The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included. NDU Press would appreciate a courtesy copy of reprints or reviews. First printing, March 2014 For current publications of the Institute for National Strategic Studies, please visit the NDU Press Web site at: www.ndu.edu/press/index.html. Contents Executive Summary ..............................................1 Training and Equipping the Bosnian Federation Army: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power ..................... 3 Context and Rationale ............................................3 The Origin, Purpose, and Resistance ...............................11 Train and Equip Team Performance, 1995–1997 .....................17 Overcoming Problems: 1995–1997 ................................38 Program Transition: 1998 to the Present ...........................50 Analysis of Variables Explaining Performance ......................56 Organizational-Level Variables ...................................58 Team-Level Variables ............................................70 Individual-Level Variables .......................................85 Performance Assessment .........................................99 Conclusion ...................................................118 Notes ........................................................121 About the Authors .............................................155 v The Bosnian Train and Equip Program Executive Summary Military assistance to Bosnian forces was part of a complex plan to resolve what one for- mer Secretary of State called “the problem from hell.” When Yugoslavia began to disintegrate in the early 1990s following the Soviet Union’s demise, it released a mix of nationalist and ethnic movements that led to civil war. Ill-disciplined combinations of regular and irregular forces struggled to control territory and protect civilians, sometimes herding them toward ethnically homogenous enclaves in a process widely referred to as “ethnic cleansing.” The intentional dis- placement of civilian populations, often encouraged by atrocities including mass murder and rape, was a tragic and complex foreign policy problem that defied simple and easy solutions. The program to train and equip the Bosnian Federation Army after the signing of the Dayton peace agreement in 1995 was a key element of the U.S. strategy to bring a stable peace to Bosnia. Highly controversial at the time but obscure today, this program was implemented by a small interagency task force widely referred to as the “Train and Equip Program.” The small task force achieved all of its operational goals. It forged a rough military parity between previously warring parties, rid Bosnia of foreign extremists, and strengthened Bosnian Federation institu- tions and their pro-Western orientation. The program was simultaneously criticized for being too small and too much, which underscores how contentious it was and the inherent difficulties in assessing any military balance. The fact that the weight of the criticism shifted from the first half of 1996 when the program was more often criticized as anemic to the spring of 1997 when it was commonly criticized as being too robust underscored how fast the program made progress once it got going. In less than 2 years the task force rectified the military imbalance between Bosnian Serb and Federation forces using only about half of the total resources originally estimated to be necessary. The program reassured the Federation, eliminated any misconceptions the Serbs might have had about the merits of renewing hostilities, and inclined all the former warring parties to treat one another as equals. Contrary to the concerns of the Central Intelligence Agency and other observers, the program did not embolden the Federation to initiate hos- tilities. Federation military leaders came to realize Train and Equip was not going to provide them with major advantages over the Bosnian Serbs. Both objectively in terms of actual mili- tary capability and subjectively in terms of perceived relative capabilities, the program did not overshoot its mark as so many worried it would. On the contrary, it diminished the influence of extremists and foreign meddling in Bosnian politics and moved the political mainstream to favor greater integration. 1 Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 In short, the Train and Equip task force stands out as an unusually successful interagency small group effort that was able to accomplish its objectives while overcoming difficult techni- cal, bureaucratic, and political impediments. It did so with a much recommended but seldom exercised multidimensional approach to complex security problems, integrating diplomacy, de- velopment, and defense capabilities. The United States managed the peace process the same way it helped bring the fighting to an end—by using an integrated military and diplomatic approach that stood in stark contrast to the Europeans’ ineffectual, one-dimensional reliance on arms control. The Train and Equip Program accomplished exactly what senior U.S. officials hoped, strengthening U.S. credibility and providing incentives for all parties to secure the peace and move Bosnia toward greater integration with the West. Despite the Train and Equip Task Force’s record of success, the creative techniques it employed, and its high level of accountability, it has never been studied by the government or anyone else for its organizational lessons. Instead, the task force experience has been ig- nored and forgotten for the same reasons the United States quickly abandoned the innova- tive Civil Operations and Revolutionary Development Support organization it fashioned in Vietnam. In both cases, after creating flexible, agile, and productive interagency organizations that could solve complex national security problems, the United States abandoned and forgot the innovative models it fielded rather than institutionalizing them. It would be easier for the United States to meet the demands of the current and emerging security environment if the U.S. national security system had a systematic means to understand and recall what worked well in the past and why. This case study is intended to be a helpful contribution in that regard. It provides an au- thoritative history of the task force’s activities and accomplishments, and then an explanation for its performance based on 10 variables extracted from organization and management litera- ture. Investigating and explaining the interagency group’s performance with these performance variables, and weighing the importance of each in light of the group’s historical experience, yields a compelling explanation for its outstanding performance. The results contribute to a better understanding of interagency teams and also demonstrate why a small, high-performing team can sometimes implement a security assistance program better than the larger national security bureaucracy does through established programs and procedures. 2 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program Training and Equipping the Bosnian Federation Army: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power We do not seek an offensive force [through the Train and Equip Program], but in the future if somebody wants a fight it will be more than fair. This war had an aggressor, and it had a victim. The program [seeks] to ensure that there will be no future victims and no easy prey for partisans of war.1 —Ambassador James Pardew, Jr. Washington’s program to train
Recommended publications
  • Why Susie Sells Seashells by the Seashore: Implicit Egotism and Major Life Decisions
    ATTITUDES AND SOCIAL COGNITION Why Susie Sells Seashells by the Seashore: Implicit Egotism and Major Life Decisions Brett W. Pelham, Matthew C. Mirenberg, and John T. Jones State University of New York at Buffalo Because most people possess positive associations about themselves, most people prefer things that are connected to the self (e.g., the letters in one’s name). The authors refer to such preferences as implicit egotism. Ten studies assessed the role of implicit egotism in 2 major life decisions: where people choose to live and what people choose to do for a living. Studies 1–5 showed that people are disproportionately likely to live in places whose names resemble their own first or last names (e.g., people named Louis are disproportionately likely to live in St. Louis). Study 6 extended this finding to birthday number preferences. People were disproportionately likely to live in cities whose names began with their birthday numbers (e.g., Two Harbors, MN). Studies 7–10 suggested that people disproportionately choose careers whose labels resemble their names (e.g., people named Dennis or Denise are overrepresented among dentists). Implicit egotism appears to influence major life decisions. This idea stands in sharp contrast to many models of rational choice and attests to the importance of understanding implicit beliefs. What role do people’s thoughts and feelings about themselves important role in major life decisions. For example, only a handful play in their important day-to-day decisions and behaviors? Con- of studies have examined whether self-regulation processes influ- temporary research on the self-concept suggests many answers to ence people’s choice of relationship partners.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dayton Accords and the Escalating Tensions in Kosovo
    Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 68 THE DAYTON ACCORDS AND THE ESCALATING TENSIONS IN KOSOVO By Christopher Carson Abstract his paper argues that the Dayton Accords, which ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the primary cause of the outbreak of violence in Kosovo in 1998. While the Accords were regarded as successful in neighboring Bosnia, the agreement failed to mention the Texisting situation in Kosovo, thus perpetuating the ethnic tensions within the region. Following the Dayton Accords, the response by the international community failed to address many concerns of the ethnically Albanian population living in Kosovo, creating a feeling of alienation from the international political scene. Finally, the Dayton Accords indirectly contributed to the collapse of the Albanian government in 1997, creating a shift in the structure of power in the region. This destabilization triggered the outbreak of war between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo the following year. The Dayton Accords 69 I. Introduction For many years, the territory of Kosovo functioned as an autonomous region within the state of Yugoslavia. During that time, Kosovo was the only Albanian-speaking territory within Yugoslavia, having been home to a significant Albanian population since its creation. The region also had a very important meaning for the Serb community, as it was the site of the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, which defined Serbian nationalism when Serbian forces were defeated by the Ottoman Empire. In the 1980s, tensions began to arise between the two communities, initially resulting in protests against the centralized government in Belgrade and arrests of Albanian Kosovars. Under the presidency of Slobodan Milošević, these ethnic tensions intensified both in Kosovo and elsewhere in Yugoslavia.
    [Show full text]
  • History and Development of the Communication Regulatory
    HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNICATION REGULATORY AGENCY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1998 – 2005 A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Adin Sadic March 2006 2 This thesis entitled HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNICATION REGULATORY AGENCY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1998 – 2005 by ADIN SADIC has been approved for the School of Telecommunications and the College of Communication by __________________________________________ Gregory Newton Associate Professor of Telecommunications __________________________________________ Gregory Shepherd Interim Dean, College of Communication 3 SADIC, ADIN. M.A. March 2006. Communication Studies History and Development of the Communication Regulatory Agency in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1998 – 2005 (247 pp.) Director of Thesis: Gregory Newton During the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) over 250,000 people were killed, and countless others were injured and lost loved ones. Almost half of the B&H population was forced from their homes. The ethnic map of the country was changed drastically and overall damage was estimated at US $100 billion. Experts agree that misuse of the media was largely responsible for the events that triggered the war and kept it going despite all attempts at peace. This study examines and follows the efforts of the international community to regulate the broadcast media environment in postwar B&H. One of the greatest challenges for the international community in B&H was the elimination of hate language in the media. There was constant resistance from the local ethnocentric political parties in the establishment of the independent media regulatory body and implementation of new standards.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 ANNEX 6: Bosnia and Herzegovina-Statistical Data
    ANNEX 6: Bosnia and Herzegovina-Statistical data (inventory data relevant for social security) 1. Population, work and social security 1.1. Population, work and social insurance a) total population legally staying in BiH: 4.025.476 work: 638.000 (999.500) - as wage earners: 553.003 - as self-employed: 178.640 - as civil servants: 46.916 - in other capacities: - without declaring they are working (black economy): 362.000 registered with social insurance authorities as being insured against the eventuality of: - old age: 469.206 - survivorship: - sickness: 838 - invalidity - maternity - employement: 621.820 - unemployement : 442.941 - medical care: 95% - family (children): 114.166 registered in the social assistance offices b) number of citizens of BiH: FBiH-389.437 c) number of citizens of BiH staying in BiH d) number of person with the citizenship of a presently existing foreign state legally staying in BiH: cca 50.000; of that- Refugees: Total BiH-22.234 FBiH-3.019 (from Serbia and Montenegro-3.040, from other countries-11) RS (from Republic of Croatia-18.806, from Serbia and Montenegro-32) BD-377 (from Republic of Croatia-377) e) number of persons with citizenship of a state not existiny anymore, legally staying in BiH f) number of persons without the citizenship of any state (stateless persons) g) number of recognised political refugees legally staying in the country: Asylum Seekers: Total BiH-402 FBiH-372 (from Serbia and Montenegro-306, from other countries-96) RS-30 (from Serbia and Montenegro-30) h) number of other categories of people not illegally staying in BiH i) estimated number of persons staying in BiH without legal entitlement to be here 1 1.2.
    [Show full text]
  • The War in Bosnia and Herzegovina Or the Unacceptable Lightness of “Historicism”
    The War in Bosnia and Herzegovina Or the Unacceptable Lightness of “Historicism” Davor Marijan War Museum, Zagreb, Republic of Croatia Abstract The author in this study does not intend to provide a comprehensive account of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in part because the cur- rent level of research does not enable this. The only way to understand this conflict is through facts, not prejudices. However, such prejudices are particularly acute amongst Muslim-Bosniac authors. They base their claims on the notion that Serbs and Croats are the destroyers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that both are equally culpable in its destruction. Relying on mainly unpublished and uncited documents from the three constitutive nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author factually chal- lenges basic and generally accepted claims. The author offers alternative responses to certain claims and draws attention to the complexity of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has been mainly viewed in terms of black or white. The author does, however, suggest that in considering the character of the war it is necessary to examine first the war in Croatia and the inter-relationship between the two. The main focus is on 1992 and the Muslim and Croat differences that developed into open conflict at the beginning of 1993. The role of the international community in the war and the partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina are also discussed. At the end of the 20th century in Europe and the eclipse of Communism from the world political scene, it is not easy to trace the indelible marks left behind after the collapse of Yugoslavia and the wars that ensued.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosnia and Herzegovina Joint Opinion on the Legal
    Strasbourg, Warsaw, 9 December 2019 CDL-AD(2019)026 Opinion No. 951/2019 Or. Engl. ODIHR Opinion Nr.:FoA-BiH/360/2019 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OSCE OFFICE FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA JOINT OPINION ON THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK GOVERNING THE FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, IN ITS TWO ENTITIES AND IN BRČKO DISTRICT Adopted by the Venice Commission at its 121st Plenary Session (Venice, 6-7 December 2019) On the basis of comments by Ms Claire BAZY-MALAURIE (Member, France) Mr Paolo CAROZZA (Member, United States of America) Mr Nicolae ESANU (Substitute member, Moldova) Mr Jean-Claude SCHOLSEM (substitute member, Belgium) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2019)026 - 2 - Table of Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 3 II. Background and Scope of the Opinion ...................................................................... 4 III. International Standards .............................................................................................. 5 IV. Legal context and legislative competence .................................................................. 6 V. Analysis ..................................................................................................................... 8 A. Definitions of public assembly ..................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Opmaak Both/Definitief 02-08-2000 15:13 Pagina 1
    * From Indifference to 19-12-2003 17:26 Pagina 1 NORBERT BOTH NORBERT NORBERT BOTH Fr om Indifference to Entrapment to om Indifference The Yugoslav crisis represents a formidable foreign policy challenge to many Western and Islamic government bureaucracies. From Indifference to Entrapment deals with the question of how the Netherlands faced up to this challenge during the years 1990-1995. It was during this period that the crisis erupted into armed conflict and the single worst war crime in Europe since the end of World War II took place in the ‘safe area’ of Srebrenica. The role of the Netherlands is particularly interesting, as the country held the EC/EU Presidency during the recognition debate in 1991 and supplied the peacekeeping presence in Srebrenica. The questions addressed in this book include: Did early warning work? What role did the Dutch Presidency (July-December 1991) play in the recognition debate? What motiv- ated the Dutch opposition to the Vance-Owen Peace Plan? Why did the Netherlands become From Indifference entrapped, as symbolised through its isolated peacekeeping commitment to Srebrenica? Finally, what can this story tell us about the ability of small and medium powers to in- fluence international affairs? This study is based on interviews with key players, including former Cabinet Minis- ters, and on documents from the Netherlands Ministry to Entrapment of Foreign Affairs, made available under the Dutch ‘freedom of information act’. ISBN 90-5356-453-5 Dr. Norbert Both, formerly a research assistant The Netherlands for David Owen, now works at the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosnia and Herzegovina Page 1 of 7
    Bosnia and Herzegovina Page 1 of 7 Bosnia and Herzegovina International Religious Freedom Report 2008 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the entity Constitutions of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (the Federation) and the Republika Srpska (RS) provide for freedom of religion; the Law on Religious Freedom also provides comprehensive rights to religious communities. These and other laws and policies contributed to the generally free practice of religion. The Government generally respected religious freedom in practice. Government protection of religious freedom improved slightly during the period covered by this report; however, local authorities continued at times to restrict religious freedom of minority religious groups. Societal abuses and discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice persisted. Discrimination against religious minorities occurred in nearly all parts of the country. The number of incidents targeting religious symbols, clerics, and property in the three ethnic majority areas decreased. Local religious leaders and politicians contributed to intolerance and an increase in nationalism through public statements. Religious symbols were often misused for political purposes. A number of illegally constructed religious objects continued to cause tension and conflict in various communities. The U.S. Government discusses religious freedom with the Government and leaders from the four traditional religious communities and emerging religious groups as part of its overall policy to promote human rights and reconciliation. The U.S. Embassy supported religious communities in their efforts to acquire permits to build new religious structures. The Embassy also assisted religious communities regarding restitution of property and supported several exchange, speaking, and cultural programs promoting religious freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • Sb ¡20)0 Conseil De L’Europe ^ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ COE273160 ★ ★ ★★ ★
    io') Council of Europe Sb ¡20)0 Conseil de l’Europe ^ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ COE273160 ★ ★ ★★ ★ Strasbourg, 21 June 1996 Restricted Ì <s:\cdISdoc496)NcdI\54.pdg> CDL (96) 54 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1995 l "Sii :- ''ferfai 'ACCORDANCE' WITH "sEC,n6NS^lI6C(ìi';AND 5023(b)\OF THE * -.' -0 'Ä. FOREIGN' ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961. AS AMENDED ;•;■ > -V -'•■'ir'-• ; • Î.V.Î-. -:-Ад '•-A.- *.V4 '; : * . * * • *Л • \ »...ísV . .... -V? »V...... > r ' i-m ••. - / •* к .. Iя»»- • •- 'c' *•* ■ •' .4..• * •**,: •*» «' - *.< • •• - • *. • ‘,:1. *.i . _ _ ____ . 2. ............ •.»» i• A.* .d-«kis »M4* . •* ,'•» Y^. T-Vr.Î-Æ4/0Âîi^:UvVi?;»^^4"£:^>«^^ -№'i- ' j: • ’^"Rrintea'f for".tiie:.’use ;of fheixCönïmitfcees; òn *Inter2atio¿ál';,'.Re.Iatíona ¿?r »«£:• ‘i^Eouse. of. Reàresèntànves. 'ani:- Foreign ^Relations •• of. the .U.S.; Senaiijire-J^ ,-. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA The Republic of Bosnia ana Herzegovina was formed from one of six constituent republics of the^ former Yugoslavia. Citizens endorsed independence in a 1992 ref­ erendum. President Alija Izetbegovic heads the multiethnic collective presidency of a parliamentary democratic government elected in 1990. Within days'of independ­ ence, Serbian nationalist militias, supported by elements of the former Yugoslav na­ tional army (JNA), launched attacks throughout northern and eastern Bosnia, and Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) leader Radovan Karadzic declared the establish ­ ment of the “Republika Sroska ” or “Serb Republic.” Seventy percent of the Bosnian Republic remained under Serbian occupation until the Bosnian government and Croatian offensives in August. During 4 years of war an estimated 263,000 people were killed, and two-thirds of the country's prewar pop­ ulation of 4 Vi million was uprooted and dispersed as either refugees or displaced persons.
    [Show full text]
  • Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
    Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25.
    [Show full text]
  • Expo: 20 Years
    O - OT T A A N N A R S E • C H I V 20 Years NATO in Bosnia and Herzegovina 14 DECEMBER 1995 The Dayton Peace Agreement (formally The resulting NATO-led Implementation The NATO-led operation known as the General Framework Force (IFOR) was the Alliance’s first major in Bosnia, Operation Joint Signature of the Dayton Peace Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and crisis response operation, providing a Endeavour, was NATO’s Herzegovina) was signed on 14 December multinational peacekeeping force of first-ever ground force Agreement in Paris. 1995 at the Paris Peace Conference to mark 60,000 troops that was deployed on operation and its first-ever Front left: Slobodan Milošević, the cessation of hostilities that tore that 20 December 1995 for a one-year mission deployment “out of area”. Alija Izetbegović, country apart between 1992 and 1995. to provide military support for the civilian Franjo Tuđman. aspects of the Agreement. It was also the largest military Back left: Felipe Gonzalez, Reinforced by United Nations Security operation ever undertaken Bill Clinton, Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1031, the Peace by the Alliance, bringing Jacques Chirac, Helmut Kohl, Agreement outlined a key role for the together NATO and John Major and NATO in overseeing the military framework non-NATO countries in an Viktor Chernomyrdin. needed to establish security in the region. NATO Secretary General Javier Solana (left) and Supreme Allied unprecedented coalition for Commander Europe George Joulwan visit Sarajevo on peace involving 36 states. 11 January 1996 3 An American soldier has an IFOR armband put on his uniform after arriving at Sarajevo airport.
    [Show full text]
  • Tekstovi Iz Ovog Biltena Su Za Internu Upotrebu I Ne Mogu Se Javno
    71000 Sarajevo, BiH, Patriotske lige 30/III (Arhitektonski fakultet) http://www.mp-institut.com/ [email protected] tel/fax:++387 (0)71 206 542, 213 078 ANALYSIS OF THE MEDIA SITUATION IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA IN 1997 Author: Media Plan analytic-research team Chief analyst: Zoran Udovicic Based on: Media Plan documentation Date: December/January 1997/1998 1. Overview of development1 * The conditions in which the media in Bosnia-Herzegovina operate are very dynamic. In the past years, the media situation has radically changed. The first turnabout took place in 1990 when the dissolution of the socialist system began. New papers of a critical orientation were launched and a generation of young, nonconformist journalists developed. Many of them even today make up the nucleus of the liberal and professionally reputable papers. The media ownership transformation also began. The first multi-party elections were held in the fall of 1990. At that time, national homogenization was carried out to a large extent in the entire Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia’s disintegration began. The national parties which won the elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina were trying to obtain positions for themselves in the media. Many media organizations changed their 1 Monitoring Report series I and II (June 1996 – June 1997); Elections 96 – Media Monitoring Report, January 1996; Report on the Media Situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Media Plan / Reporters without Borders, Paris, January 1997; monthly media report of Media Plan, July 1997. patrons – from the hands of the communist authorities they went into the hands of the ruling national parties. In mid-1991, 377 newspapers and other editions were registered in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as 54 local radio stations, four TV stations, one news agency and the state RTV network with three channels.
    [Show full text]