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The Dayton Accords and the Escalating Tensions in Kosovo
Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 68 THE DAYTON ACCORDS AND THE ESCALATING TENSIONS IN KOSOVO By Christopher Carson Abstract his paper argues that the Dayton Accords, which ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the primary cause of the outbreak of violence in Kosovo in 1998. While the Accords were regarded as successful in neighboring Bosnia, the agreement failed to mention the Texisting situation in Kosovo, thus perpetuating the ethnic tensions within the region. Following the Dayton Accords, the response by the international community failed to address many concerns of the ethnically Albanian population living in Kosovo, creating a feeling of alienation from the international political scene. Finally, the Dayton Accords indirectly contributed to the collapse of the Albanian government in 1997, creating a shift in the structure of power in the region. This destabilization triggered the outbreak of war between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo the following year. The Dayton Accords 69 I. Introduction For many years, the territory of Kosovo functioned as an autonomous region within the state of Yugoslavia. During that time, Kosovo was the only Albanian-speaking territory within Yugoslavia, having been home to a significant Albanian population since its creation. The region also had a very important meaning for the Serb community, as it was the site of the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, which defined Serbian nationalism when Serbian forces were defeated by the Ottoman Empire. In the 1980s, tensions began to arise between the two communities, initially resulting in protests against the centralized government in Belgrade and arrests of Albanian Kosovars. Under the presidency of Slobodan Milošević, these ethnic tensions intensified both in Kosovo and elsewhere in Yugoslavia. -
Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25. -
Making Peace in Bosnia Work Elizabeth M
Cornell International Law Journal Volume 30 Article 10 Issue 3 Symposium 1997 Making Peace in Bosnia Work Elizabeth M. Cousens Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Cousens, Elizabeth M. (1997) "Making Peace in Bosnia Work," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 30: Iss. 3, Article 10. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol30/iss3/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Making Peace in Bosnia Work Elizabeth M. Cousens* This symposium asks "what makes peace agreements work" and specifically directs us to explore the degree to which and how "quasi- sovereigns" determine the answer. At a minimum, a peace agreement could be said to "work" when formerly warring parties honor their commitments more than they renege, and when a broader constituency develops within post-war society to support that agreement's basic provisions. Along both dimensions, the peace agreement providing the framework for politics in Bosnia today works haltingly at best.' The explanation for its inadequacies has very little to do with quasi-sovereignty, however. Rather, it has a great deal to do with the decisions and actions of the all-too-sovereign national governments and major international agencies that enjoy a disproportionate influence over the implementation of the peace agreement's key provisions. -
The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Gendering the 1991-95 Bosnian Peace Process: Current Research and Future Directions
Gendering the 1991-95 Bosnian Peace Process: Current Research and Future Directions Working Papers in Gender and Institutional Change, No. 5 December 2016 Laura McLeod University of Manchester [email protected] PublishedAbstract by the ERC funded project: ‘Understanding Institutional Change: A gender perspective’ www.manchester.ac.uk/uicAbstract @UICGENDER Funders Funders This Working Paper is based on research supported by the European Research Council (ERC) who provided financial support under the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013)/ERC grant agreement No. 295576-UIC for the project “Understanding Institutional Change: A Gender Perspective.” Page | 2 Abstract This working paper maps the possibilities for developing a gender perspective of the peace process that took place in BiH between 1991 and 1995. By synthesising the existing literature (which broadly speaking does not have a gender perspective) the working paper identifies where further research and analysis could provide a gendered perspective on the peace process in BiH. This task is a challenging one, not least because it is not an “obvious” case study, given that the oft-repeated narrative in BiH is that women were not involved. The working paper largely proceeds in a chronological order, and is divided into three parts. Part One begins with an overview of the peace processes that took place before the bulk of the diplomatic work on Dayton started. Part Two focuses on the run up to the Dayton negotiations, as well as the negotiations themselves and giving a feminist analysis of the peace agreement (known as the General Framework Agreement). Both Part One and Part Two end with suggestions for more research to develop a gender perspective on the peace negotiation process. -
Trial Judgement Summary for Radovan Karadžić
JUDGEMENT SUMMARY TRIAL CHAMBER United Nations (Exclusively for the use of the media. Not an official document) Nations Unies The Hague, 24 March 2016 Trial Judgement Summary for Radovan Karadžić International Please find below the summary of the Judgement read out today by Judge O-Gon Criminal Tribunal for the former Kwon. Yugoslavia Tribunal Pénal The Accused was a founding member of the SDS and served as its President from July International pour 1990 to July 1996. He was the President of the National Security Council of the Serbian l’ex-Yougoslavie Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and on 12 May 1992, the Accused was elected as the President of the Presidency of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 17 December 1992, he was the sole President of Republika Srpska, and the Supreme Commander of the armed forces of Republika Srpska. The Accused stood trial for 11 Counts; two Counts of genocide, five Counts of crimes against humanity, (namely persecution, murder, extermination, deportation, and forcible transfer), and four Counts of violations of the laws or customs of war (namely murder, acts of violence the primary purpose of which was to spread terror among the civilian population, unlawful attacks on civilians, and the taking of hostages. In the Indictment, the Prosecution alleged that the Accused participated in four joint criminal enterprises (―JCEs‖). The Prosecution alleged the following: From at least October 1991 to 30 November 1995, the Accused participated in a JCE, the objective of which was to permanently -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber: a Successfully Domestic Hybrid Tribunal
31 THE BOSNIAN WAR CRIMES CHAmbER: A SUCCESSFULLY DOMESTIC HYBRID TRIBUNAL Matteo Godi The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber (BWCC), a locally owned tribunal, holds promise to facilitate reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) through the individualization of guilt. The establishment of the BWCC in January 2005 marked a significant step toward establishing rule of law principles in BiH. While Bosnian courts were trying cases immediately after the Dayton Agreement had been signed, international and national concerns arose over the trials’ fairness and effectiveness. The BWCC, an offspring of the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), was aimed at addressing these concerns, but has not been free from criticisms. This paper will challenge two of the main critiques advanced against the BWCC—namely, that of being Serb-biased and that of being counterproductive to reconciliation. While the Chamber’s poor outreach efforts have thus far proven counterproductive in making this process effective, targeting individual wrongdoers rather than ethnic groups can potentially avoid the dangerous generalization of guilt that inexorably fuels ethnic division, which was the cause of the Bosnian war in the first place. INTRODUCTION Ten years after the signing of the Dayton Agreement, following international criminal trials by the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and ineffective domestic prosecutions, the Bosnian War Crimes Chamber (BWCC) was created by a joint effort of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and the ICTY. The BWCC, a hybrid court, was meant to address some of the problems of the domestic judiciary in prosecuting war crimes— among them, its partiality and inability to protect itself from political influence. -
The Vietnam Syndrome and the Conflict in Former Yugoslavia
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1996-12 The Vietnam Syndrome and the conflict in former Yugoslavia. Burdelez, Mislav. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31956 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE VIETNAM SYNDROME AND THE CONFLICT IN FORMER YUGOSLAVIA • by Mislav Burdelez December 1996 Thesis Advisor: Roman Laba Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. ' REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved O:tv!B No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average I hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washingon headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0 188) Washington DC 20503. I. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES blank) December, 1996 COVERED Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS THE VIETNAM SYNDROME AND THE CONFLICT IN FORlv:IER YUGOSLAVIA 6. AUTHOR Mislav Burdelez 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITOR lNG AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLBAENTAR Y NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
AFTER DAYTON: Lessons of the Bosnian Peace Process
AFTER DAYTON: Lessons of the Bosnian Peace Process A Council Symposium COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS AFTER DAYTON: Lessons of the Bosnian Peace Process A Council Symposium Ruth Wedgwood, Editor The Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., a nonprofit, nonpartisan national organization and think tank founded in 1921, is dedicated to promoting understanding of international affairs through free and civil exchange of ideas. The Council's members are dedicated to the belief that America's peace and prosperity are firmly linked to that of the world. From this flows the Council's mission: to foster America's understanding of other nations—their peo- ples, cultures, histories, hopes, quarrels, and ambitions—and thus to serve our nation through study and debate, private and public. From time to time books, reports, and papers written by members of the Council's research staff or others are published as a "Council on Foreign Relations Publication." THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HAS NO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT. ALL STATEMENTS OF FACT AND EXPRESSIONS OF OPINION CONTAINED IN ALL ITS PUBLICATIONS ARE THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE AUTHOR OR AUTHORS. For further information on Council publications, please write the Council on Foreign Relations, 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, or call the Director of Communications at (212) 434-9400. Or visit our website at www.cfr.org. Copyright © 1999 by the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. -
In Former Yugoslavia Case Sheets
@'An Unknown Destination' "Disappeared" in former Yugoslavia Case sheets Vukovar, a small town in eastern Croatia with a multi-ethnic population of Croats, Serbs, Hungarians, Ruthenes, Ukranians and others, was the scene of the earliest mass "disappearance" in the former Yugoslavia. In August 1991, after the June declaration of independence by the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the town came under heavy attack from Serbian irregular troops supported by the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). The siege lasted until 18 November, when Croatian forces defending the town surrendered. Following the surrender, an agreement was signed by the commander of the JNA and the Croatian Government under the supervision of the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) according to which patients and medical personnel would be evacuated from the town's hospital under the supervision of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). However, on 19 November, forces of the JNA accompanied by paramilitary units entered the hospital and led patients and members of the hospital staff away. Of 444 people on the evacuation lists, only 128 eventually reached Croatia, along with a small number of medical workers. It is believed that many of those taken from the hospital were loaded into buses and driven to a collective farm at Ov_ara, about seven kilometres southeast of Vukovar. Some may have been killed on the spot. In 1992 an international team of forensic experts was able to make a preliminary excavation of an area near the farm. Here they discovered human remains, which showed strong signs that they had been unlawfully killed. They estimated that the grave contained the bodies of about 200 people, but the local Serb authorities have refused permission for a further investigation. -
A Survivor of the Bosnian Genocide
The Seattle Times Newspapers In Education presents Personal Accounts Stories Among Us: of Genocide Every Wednesday through June 11, join us for Stories Among Us: Personal Accounts of Genocide, exploring past and present atrocities through 8 the oral histories of genocide survivors in our region. Produced in partnership with the Washington State Holocaust Education Resource Center. rape of two Serbian nurses. This witness was brought Chapter Eight Selena to the location to find and pinpoint the two men who Salihovic had allegedly committed the rape. If he waved his hand, in Seattle, you were free to leave but if he simply stuck it out from Selena’s Story: 2008. behind the canopy, you were not allowed to go. All of the men were gathered, including my father and his A Survivor of the good friend Maid, a soccer player who knew every soul Bosnian Genocide that resided in Bijeljina. All but two men were granted leave; Maid was one of them. Written by Selena Salihovic, survivor of the Bosnian Genocide and a UW student. As my family and I walked back to Bijeljina, we heard two shots behind us. Maid and the other man were dead. Between 1992 and 1995, the Muslim population of Bosnia, a country located in Eastern Europe, became We stayed in Bijeljina for three more years, not wanting victim to a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing to leave my ill grandfather behind. The violence in and genocide. By the end of 1995, Bosnian Serb Bijeljina continued, but it was muted. Unlike Sarajevo, forces, under the leadership of President Slobodan no bombs were dropped on our city.