The State-Building-Reconciliation Nexus: A
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The Dayton Accords and the Escalating Tensions in Kosovo
Berkeley Undergraduate Journal 68 THE DAYTON ACCORDS AND THE ESCALATING TENSIONS IN KOSOVO By Christopher Carson Abstract his paper argues that the Dayton Accords, which ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the primary cause of the outbreak of violence in Kosovo in 1998. While the Accords were regarded as successful in neighboring Bosnia, the agreement failed to mention the Texisting situation in Kosovo, thus perpetuating the ethnic tensions within the region. Following the Dayton Accords, the response by the international community failed to address many concerns of the ethnically Albanian population living in Kosovo, creating a feeling of alienation from the international political scene. Finally, the Dayton Accords indirectly contributed to the collapse of the Albanian government in 1997, creating a shift in the structure of power in the region. This destabilization triggered the outbreak of war between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo the following year. The Dayton Accords 69 I. Introduction For many years, the territory of Kosovo functioned as an autonomous region within the state of Yugoslavia. During that time, Kosovo was the only Albanian-speaking territory within Yugoslavia, having been home to a significant Albanian population since its creation. The region also had a very important meaning for the Serb community, as it was the site of the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, which defined Serbian nationalism when Serbian forces were defeated by the Ottoman Empire. In the 1980s, tensions began to arise between the two communities, initially resulting in protests against the centralized government in Belgrade and arrests of Albanian Kosovars. Under the presidency of Slobodan Milošević, these ethnic tensions intensified both in Kosovo and elsewhere in Yugoslavia. -
Sb ¡20)0 Conseil De L’Europe ^ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ COE273160 ★ ★ ★★ ★
io') Council of Europe Sb ¡20)0 Conseil de l’Europe ^ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ COE273160 ★ ★ ★★ ★ Strasbourg, 21 June 1996 Restricted Ì <s:\cdISdoc496)NcdI\54.pdg> CDL (96) 54 Engl. only EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS PRACTICES FOR 1995 l "Sii :- ''ferfai 'ACCORDANCE' WITH "sEC,n6NS^lI6C(ìi';AND 5023(b)\OF THE * -.' -0 'Ä. FOREIGN' ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961. AS AMENDED ;•;■ > -V -'•■'ir'-• ; • Î.V.Î-. -:-Ад '•-A.- *.V4 '; : * . * * • *Л • \ »...ísV . .... -V? »V...... > r ' i-m ••. - / •* к .. Iя»»- • •- 'c' *•* ■ •' .4..• * •**,: •*» «' - *.< • •• - • *. • ‘,:1. *.i . _ _ ____ . 2. ............ •.»» i• A.* .d-«kis »M4* . •* ,'•» Y^. T-Vr.Î-Æ4/0Âîi^:UvVi?;»^^4"£:^>«^^ -№'i- ' j: • ’^"Rrintea'f for".tiie:.’use ;of fheixCönïmitfcees; òn *Inter2atio¿ál';,'.Re.Iatíona ¿?r »«£:• ‘i^Eouse. of. Reàresèntànves. 'ani:- Foreign ^Relations •• of. the .U.S.; Senaiijire-J^ ,-. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA The Republic of Bosnia ana Herzegovina was formed from one of six constituent republics of the^ former Yugoslavia. Citizens endorsed independence in a 1992 ref erendum. President Alija Izetbegovic heads the multiethnic collective presidency of a parliamentary democratic government elected in 1990. Within days'of independ ence, Serbian nationalist militias, supported by elements of the former Yugoslav na tional army (JNA), launched attacks throughout northern and eastern Bosnia, and Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) leader Radovan Karadzic declared the establish ment of the “Republika Sroska ” or “Serb Republic.” Seventy percent of the Bosnian Republic remained under Serbian occupation until the Bosnian government and Croatian offensives in August. During 4 years of war an estimated 263,000 people were killed, and two-thirds of the country's prewar pop ulation of 4 Vi million was uprooted and dispersed as either refugees or displaced persons. -
Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25. -
The-Prijedor-Genocide 1
PART 1. THE PRIJEDOR GENOCIDE The Prijedor genocide [1][2][3] , refers to numerous war crimes committed during the Bosnian war by the Serb political and military leadership mostly on Bosniak civilians in the Prijedor region of Bosnia-Herzegovina. After the Srebrenica genocide, it is the second largest massacre committed during the Bosnian war in 1992. Around 5,200 Bosniaks and Croats from Prijedor are missing or were killed during the massacre period, and around 14,000 people in the wider region of Prijedor (Pounje). [4] Contents • 1 Background • 2 Political developments before the takeover • 3 Takeover • 4 Armed attacks against the civilians o 4.1 Propaganda o 4.2 Strengthening of Serb forces o 4.3 Marking of non-Serb houses o 4.4 Attack on Hambarine o 4.5 Attack on Kozarac • 5 Camps o 5.1 Keraterm camp o 5.2 Omarska camp o 5.3 Trnopolje camp o 5.4 Other detention facilities • 6 Killings in the camps • 7 References • 8 See also • 9 External links Background Following Slovenia’s and Croatia’s declarations of independence in June 1991, the situation in the Prijedor municipality rapidly deteriorated. During the war in Croatia, the tension increased between the Serbs and the communities of Bosniaks and Croats. Bosniaks and Croats began to leave the municipality because of a growing sense of insecurity and fear amongst the population which was caused by Serb propaganda which became increasingly visible. The municipal newspaper Kozarski Vjesnik started publishing allegations against the non-Serbs. The Serb media propagandised the idea that the Serbs had to arm themselves. -
Understanding the Slur “Watermelon”, That Is, Being Green on The
book reviewS 331 Xavier Bougarel. Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Surviving Empires (London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic, 2018) isbn 978-1-3500-0359-0. Should you be insulted to be called a “watermelon”? Understanding the slur “watermelon”, that is, being green on the outside and red on the inside, pro- vides a unique insight into the place of Bosnian Muslims/Bosniaks in the on- going nation-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Xavier Bougarel documents the use of watermelon (lubenica) with reference to elites who were formerly advo- cates of Yugoslav Communism (i.e. red), but who, post-1992, publicly displayed their Islamic piety (i.e. green), to help their rehabilitation into newly forming Bosniak/Muslim nationalism (p. 166). What is striking about the watermelon slur is its ideological dimension; it is an insult which denies one their place in the Bosniak nation, but not within Bosnian society. Islam’s central place in the creation/recreation of Bosniak nationalism makes it necessary to identify as Muslim to be part of that nation, while it is of course possible to be Bosnian while identifying as Catholic, Orthodox, or eschewing religious- or linguistic- based nationalism all together. In this excellent book, Bougarel frequently returns to the paradoxes, continuities and divergences between Islam, nation- hood and statehood in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Aiming to provide a broad overview and reconsideration of transition nar- ratives that claim a linear progression from the imperial to the nation-state order, the book will find an audience among researchers of historiography of the region as well as political scientists. A second aim of the book, to provide an account of the actual forms and practices which constituted the creation of Muslim/Bosniak national identity from the ninetieth to the twenty-first century, will hold particular relevance for researchers of political Islam or the politics of the Muslim world. -
Embodied Rape: Ethnicity and Gender in the Prosecution of Wartime Rape in the Former
Embodied Rape: Ethnicity and Gender in the Prosecution of Wartime Rape in the Former Yugoslavia Honors Research Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with Honors Research Distinction in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Edward M. Zitnik, Jr. The Ohio State University May 2014 Project Advisor: Professor Jennifer Suchland, Department of Slavic and East European Languages and Cultures Table of Contents Introduction 2 I. The region, the war, and the role of feminism in prosecuting war crimes 5 Former Yugoslavia and its War 5 Feminist Perspectives on Rape 10 International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia 15 II. Tetralogy of Rape: Three Cases of ICTY-Convicted Rape and the Case which laid the Groundwork 19 Duško Tadić 19 Dragoljub Kunarac 22 Anto Furundžija 24 Hazim Delić 25 Case Analysis 27 III. Ethnicity is Essentialized and Misunderstood 33 IV. Implications of War 39 V. Conclusion 51 Bibliography 53 - 1 - A child can carry both the shame and honor of a parent. They serve as heavy burdens inherited from one generation to the next and can lay the foundation of a child’s identity coming into adulthood. The Bosnian film Grbavica illustrates these burdens carried by Sara, the 12- year-old daughter of single-mother Esma living in post-war Sarajevo. Growing up, Sara was told that her father died as a war hero during the Bosnian war. She took pride in his death, and used his patriotism to hold herself to a high standard of honor. While noble, this was not her father’s true past. -
Annex 4: Mechanisms in Europe
ANNEX 4: MECHANISMS IN EUROPE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Conflict Background and Political Context The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) emerged from World War II as a communist country under the rule of President Josip Broz Tito. The new state brought Serbs, Croats, Bosnian Muslims, Albanians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Slovenes into a federation of six separate republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia) and two autonomous provinces of Serbia (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Ten years after Tito’s death in 1980, the country was in economic crisis and the mechanisms he had designed to both repress and balance ethnic demands in the SFRY were under severe strain. Slobodan Milošević had harnessed the power of nationalism to consolidate his power as president of Serbia. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia dissolved in January 1990, and the first multiparty elections were held in all Yugoslav republics, carrying nationalist parties to power in Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia.1763 Meanwhile, Milošević and his political allies asserted control in Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro, giving Serbia’s president de facto control over four of the eight votes in the federal state’s collective presidency. This and the consolidation of Serbian control over the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA) heightened fears and played into ascendant nationalist feelings in other parts of the country. Declarations of independence by Croatia and Slovenia on June 25, 1991, brought matters to a head. Largely homogenous Slovenia succeeded in defending itself through a 10-day conflict that year against the Serb-dominated federal army, but Milošević was more determined to contest the independence of republics with sizeable ethnic Serb populations. -
Former Yugoslavia
Former Yugoslavia The information below if based on the UN International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia's Landmark cases - Duško Tadić: first-ever trial for sexual violence against men1 This trial of the former Bosnian Serb Democratic Party’s local board president from Kozarac, northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina, made history in many ways. It was the first international war crimes trial since Nuremberg and Tokyo. Just as importantly, it was the first international war crimes trial involving charges of sexual violence. The trial proved to the world that the nascent international criminal justice system could end impunity for sexual crimes and that punishing perpetrators was possible. The Trial Chamber found how after taking over the area of Prijedor, in northwestern of BiH, Serb forces confined thousands of Muslims and Croats in camps. In a horrific incident in the Omarska Camp, one of the detainees was forced by uniformed men, including Duško Tadić, to bite off the testicles of another detainee. In May 1997, the Trial Chamber found Tadic guilty of cruel treatment (violation of the laws and customs of war) and inhumane acts (crime against humanity) for the part he played in this and other incidents. Two years later, on appeal, Tadic was additionally sentenced for grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva conventions: inhumane treatment and wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to the body or health. In the Judgement, the Appeals Chamber set out that “Through his presence, Duško Tadić aided and encouraged the group of men actively taking part in the assault. Of particular concern here is the cruelty and humiliation inflicted on the victim and the other detainees”. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
Teacher Information Sheet Genocide in Bosnia
Teacher information sheet Genocide in Bosnia The population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (referred to as ‘Bosnia’ here) consists of: • Bosniaks – Bosnian Muslims • Bosnian Serbs – Serb Orthodox Christians who have close cultural ties with neighbouring Serbia • Bosnian Croats – Roman Catholics who have close cultural ties with neighbouring Croatia Bosnia’s history Flag of Bosnia, adopted in 1998 Between 1991-1994 Yugoslavia disintegrated into five states – Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (later known as Serbia and Montenegro). Bosnia declared independence in 1992. This was resisted by the Bosnian Serb population who saw their future as part of ‘Greater Serbia’, sparking a civil war over land. The Bosnian War Bosnia became the victim of the Bosnian Serbs’ wish for political domination, which they were prepared to achieve by isolating ethnic groups and, if necessary, exterminating them. A campaign of war crimes, ‘ethnic cleansing’ and genocide was perpetrated by Bosnian Serb troops under the orders of Slobodan Milošević. Sarajevo, the capital city of Bosnia, was under siege for nearly four years - the longest siege in modern warfare. The Serb-controlled army surrounded the city, bombing it, killing more than 10,000 people and destroying cultural monuments. Persecution From 1991, in Prijedor, north-west Bosnia, non-Serbs were forced to wear white armbands and certain newspapers, radio stations and television stations began to broadcast anti-Croat and anti- Bosniak propaganda. Non-Serbs were sent to concentration camps which had been set up in mid-1992. Women were taken to Trnopolje camp where systematic rape took place on a regular basis. -
The Kosovo Report
THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. -
Civil Wars in Yugoslavia: Explaining the Bargaining Process Toma Sokolikj
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2012 Civil Wars in Yugoslavia: Explaining the Bargaining Process Toma Sokolikj Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PUBLIC POLICY CIVIL WARS IN YUGOSLAVIA: EXPLAINING THE BARGAINING PROCESS By TOMA SOKOLIKJ A Thesis submitted to the International Affairs Program in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Science Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2012 Toma Sokolikj defended this thesis on November 6, 2012. The members of the supervisory committee were: Mark Souva Professor Directing Thesis Will H. Moore Committee Member Megan Shannon Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii I dedicate this to Maca and Late Sokolikj for their unconditional support during my entire educational career. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge the above-mentioned faculty members for their help and guidance, as well my sister Iva and my brother Zlatko for always being there for me. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ vi Abstract ........................................................................................................................................