traditional and carefully cherished openly supports Republika Srpska as an mutual animosities. Belgrade is autonomous and statelike entity. Serb responsible for such oscillations in the strategists maintain status quo as they first place: not only when it comes to expect territorial aspirations – on the Croatia but also for the entire region. account of which the war in 1990s was Official Belgrade recognizes regional wagged in the first place – to come true realities with leaden step unwilling to sometime in future. acknowledge “new” borders. Serbia specifically reproaches Croatia for recognizing Kosovo and establishing diplomatic relations with Prishtina at ambassadorial level. According to some analysts, recognition of Kosovo’s independence placed Belgrade-Zagreb relations at the lowest point ever since 1996 when the two established diplomatic relations. Belgrade’s officials and the media were The predominant political and most angered at the fact that Croatia was intellectual elites in Serbia are not the only ex-Yugoslav republic (and the ready yet to distance themselves from only neighboring country besides the legacy of Milosevic’s era and Bulgaria) to advocate Kosovo’s right to Milosevic’s warring policies. This independence before the International hampers objective analysis of the Court of Justice. chronology and context of the By applying for EU candidacy in developments of 1990s on the one December 2009, Serbia officially joined hand, and generates the club with Croatia that had reached a misunderstanding and tensions political consensus on its European weighting Belgrade-Zagreb relations future much earlier and is now on the other. Many burning problems practically at the threshold of Brussels. (the borderline issue, return of EU rules of conduct in bilateral relations refugees, property rights, etc.) are – Zagreb is duty-bound to obey for some being shelved therefore. time and Belgrade by its application for Serbia’s and Croatia’s position candidacy – will considerably determine in the region and their responsibility the dynamics of this regionally crucial for regional stability make their relation. Such a new frame opens up mutual relations even more complex. 1 prospects for the entire region. Despi- charge at the time Serbia had a different te the fact that each of the two coun- policy…Things have changed in the tries aspires to regional leadership, meantime and the charge serves its new circumstances may invest their original purpose no more.” 1 rivalry with a new, positive dimension. What may lead to such a conclusion? Both sides were by far more reserved than expected when commenting the latest developments dealing with Croatia’s charge against Serbia and Serbia’s counter-charge. Serbia’s Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic described them as “a pure symmetry.” Ivo Josipovic It was on December 31, 2009 that Serbia filed a counter-charge against Indicatively, legal experts and Croatia for genocide of Serbs before analysts from both countries warn that the International Court of Justice in the outcome of proceedings before the The Hague. highest international court will not satisfy either side. Most of them take A chance paradox that ICJ judges will hardly qualify destruction and crimes Serb forces In 1999 Croatia filed a charge against (under the auspices of YPA) committed in Serbia (FRY at the time) for aggression Croatia in 1991 or the crimes by and genocide before the International Croatian forces during liberation of the Court of Justice. As the ICJ had to country in 1995 as genocide. decide first whether or not it was The argumentation and the authorized to rule in the case, the rhetoric of Serbia’s counter-charge rather charge has been shelved for years. associates it with the atmosphere in the When in 2008 the ICJ affirmed its eve of 1990s wars and the policy of competence the atmosphere in both Milosevic’s regime. Commenting this countries became heated. Serbia resemblance and Vojislav Kostunica’s immediately announced a counter- application for FRY’s membership of UN charge that had been prepared for in 2000, professor of international law over a year. Vojin Dimitrijevic says the act itself Serbia’s media and officials should have manifested “discontinuity differently reacted to the announced with Slobodan Milosevic.” “Now we are counter-charge. President Boris Tadic defending everything he has done. So, was reserved when commenting the why did we oust him in the first place?” breaking news that the counter- says Dimitrijevic. 2 charge was ready and waiting to be sent, the media run in late December Reactions by politicians 2009. He said the counter-charge and public figures “should wait for a while” before being sent to The Hague. However, only a Unlike rightist-nationalistic parties, couple of days later (on December 31, advocates for EU course in Serbia and 2009) Tadic said that after consulting Croatia alike take that the ICJ is not the Premier Mirko Cvetkovic he decided to right place for settling mutual disputes. have the counter-charge forwarded to Leader of the Liberal Democratic Party the ICJ. /LDP/ Cedomir Jovanovic says that the For his part, the then Serbian government’s policy towards presidential candidate, Ivo Josipovic, most countries in the region is still also gave two mutually contradictory wrong and harms the relations with statements in the period of couple of those with which Serbia should days only. Josipovic first underlined cooperate best. Serbia should lead a wise he was among co-authors of the foreign policy, the one that “responds not Croatian charge and claimed its withdrawal was out of the question. However, when commenting Serbia’s counter-charge for Belgrade-seated 1 Kurir, Janury 5, 2010. media, he said, “Croatia filed its 2 Politika, January 5, 2010. 2 to a mistake by making another criticizing Serbia’s counter-charge. He mistake,” says Jovanovic. 3 pleaded against the use of the counter- Damir Kajin, vice-president of charge for “inciting anti-Croatian the Istrian Democratic Alliance, respo- sentiments in Serbia.” 9 nds in about the same way. In Croa- tia, nobody can deny that Croatia was Croatia’s Serbs a victim of aggression the same as no- Every growing tension between Belgrade body can hush up the crimes commit- and Zagreb disadvantages the Serb ted by the Croatian side, says Kajin, community in Croatia. Their leaders adding, “Instead of preoccupying our- constantly warn about this fact and selves and others with charges we appeal to both sides to think rationally should better try to solve the problems and try to solve problems without of return, war crimes, reconstruction resentment and strong emotions. This 4 of states, etc.” refers to the present charge and counter- However, “right-wing” charge too. We must do our best to make oppositionists hold the counter-charge the odds for withdrawal of the changes not only justified but, moreover, late – realistic, said Milorad Pupovac. “It’s time i.e. Serbia should have filed a charge to sober up and open a new chapter of against Croatia first. This is the relations through dialogue on crucial opinion voiced by the vice-president of issues. Withdrawal of all charges could the Serb Progressive Party, Aleksandar provide a foundation for an agreement 5 Vucic and strongly shared by leading both Croatia and Serbia towards Milosevic’s ex-foreign minister, EU,” he said. 10 Vladislav Jovanovic. According to Vojislav Stanimirovic of Pupovac’s Jovanovic, the counter-charge should party shows more understanding for have been filed ten years ago. “We Serbia’s motion because Croatia’s Serbs’ should have spoken the same lobbying for withdrawal of the charge by language they used while speaking to Zagreb was in vain. For him, the us, the more so since they are heavily counter-charge is “the only way to prove burdened by historical experience we what really happened.” 11 don’t have: a real genocide of Serbs in Refugee associations in Serbia 6 WWII.,” says Jovanovic. persistent in their grudge against Croatia Djordje Vukadinovic, chief editor are the loudest in their support to of the New Serb Political Thought, Serbia’s government counter-charge. complains that no one seems happy These are the same organizations that with Serbia’s counter-charge: neither come handy to official Belgrade whenever the opposition nor leaders of Serbs in it needs to raise tensions with Croatia. Croatia, whereas “some from the regime seem ashamed at having to What is the point of counter-charge? deal with these ‘remnants of the past.’” For Vukadinovic, filing of the Apart from being “a pure symmetry,” counter-charge is welcome no matter Belgrade’s counter-charge is meant to how late. He adds, however, “No force Croatia to give up its charge. The charge whatsoever will be of any avail pressure on Croatia from Belgrade has to us unless Serbia changes its been behind the scenes for long but filing attitude towards national interests of the counter-charge practically revealed and state issues.” 7 this endeavor. According to a news story For Croatian politicologist Zarko run in the Blic daily, Belgrade dispatched Puhovski, motives behind the change “a truck loaded with documents and and the counter-charge are political evidence” to the ICJ – a piece of rather than legal.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration
    WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration by Dr. Timothy L. Sanz Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared originally in Military Review December 1991 Pages 36-45 August, a crisis in the Balkans, and a revolutionary upheaval in part of Europe--these words raise the hair on the back of the neck. Just a bit less than eighty years ago, Europe inaugurated this century of total war, thanks to the inability of its monarchs, statesmen, and generals to deal with a Balkan Crisis, the latest manifestation of what diplomats then called the "accursed Eastern Question." In the wake of that failure of statecraft, million-man armies marched into battle from one end of the continent to the other. Looking back on the long interval of peace which Europe has enjoyed since the end of the Second World War, the present crisis confirms the reality of a profound shift in the European security system and raises the question of whether the emerging security system in Europe will be able to deal with new Balkan crises. For several decades, while the military might of two ideologically-hostile blocs stood poised for action in Central Europe, a hypothetical internal crisis in Yugoslavia was often seen as an element in a scenario for bringing about a NATO-WTO military confrontation.
    [Show full text]
  • CEAS New Report What a Difference a Year Makes
    WHAT A DIFFERENCE A YEAR MAKES Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 draft versions of the National Security and Defense Strategies Belgrade | September 2019 This study has been published with the partial support of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Views and opinions expressed in this publication do not represent views and opinions of NED. CONTENTS Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................... 5 Short political background and the context analysis in which new strategic documents of the Republic of Serbia are adopted by the government – breakdown of key political events ...................................................................................................................................................................... 9 Serbia and the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) .............................................. 15 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Security Strategy ................................................................................................................ 17 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Defense Strategy ................................................................................................................. 21 Conclusions and recommendations ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The “International Community” and Territories with Altered Sovereignty*
    THE “INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY” AND TERRITORIES WITH ALTERED SOVEREIGNTY* Višeslav Simić El Tecnológico de Monterrey, México DOI: 10.5937/vojdelo1506118S From Kosovo to Syria s the so-called Kosovo "war"1 is being used by the United States of America as a A blueprint2 for how the euphemistically3 called "international community"4 should militarily resolve the crisis in Syria without a mandate from the U.N. (in spite of the U.S. persistently insisting that it was a sui generis case), it is becoming increasingly more important not only to finally independently study the "mob or sole assailant"5 aspect of the contemporary U.S. international approach but, even more, to dedicate particular at- tention to the post- and extra-combat involvement (or the lack of it) of the "international community" in the management6 of the territories and the people "liberated"7 by it. * 2do Seminario Internacional "Análisis e incidencia de las políticas públicas" – EGAP – Tecnológico de Mon- terrey – 25 y 26 de Septiembre 2013 – México 1 Strictly legally speaking, no war was declared by the aggressors (the U.S. called it "hostilities" and "military opera- tions in Kosovo"). The government of the attacked sovereign founding member of the U.N. didn't denounce the ag- gression as war (only after the November 2012 Strasbourg Court ruling that "war veterans" must be paid for the time served in the "war of 1999" did Serbia implicitly recognize NATO aggression as a war). The U.N. itself kept silent about the grossest violation of its Charter since its founding (the silence forced upon the U.N.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W
    Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, senior editor Gary B. Cohen, editor Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies A Scholars’ Initiative Edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert United States Institute of Peace Press Washington, D.C. D Purdue University Press West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2009 by Purdue University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Second revision, May 2010. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative / edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-55753-533-7 1. Yugoslavia--History--1992-2003. 2. Former Yugoslav republics--History. 3. Yugoslavia--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 4. Former Yugoslav republics--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 5. Ethnic conflict-- Yugoslavia--History--20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict--Former Yugoslav republics--History--20th century. 7. Yugoslav War, 1991-1995. 8. Kosovo War, 1998-1999. 9. Kosovo (Republic)--History--1980-2008. I. Ingrao, Charles W. II. Emmert, Thomas Allan, 1945- DR1316.C66 2009 949.703--dc22 2008050130 Contents Introduction Charles Ingrao 1 1. The Dissolution of Yugoslavia Andrew Wachtel and Christopher Bennett 12 2. Kosovo under Autonomy, 1974–1990 Momčilo Pavlović 48 3. Independence and the Fate of Minorities, 1991–1992 Gale Stokes 82 4. Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995 Marie-Janine Calic 114 5. The International Community and the FRY/Belligerents, 1989–1997 Matjaž Klemenčič 152 6. Safe Areas Charles Ingrao 200 7. The War in Croatia, 1991–1995 Mile Bjelajac and Ozren Žunec 230 8. Kosovo under the Milošević Regime Dusan Janjić, with Anna Lalaj and Besnik Pula 272 9.
    [Show full text]
  • EU Strategic Communications with a View to Counteracting Propaganda
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EU strategic communications With a view to counteracting propaganda ABSTRACT Emanating from Russia in the east and the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in the south, the EU has been increasingly hit by destabilising messages amounting – in different forms and to different degrees – to coherent hostile ‘strategic communications’ campaigns, or the processes of infusing communications activities with an agenda or plan to impact the behaviour of a target audience. Both Russia and ISIL have engaged in aggressive messaging and deceptive media campaigns, albeit with distinct narratives, targets and audiences. This paper analyses the ‘what’ and the ‘how’: the respective narratives of each actor, their specificities, their similarities and their differences. The analysis also draws attention to strategic communications efforts undertaken by the EU, which are vectored into defensive (react and respond) and offensive (probe and push) dimensions. This understanding of the present context finally allows for an evaluation of what actions can be taken to enhance the effectiveness of the EU’s own strategic communications. EP/EXPO/B/FWC/AFET/2015-01/02 EN May 2016 - PE 578.008 © European Union, 2016 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 19 May 2016. Printed in Belgium. Author: European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), France. Official Responsible: Jérôme LEGRAND. Editorial Assistant: Ifigeneia ZAMPA. Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Southeastern Europe at a Glance
    ISSN: 2654-0304 1 ΜΑΥ 06 - 12, 2019 – VOL. 2 - ISSUE 29 SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AT A GLANCE SOUTHEAST EUROPE DIRECTORATE PROVIDING KNOWLEDGE TO THOSE WHO SHAPE THE FUTURE “SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE AT A GLANCE” (ISSN: 2654-0304) is a weekly review of the most significant current political, economic, energy, defense, and security news of Southeastern Europe. It covers 14 countries; Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Greece, Kosovo, Moldova, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Slovenia, and Turkey. However Greece enjoys its own weekly review for a more detailed presentation of its current affairs (GREECE AT A GLANCE). This ambitious newsletter aspires to become an informative “tool” for anyone who is interested in the region and wishes to have knowledge of the non-stop current developments and challenges. “HERMES” Institute is not a news agency and it is not one of its ambitions to become one but it is strongly believed that today’s events provide the necessary material to understand the future and to analyze situations that may affect in peace, stability, and growth of the region. “HERMES” I.I.A.S.GE “HERMES” Institute of International Affairs, Security & Geoeconomy (“HERMES” I.I.A.S.GE) is an independent, non – governmental, non – profit organization, consisting of scholars dedicated in the research and analysis of international affairs in regional and global level. The Institute aims at providing objective, scientific, and reliable research analysis through a variety of studies contributing effectively and constructively in the public dialogue and the evolution of scientific knowledge. Copyright © 2019 “HERMES” Institute for Foreign Affairs, Security & Geoeconomy All rights reserved ISSN: 2654-0304 1 compromises.
    [Show full text]
  • CEU Political Science Journal
    Vol. 8, No. 3 September 2013 CEU Political Science Journal Department of Political Science Central European University CEU Political Science Journal Department of Political Science Central European University, Budapest September 2013 Advisory Board S.M. Amadae, Ohio State University Gabriela Borz, University of Aberdeen Andras Bozoki, CEU Budapest Anil Duman, CEU Budapest Carol Harrington, Victoria University of Wellington Karen Henderson, University of Leicester Herbert Kitschelt, Duke University Levente Littvay, CEU Budapest Cristian Pirvulescu, SNSPA Bucharest Phillippe C. Schmitter, EUI Florence Carsten Q. Schneider, CEU Budapest Jan Zielonka, University of Oxford Editors Sergiu Gherghina, Goethe University Frankfurt Arpad Todor, European University Institute, Florence Editorial Board Dorothee Bohle, CEU Budapest Mihail Chiru, CEU Budapest Zsolt Enyedi, CEU Budapest Rebecca J. Hannagan, Northern Illinois University Dylan Kissane, CEFAM Lyon Robert Sata, CEU Budapest Daniela Sirinic, University of Zagreb Jan Smolenski, New School for Social Research Maria Spirova, Leiden University Andreas Umland, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Editorial Assistants Ela Genc, CEU Budapest Theresa Gessler, CEU Budapest ISSN: 1818-7668 CONTENTS ARTICLES Daniel Agbiboa One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Political Culture of Corruption and Cleanups in Nigeria 273 Niels Smeets, Johan Adriaensen, and Yf Reykers Learning to Talk the Talk: Re-Appraising the External Perspective in the EU’s Foreign Policy 296 Olga Sholderer The Drivers of Police Reform: The Cases of Georgia and Armenia 323 Esref Kenan Rasidagic Involved by Default: External Actors and Foreign Policy of the Western Balkan States 348 BOOK REVIEWS Pippa Norris, Making Democratic Governance Work: How Regimes Shape Prosperity, Welfare, and Peace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012) Reviewed by: Victoria Makulilo 369 Sandipani Dash, Sudan’s Oil Diplomacy, 1991-2003 (New Delhi: Manak Publications Pvt.
    [Show full text]
  • Eyes Wide Shut; Strengthening of Russian Soft Power in Serbia
    EYES WIDE SHUT STRENGTHENING OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA: GOALS, INSTRUMENTS, AND EFFECTS STUDY OF THE CENTER FOR EURO–ATLANTIC STUDIES MAY 2016 The study was created within the project “Reform of the security sector in Serbia and Integration”, which was supported by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund CONTENT 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................. 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................................... 16 2. INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGICAL REMARKS ............................................................... 20 2.1. VERY BRIEFLY THE CONCEPT OF SOFT POWER AND ITS LIBERAL UNDERSTANDING......... 23 2.2. RUSSIAN UNDERSTANDING OF SOFT POWER .................................................................... 24 3. CURRENT OBJECTIVES OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA AND THE CONTEXT IN WHICH THEY ARE REALIZED....................................................................................................................... 28 3.1. THE MAIN METHODS OF OPERATION OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA .................... 35 3.1.1. RUSSIAN POLICY OF COMPATRIOTS ............................................................................ 36 3.1.2. RUSSIAN COMPATRIOT ORGANIZATIONS IN SERBIA .................................................. 38 3.1.3. A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK OF THE PROTECTION OF MINORITY RIGHTS IN SERBIA ................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Here to Help Them Navigate These Murky Waters, to Provide Them with Context, Localization and Interpretation of Facts?
    The Civil Society Facility, Media Freedom and Accountability Programme, EuropeAid/134613/C/ACT/MULTI A World The Size Of A Saucer - International news reporting in SEE countries This project is funded by A project implemented by The European Union The Center for Independent Journalism South-East European Partnership for Media Development SEE Partnership for Media Development is implemented by a consortium of media organizations from Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania. Media professionals from Kosovo and Turkey will also be involved. The Project is co-financed by the European Commission, the Civil Society Facility, Media Freedom and Accountability Programme, Europe Aid/134613/C/ACT/MULTI The SEENPM members that are part of the project: Albanian Media Institute (Albania), Mediacenter for Media and Civil Society Development (BiH), Media Initiatives – Association for Media Development and Promotion of Professional Journalism (BiH), Macedonian Institute for Media (Macedonia), Montenegro Media Institute (Montenegro), Media Center (Serbia), Media and Reform Centre Nis (Serbia), Media Development Center (Bulgaria). Disclaimer: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents are the sole responsibility of the Center for Independent Journalism and its partners and it can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the EU. A project implemented This project is funded The European Commission is the EU’s executive body. By the Center for Independent by the European Union Journalism “The European Union is made up of 28 Member States who have decided to gradually link Delegation of together their know-how, resources and destinies.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report on Human Rights : Serbia in 2009 – Europeanization
    HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA annual report on human rights : serbia in 2009 europeanization – accomplishments and limitations and – accomplishments europeanization a nnual europeanization – r accomplishments eport on and limitations h uman r ights : ights s erbia in in erbia 2009 iizvestaj2009-eng-monta.inddzvestaj2009-eng-monta.indd 1 228/06/20108/06/2010 220:46:010:46:01 PProcessrocess CyaannPProcessrocess MMaageentantaPProcessrocess YYellowellowPProcessrocess BBlacklack jjjp j7g HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA Annual Report on Human Rights : Serbia in 2009 Europeanization – Accomplishments and Limitations BELGRADE, 2010 HOLJP, “godišnji izveštaj za 2009– ENGLESKI” strana 1 Annual Report on Human Rights : Serbia in 2009 EUROPEANIZATION – ACCOMPLISHMENTS AND LIMITATIONS publisher Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia for the publisher Sonja Biserko translation Dragan Novaković Veronika Bauer Vera i Mira Gligorijević Spomenka Grujičić layout and design Ivan Hrašovec title page illustration Maurits Cornelis Escher, Ascending and Descending, 1960 printed by Zagorac, Belgrade This edition was published with the support of Civil rights defenders ISBN 978-86-7208-167-1 COBISS.SR-ID 176051212 CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd 061.2”2009”; 316.4(497.11)”2009”; 323(497.11)”2009” EUROPEANIZATION - Accomplishments and Limitations : Annual Report on Human Rights : Serbia in 2009 / [prepared by] Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia ; [translation Dragan Novaković ... et al.]. - Belgrade : Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2010 (Belgrade : Zagorac). - 601 str. ; 23 cmIzv. stv. nasl.: Između realnosti i evropskih integracija. - Tiraž 500. - Napomene i bibliografske reference uz tekst. 1. Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji (Beograd) a) Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji (Beograd) - 2009 b) Srbija - Društvene prilike - 2009 c) Srbija - Političke prilike - 2009 HOLJP, “godišnji izveštaj za 2009 – ENGLESKI” strana 2 jjjp j7g 3 Contents Conclusions and Recommendations .
    [Show full text]
  • Tito, Yugoslavia, and Communism: Historical Revisionism of the Second World War and Its Competing Memories
    Tito, Yugoslavia, and Communism: Historical Revisionism of the Second World War and its Competing Memories A thesis submitted by Damir Vucicevic In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History TUFTS UNIVERSITY May 2017 Advisor: Peter Winn i ABSTRACT The Second World War had a traumatizing effect on Yugoslavia and its people. In addition to being partitioned by Italy, Germany, and other foreign powers, Yugoslavia also experienced a bloody, fratricidal war. In the aftermath of the Second World War, the communist Partisans of Yugoslavia, who were victorious against the Nazi occupying powers, attempted to heal the country’s wounds by preaching brotherhood and unity amongst the different nationalities. However, for some, the period after WWII and before the break up of the country in 1990s, was nothing but an illusive compromise. By the 1990s, competing claims of victimhood resurfaced, fostered by anti-communist, neo-fascist political elites who advocated for Yugoslavia’s disintegration. Since then, history books have been revised, socialist-era narratives have been challenged, and sites of memory relating to Tito and Yugoslavia have been destroyed, all which has resulted in dissonant collective memories. This thesis assesses how memories of WWII contributed to the violence of the 1990s and discusses the role of new ruling elites in creating myths of victimhood in order to justify their own power, as well as armed conflict, ethnic cleansing, and political polarization. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my gratitude to the people who have supported me in my writing journey. First, I would like to thank Professor Peter Winn, who inspired me to write this thesis.
    [Show full text]