Dayton Agreement: Progress in Implementation
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The Dayton Accords and the Escalating Tensions in Kosovo
Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 68 THE DAYTON ACCORDS AND THE ESCALATING TENSIONS IN KOSOVO By Christopher Carson Abstract his paper argues that the Dayton Accords, which ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the primary cause of the outbreak of violence in Kosovo in 1998. While the Accords were regarded as successful in neighboring Bosnia, the agreement failed to mention the Texisting situation in Kosovo, thus perpetuating the ethnic tensions within the region. Following the Dayton Accords, the response by the international community failed to address many concerns of the ethnically Albanian population living in Kosovo, creating a feeling of alienation from the international political scene. Finally, the Dayton Accords indirectly contributed to the collapse of the Albanian government in 1997, creating a shift in the structure of power in the region. This destabilization triggered the outbreak of war between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo the following year. The Dayton Accords 69 I. Introduction For many years, the territory of Kosovo functioned as an autonomous region within the state of Yugoslavia. During that time, Kosovo was the only Albanian-speaking territory within Yugoslavia, having been home to a significant Albanian population since its creation. The region also had a very important meaning for the Serb community, as it was the site of the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, which defined Serbian nationalism when Serbian forces were defeated by the Ottoman Empire. In the 1980s, tensions began to arise between the two communities, initially resulting in protests against the centralized government in Belgrade and arrests of Albanian Kosovars. Under the presidency of Slobodan Milošević, these ethnic tensions intensified both in Kosovo and elsewhere in Yugoslavia. -
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io') Council of Europe Sb ¡20)0 Conseil de l’Europe ^ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ COE273160 ★ ★ ★★ ★ Strasbourg, 21 June 1996 Restricted Ì <s:\cdISdoc496)NcdI\54.pdg> CDL (96) 54 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1995 l "Sii :- ''ferfai 'ACCORDANCE' WITH "sEC,n6NS^lI6C(ìi';AND 5023(b)\OF THE * -.' -0 'Ä. FOREIGN' ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961. AS AMENDED ;•;■ > -V -'•■'ir'-• ; • Î.V.Î-. -:-Ад '•-A.- *.V4 '; : * . * * • *Л • \ »...ísV . .... -V? »V...... > r ' i-m ••. - / •* к .. Iя»»- • •- 'c' *•* ■ •' .4..• * •**,: •*» «' - *.< • •• - • *. • ‘,:1. *.i . _ _ ____ . 2. ............ •.»» i• A.* .d-«kis »M4* . •* ,'•» Y^. T-Vr.Î-Æ4/0Âîi^:UvVi?;»^^4"£:^>«^^ -№'i- ' j: • ’^"Rrintea'f for".tiie:.’use ;of fheixCönïmitfcees; òn *Inter2atio¿ál';,'.Re.Iatíona ¿?r »«£:• ‘i^Eouse. of. Reàresèntànves. 'ani:- Foreign ^Relations •• of. the .U.S.; Senaiijire-J^ ,-. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA The Republic of Bosnia ana Herzegovina was formed from one of six constituent republics of the^ former Yugoslavia. Citizens endorsed independence in a 1992 ref erendum. President Alija Izetbegovic heads the multiethnic collective presidency of a parliamentary democratic government elected in 1990. Within days'of independ ence, Serbian nationalist militias, supported by elements of the former Yugoslav na tional army (JNA), launched attacks throughout northern and eastern Bosnia, and Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) leader Radovan Karadzic declared the establish ment of the “Republika Sroska ” or “Serb Republic.” Seventy percent of the Bosnian Republic remained under Serbian occupation until the Bosnian government and Croatian offensives in August. During 4 years of war an estimated 263,000 people were killed, and two-thirds of the country's prewar pop ulation of 4 Vi million was uprooted and dispersed as either refugees or displaced persons. -
Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25. -
Making Peace in Bosnia Work Elizabeth M
Cornell International Law Journal Volume 30 Article 10 Issue 3 Symposium 1997 Making Peace in Bosnia Work Elizabeth M. Cousens Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Cousens, Elizabeth M. (1997) "Making Peace in Bosnia Work," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 30: Iss. 3, Article 10. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol30/iss3/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Making Peace in Bosnia Work Elizabeth M. Cousens* This symposium asks "what makes peace agreements work" and specifically directs us to explore the degree to which and how "quasi- sovereigns" determine the answer. At a minimum, a peace agreement could be said to "work" when formerly warring parties honor their commitments more than they renege, and when a broader constituency develops within post-war society to support that agreement's basic provisions. Along both dimensions, the peace agreement providing the framework for politics in Bosnia today works haltingly at best.' The explanation for its inadequacies has very little to do with quasi-sovereignty, however. Rather, it has a great deal to do with the decisions and actions of the all-too-sovereign national governments and major international agencies that enjoy a disproportionate influence over the implementation of the peace agreement's key provisions. -
The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Gendering the 1991-95 Bosnian Peace Process: Current Research and Future Directions
Gendering the 1991-95 Bosnian Peace Process: Current Research and Future Directions Working Papers in Gender and Institutional Change, No. 5 December 2016 Laura McLeod University of Manchester [email protected] PublishedAbstract by the ERC funded project: ‘Understanding Institutional Change: A gender perspective’ www.manchester.ac.uk/uicAbstract @UICGENDER Funders Funders This Working Paper is based on research supported by the European Research Council (ERC) who provided financial support under the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013)/ERC grant agreement No. 295576-UIC for the project “Understanding Institutional Change: A Gender Perspective.” Page | 2 Abstract This working paper maps the possibilities for developing a gender perspective of the peace process that took place in BiH between 1991 and 1995. By synthesising the existing literature (which broadly speaking does not have a gender perspective) the working paper identifies where further research and analysis could provide a gendered perspective on the peace process in BiH. This task is a challenging one, not least because it is not an “obvious” case study, given that the oft-repeated narrative in BiH is that women were not involved. The working paper largely proceeds in a chronological order, and is divided into three parts. Part One begins with an overview of the peace processes that took place before the bulk of the diplomatic work on Dayton started. Part Two focuses on the run up to the Dayton negotiations, as well as the negotiations themselves and giving a feminist analysis of the peace agreement (known as the General Framework Agreement). Both Part One and Part Two end with suggestions for more research to develop a gender perspective on the peace negotiation process. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber: a Successfully Domestic Hybrid Tribunal
31 THE BOSNIAN WAR CRIMES CHAmbER: A SUCCESSFULLY DOMESTIC HYBRID TRIBUNAL Matteo Godi The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber (BWCC), a locally owned tribunal, holds promise to facilitate reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) through the individualization of guilt. The establishment of the BWCC in January 2005 marked a significant step toward establishing rule of law principles in BiH. While Bosnian courts were trying cases immediately after the Dayton Agreement had been signed, international and national concerns arose over the trials’ fairness and effectiveness. The BWCC, an offspring of the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), was aimed at addressing these concerns, but has not been free from criticisms. This paper will challenge two of the main critiques advanced against the BWCC—namely, that of being Serb-biased and that of being counterproductive to reconciliation. While the Chamber’s poor outreach efforts have thus far proven counterproductive in making this process effective, targeting individual wrongdoers rather than ethnic groups can potentially avoid the dangerous generalization of guilt that inexorably fuels ethnic division, which was the cause of the Bosnian war in the first place. INTRODUCTION Ten years after the signing of the Dayton Agreement, following international criminal trials by the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and ineffective domestic prosecutions, the Bosnian War Crimes Chamber (BWCC) was created by a joint effort of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and the ICTY. The BWCC, a hybrid court, was meant to address some of the problems of the domestic judiciary in prosecuting war crimes— among them, its partiality and inability to protect itself from political influence. -
AFTER DAYTON: Lessons of the Bosnian Peace Process
AFTER DAYTON: Lessons of the Bosnian Peace Process A Council Symposium COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS AFTER DAYTON: Lessons of the Bosnian Peace Process A Council Symposium Ruth Wedgwood, Editor The Council on Foreign Relations, Inc., a nonprofit, nonpartisan national organization and think tank founded in 1921, is dedicated to promoting understanding of international affairs through free and civil exchange of ideas. The Council's members are dedicated to the belief that America's peace and prosperity are firmly linked to that of the world. From this flows the Council's mission: to foster America's understanding of other nations—their peo- ples, cultures, histories, hopes, quarrels, and ambitions—and thus to serve our nation through study and debate, private and public. From time to time books, reports, and papers written by members of the Council's research staff or others are published as a "Council on Foreign Relations Publication." THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HAS NO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT. ALL STATEMENTS OF FACT AND EXPRESSIONS OF OPINION CONTAINED IN ALL ITS PUBLICATIONS ARE THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE AUTHOR OR AUTHORS. For further information on Council publications, please write the Council on Foreign Relations, 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021, or call the Director of Communications at (212) 434-9400. Or visit our website at www.cfr.org. Copyright © 1999 by the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. -
Geopolitical and Urban Changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015)
Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015) Jordi Martín i Díaz Aquesta tesi doctoral està subjecta a la llicència Reconeixement- NoComercial – SenseObraDerivada 3.0. Espanya de Creative Commons. Esta tesis doctoral está sujeta a la licencia Reconocimiento - NoComercial – SinObraDerivada 3.0. España de Creative Commons. This doctoral thesis is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs 3.0. Spain License. Facultat de Geografia i Història Departament de Geografia Programa de Doctorat “Geografia, planificació territorial i gestió ambiental” Tesi doctoral Geopolitical and urban changes in Sarajevo (1995 – 2015) del candidat a optar al Títol de Doctor en Geografia, Planificació Territorial i Gestió Ambiental Jordi Martín i Díaz Directors Dr. Carles Carreras i Verdaguer Dr. Nihad Čengi ć Tutor Dr. Carles Carreras i Verdaguer Barcelona, 2017 This dissertation has been funded by the Program Formación del Profesorado Universitario of the Spanish Ministry of Education, fellowship reference (AP2010- 3873). Als meus pares i al meu germà. Table of contents Aknowledgments Abstract About this project 1. Theoretical and conceptual approach 15 Socialist and post-socialist cities 19 The question of ethno-territorialities 26 Regarding international intervention in post-war contexts 30 Methodological approach 37 Information gathering and techniques 40 Structure of the dissertation 44 2. The destruction and division of Sarajevo 45 Sarajevo: common life and urban expansion until early 1990s 45 The urban expansion 48 The emergence of political pluralism 55 Towards the ethnic division of Sarajevo: SDS’s ethno-territorialisation campaign and the international partiality in the crisis 63 The Western policy towards Yugoslavia: paving the way for the violent ethnic division of Bosnia 73 The siege of Sarajevo 77 Deprivation, physical destruction and displacement 82 The international response to the siege 85 SDA performance 88 Sarajevo’s ethno-territorial division in the Dayton Peace Agreement 92 The DPA and the OHR’s mission 95 3. -
STATE BUILDING in DEEPLY DIVIDED SOCIETIES BEYOND DAYTON in BOSNIA Sofia Sebastian Aparicio
STATE BUILDING IN DEEPLY DIVIDED SOCIETIES BEYOND DAYTON IN BOSNIA Sofia Sebastian Aparicio A Dissertation Submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics in Fulfillment of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Government London School of Economics October 2009 UMI Number: U615B05 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615B05 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T tte B S q (9 0 ot Porttce1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. -
The Dayton Peace Agreement at 25: How to Proceed for Agreement for Future?
POLICY BRIEF: The Dayton Peace Agreement at 25: How to proceed for agreement for future? Western Balkan Strategy Group for an effective EU-enlargement policy January 2021 CONTENTS Introduction and Reccomendations. 1 The outcome of DPA 25 years later: A dysfunctional state and uncertain peace . 2 A change of approach – starting in the region . 3 Time for (pro)active role of the international community . 4 Western Balkan Strategy Group - For an effective EU-enlargement policy The Dayton Peace Agreement at 25: How to proceed for agreement for future? The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also known as the Dayton Peace Agree- ment (DPA), was formally signed in Paris on the 14th of December 1995, putting an end to the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H). The current Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is the Annex 4 to the DPA. The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (as "Parties") agreed to peace and a single sovereign state composed of two parts, the largely Serb-populated Republika Srpska and mainly Croat-Bosniak-populated Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FB&H). The DPA resolved the armed conflict in B&H, but also established a state with a complex multi-level structure based on power-sharing mechanisms and three constituents, which froze the peace process just as much as it did the armed conflict of the 1990s. The involvement of international actors through the DPA has led to international influ- ence that remains prevalent in B&H politics, in particular through the Office of High Representative (OHR), which has a mandate to implement the civil aspects of the agreement.