Former Yugoslavia
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The-Prijedor-Genocide 1
PART 1. THE PRIJEDOR GENOCIDE The Prijedor genocide [1][2][3] , refers to numerous war crimes committed during the Bosnian war by the Serb political and military leadership mostly on Bosniak civilians in the Prijedor region of Bosnia-Herzegovina. After the Srebrenica genocide, it is the second largest massacre committed during the Bosnian war in 1992. Around 5,200 Bosniaks and Croats from Prijedor are missing or were killed during the massacre period, and around 14,000 people in the wider region of Prijedor (Pounje). [4] Contents • 1 Background • 2 Political developments before the takeover • 3 Takeover • 4 Armed attacks against the civilians o 4.1 Propaganda o 4.2 Strengthening of Serb forces o 4.3 Marking of non-Serb houses o 4.4 Attack on Hambarine o 4.5 Attack on Kozarac • 5 Camps o 5.1 Keraterm camp o 5.2 Omarska camp o 5.3 Trnopolje camp o 5.4 Other detention facilities • 6 Killings in the camps • 7 References • 8 See also • 9 External links Background Following Slovenia’s and Croatia’s declarations of independence in June 1991, the situation in the Prijedor municipality rapidly deteriorated. During the war in Croatia, the tension increased between the Serbs and the communities of Bosniaks and Croats. Bosniaks and Croats began to leave the municipality because of a growing sense of insecurity and fear amongst the population which was caused by Serb propaganda which became increasingly visible. The municipal newspaper Kozarski Vjesnik started publishing allegations against the non-Serbs. The Serb media propagandised the idea that the Serbs had to arm themselves. -
Teacher Information Sheet Genocide in Bosnia
Teacher information sheet Genocide in Bosnia The population of Bosnia and Herzegovina (referred to as ‘Bosnia’ here) consists of: • Bosniaks – Bosnian Muslims • Bosnian Serbs – Serb Orthodox Christians who have close cultural ties with neighbouring Serbia • Bosnian Croats – Roman Catholics who have close cultural ties with neighbouring Croatia Bosnia’s history Flag of Bosnia, adopted in 1998 Between 1991-1994 Yugoslavia disintegrated into five states – Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Macedonia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (later known as Serbia and Montenegro). Bosnia declared independence in 1992. This was resisted by the Bosnian Serb population who saw their future as part of ‘Greater Serbia’, sparking a civil war over land. The Bosnian War Bosnia became the victim of the Bosnian Serbs’ wish for political domination, which they were prepared to achieve by isolating ethnic groups and, if necessary, exterminating them. A campaign of war crimes, ‘ethnic cleansing’ and genocide was perpetrated by Bosnian Serb troops under the orders of Slobodan Milošević. Sarajevo, the capital city of Bosnia, was under siege for nearly four years - the longest siege in modern warfare. The Serb-controlled army surrounded the city, bombing it, killing more than 10,000 people and destroying cultural monuments. Persecution From 1991, in Prijedor, north-west Bosnia, non-Serbs were forced to wear white armbands and certain newspapers, radio stations and television stations began to broadcast anti-Croat and anti- Bosniak propaganda. Non-Serbs were sent to concentration camps which had been set up in mid-1992. Women were taken to Trnopolje camp where systematic rape took place on a regular basis. -
Lesson Plan 1 Lesson 1 of 3 – a Personal Experience of the Bosnian War
The Forgiveness Project Forgiving the Unforgivable – Lesson Plan 1 Lesson 1 of 3 – A personal experience of the Bosnian War Kemal Pervanic’s story – Part 1 55 mins (film duration 9 mins) © 2017 The Forgiveness Project | www.theforgivenessproject.com A personal experience of the Bosnian War Please ensure the staff member facilitating this lesson has an understanding of the Bosnian War. A timeline is at the end of this lesson plan. This short clip (7 mins) from the 1995 BBC documentary, Death of Yugoslavia, sets out the process and scale of ethnic cleansing during the Bosnian War: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VbNocQORWQ8. Please note this contains very graphic scenes and is not suitable to be shown to the students. Lesson objective: 1. To be able to explain the personal experience of someone who has lived through the Bosnian War. Key vocabulary: Yugoslavia, nationalism, persecuted, concentration camp, Omarska camp, Prijedor massacre, demonise. Teacher activity Learner activity Time Who is Kemal Pervanic / Profile of Kemal Read the passage in the 5 mins Invite students to read the passage in their student booklet in student booklet and pairs and to complete the profile of Kemal as a teenager. complete the profile. Kemal Pervanic’s story / Film notes Watch the film and make 20 mins Introduce the story and the ground rules. Watch the film and notes or write questions ask students to make notes or questions throughout the film of throughout the film of any any words they don’t fully understand or parts of the story they words you don’t fully would like to discuss afterwards. -
Case Information Sheet
NOT AN OFFICIAL DOCUMENT CASE INFORMATION SHEET “OMARSKA, KERATERM & TRNOPOLJE CAMPS” (IT-98-30/1) KVOĈKA et al. The Prosecutor v. Miroslav Kvočka, Dragoljub Prcać, Milojica Kos, Mlađo Radić & Zoran Žigić MIROSLAV KVOĈKA Professional police officer attached to the Omarska police station; participated in the operation of the Omarska camp in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina as the functional equivalent of the deputy commander of the guard service - Sentenced to 7 years’ imprisonment Crimes convicted of (examples): Persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds (crimes against humanity) • Kvoĉka held a high-ranking position in the Omarska camp and had a degree of authority over the guards. • He had sufficient influence to prevent or halt some of the abuses but rarely made use of that influence. • He was present while crimes were committed and was undoubtedly aware that crimes of extreme physical and mental violence were routinely inflicted upon the non-Serbs imprisoned in the camp. Murder and torture (violation of the laws or customs of war) • He was a co-perpetrator as part of a joint criminal enterprise (JCE) in the murder of two detainees held at the camp. As part of the JCE, he instigated, committed or otherwise aided and abetted the torture and beating of Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat prisoners by his approval and encouragement or acquiescence to the acts. DRAGOLJUB PRCAĆ Retired policeman and crime technician mobilised to serve in the Omarska police station on 29 April 1992; administrative aide to the commander of the Omarska camp - Sentenced to 5 years’ imprisonment Crimes convicted of (examples): Persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds (crimes against humanity), • Prcać was aware of the crimes of extreme physical and mental violence routinely inflicted upon the non-Serbs detained in the camp. -
MOMCILO KRAJISNIK and BILJANA PLAVSIC AMENDED
THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Case No. IT-00-39 & 40-PT THE PROSECUTOR OF THE TRIBUNAL AGAINST MOMCILO KRAJISNIK and BILJANA PLAVSIC AMENDED CONSOLIDATED INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia ("the Statute of the Tribunal"), charges: MOMCILO KRAJISNIK and BILJANA PLAVSIC with GENOCIDE, CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY and VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF WAR as set forth below: THE ACCUSED 1. Momcilo KRAJISNIK, son of Sreten and Milka (née Spiric) was born on 20 January 1945 in Zabrdje, municipality of Novi Grad, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. He was a leading member of the Serbian Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina ("SDS") and he served on a number of SDS bodies and committees. On 12 July 1991, Momcilo KRAJISNIK was elected to the Main Board of the SDS. He was President of the Assembly of Serbian People in Bosnia and Herzegovina ("Bosnian Serb Assembly") from 24 October 1991 until at least November 1995. He was a member of the National Security Council of the Bosnian Serb Republic and from the beginning of June 1992 until 17 December 1992, he was a member of the expanded Presidency of the Bosnian Serb Republic. 2. Biljana PLAVSIC, daughter of Svetislav, was born on 7 July 1930 in Tuzla, Tuzla municipality, Bosnia and Herzegovina. She was a leading member of the SDS from the period of its establishment in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 18 November 1990 until April 1992, Biljana PLAVSIC was a member of the collective Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. -
The State-Building-Reconciliation Nexus: A
THE STATE-BUILDING-RECONCILIATION NEXUS: A CRITICAL OBSERVATION OF PEACEBUILDING IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA By Louis Francis Monroy Santander A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY International Development Department School of Government and Society College of Social Sciences University of Birmingham December 2017 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT This thesis analyses peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina, looking at the relation between state-building and transitional justice. It relies on reconciliation, as a socially constructed term, to look at how international and civil society organizations in the country, as well as Bosnian citizens, perceive processes put in place after the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords. In doing so, it contributes to debates in literature discussing how to approach peacebuilding holistically, identifying spaces for connecting top-down and bottom-up processes, supporting the establishment of a sustainable peace. The thesis relies on a constructivist framework, seeking to understand the frameworks and mindsets shaping reconciliation as a working concept for international and civil society associations and as an experience for Bosnian citizens. -
Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina
GENOCIDE IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA HEARING BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ONE HUNDRED FOURTH CONGRESS APRIL 4, 1995 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE 104-X-X] Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.house.gov/csce 1 GENOCIDE IN BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA TUESDAY, APRIL 4, 1995 COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE WASHINGTON, DC. The Commission met in room 2322, Rayburn House Office Building, at 2 p.m., the Honorable Christopher Smith, Chairman, presiding. Commission members present: Hon. Christopher Smith, Chairman; Hon. Alfonse D’Amato, Co-Chairman; Hon. Frank Wolf; Hon. Steny H. Hoyer; and Hon. Benjamin Cardin. Also present: Hon. James Moran and Hon. Frank R. Lautenberg. OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH Chairman SMITH. The Commission will come to order. Good after- noon, ladies and gentlemen. The subject of today’s hearing is genocide- -genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Commission’s intent is to focus on the extent to which ethnic cleansing, the destruction of cultural sites, and associated war crimes and crimes against humanity constitute geno- cide in Bosnia and other parts of the former Yugoslavia. With this fo- cus, we hope to learn more about the intent of those committing these acts and the extent to which the war crimes were ordered from the military and the political leadership. I believe this hearing is of critical importance. This week, as Bosnia enters its fourth year of war, we on the outside have become fatigued by the daily developments there and the endless discussion of policy op- tions. -
Amended Indictment
THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA THE PROSECUTOR v. MIROSLAV KVOCKA DRAGOLJUB PRCAC MILOJICA KOS MLADO RADIC ZORAN ZIGIC AMENDED INDICTMENT The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, pursuant to her authority under Article 18 of the Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ("the Statute of the Tribunal"), charges: Miroslav KVOCKA, Dragoljub PRCAC, Milojica KOS, Mladjo RADIC and Zoran ZIGIC with Crimes Against Humanity and Violations of the Laws or Customs of War, as set forth below: BACKGROUND: 1. Prijedor Municipality (opstina) is located in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the 1991 census, it had a total population of 112,543: 49,351 (43.9%) identified themselves as Muslims; 47,581 (42.3%) identified themselves as Serbs; 6,316 (5.6%) identified themselves as Croats; 6,459 (5.7%) identified themselves as Yugoslavs; and 2,836 (2.5%) were identified as other nationalities. The Municipality is situated along one of the main east-west travel corridors in the former Yugoslavia. It was considered a strategic location by Serbian leaders because that corridor linked the Serbian-dominated area of the Croatian Krajina in the west with the Republic of Serbia in the east. 2. In 1991, after Slovenia and Croatia declared independence from Yugoslavia and war broke out, it appeared increasingly likely that Bosnia and Herzegovina would also declare its independence. Bosnian Serb leaders, however, wanted Bosnia and Herzegovina to remain a part of Yugoslavia. As time went by, and it became clear they would not be able to hold Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Yugoslav federation, the Bosnian Serb authorities, led by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS), began in earnest the creation of a separate Serbian territory in Bosnia and Herzegovina. -
ICC-01/04-01/07-HNE-56 ICC-01/04-01/07-3138-Anx3 08-09-2011 2/246 CB T
ICC-01/04-01/07-3138-Anx3 08-09-2011 1/246 CB T ICC-01/04-01/07-HNE-56 ICC-01/04-01/07-3138-Anx3 08-09-2011 2/246 CB T UNITED NATIONS International Tribunal for the Case No. IT-98-30/1-T Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of Date: 2 November 2001 International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of Former Yugoslavia since 1991 Original: English IN THE TRIAL CHAMBER Before: Judge Almiro Rodrigues, Presiding Judge Fouad Riad Judge Patricia Wald Registrar: Mr. Hans Holthuis PROSECUTOR v. MIROSLAV KVO^KA MILOJICA KOS MLA\O RADI] ZORAN ŽIGI] DRAGOLJUB PRCA] JUDGEMENT The Office of the Prosecutor: Ms. Susan Somers Mr. Kapila Waidyaratne Mr. Daniel Saxon Counsel for the Accused: Mr. Krstan Simi} for Mr. Kvo~ka Mr. @arko Nikoli} for Mr. Kos Mr. Toma Fila for Mr. Radi} Mr. Slobodan Stojanovi} for Mr. @igi} Mr. Jovan Simi} for Mr. Prca} Case No.: IT-98-30/1-T 2 November 2001 ICC-01/04-01/07-3138-Anx3 08-09-2011 3/246 CB T CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................................1 II. FACTUAL FINDINGS ................................................................................................................4 A. BACKGROUND, CONTEXT, AND FORMATION OF CAMPS............................................4 1. The Break-up of the SFRY ......................................................................................................4 2. The Prijedor Region.................................................................................................................5 -
Bosnia War Crimes: the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and U.S
96-404 CRS Report for Congress Bosnia War Crimes: The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and U.S. Policy Updated April 23, 1998 Margaret Mikyung Lee Legislative Attorney American Law Division Raphael Perl Specialist in International Affairs Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service • The Library of Congress ABSTRACT This report provides background and analysis on the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). It describes the origins of the Tribunal; its authority and powers; itsfinancing; and its recent activities and problems. The report discusses U.S. policy on the ICTY; the relationship between the Tribunal and the NATO-led Stabilization Force (SFOR) in Bosnia; and Congressional action on the issue. The report also deals with the impact of the Tribunal's work on the Bosnian peace process as a whole. A final section touches briefly on questions and implications raised by the Tribunal's activities for the powers of the United Nations, the principles of international law, and the U.S. role in enforcing international law. Appendices include a chart describing the current status of those publicly indicted by the Tribunal; historical precedent for the Tribunal; proposals for a permanent international criminal court, and ICTY rules of evidence and procedure. This report will be updated as events warrant. The Congressional Research Service works exclusively for the Congress, conducting re search, analyzing legislation, and providing information at the request of committees, Members, and their staffs. The Service makes such research available, without partisan bias in many forms includ ing studies, reports, compilations, digests, and background briefings. -
Genocide in Bosnia-Hercegovina: a Very Short History
Genocide in Bosnia-Hercegovina: A Very Short History Thomas White | Cohen Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies |Keene, New Hampshire| [email protected] Hikmet Karčić | Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks | Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina | [email protected] Overview In 1990, as Yugoslavia collapsed, the first multiparty elections were held. These elections created nationalist parties intent on perpetuating ethno-national identities and causes. By 1992, war was being imposed through Serbian and Croatian nationalists seeking to expanded into “greater” national territory. In the coming years the perpetrators of “ethnic cleansing,” displacement, mass atrocity, and genocide, were rewarded by the international community at the Dayton Accords in 1995. Dayton ended the war, but then imposed an ethno-nationalistic portioned Bosnia. A “tycoon class” of nationalist leaders continues to enrich themselves through corruption supported by poverty, fear, insecurity, and the promotion of divisive ethnic identities. The hate didn’t exist before; it was artificially installed. It was all so unbelievable that at first, it seemed funny…The emphasis on ethnicity and exclusion was so strong that ethnic hatred became normalized…There is also the ideology of religion and nationality…Never has there been more religion and less faith…National and religious identities are openly used as weapons in the political arsenal.” – Vedran Grahovac, Prijedor1 Denial of Bosnian genocide is rooted in Serb and Croat religious nationalism and Islamophobia. Unresolved and manipulated memory continue to haunt the Balkans. It is a fundamental mistake, however, to accept the narrative of “Balkanization” as an intractable “truth” of people living here. Balkanization implies that people are separated by exclusive group identities that make them prone to war and to live in perpetual hostility. -
How Project Censored Joined the Whitewash of Serb Atrocities
Dubious Sources: How Project Censored Joined The Whitewash of Serb Atrocities David Walls [from New Politics, vol. 9, no. 1 (new series), whole no. 33, Summer 2002] DAVID WALLS is professor of sociology at Sonoma State University. He is the author of The Activist's Almanac: The Concerned Citizen's Guide to the Leading Advocacy Organizations in America (Simon & Schuster / Fireside, 1993). FOR 25 YEARS, PROJECT CENSORED has scanned the alternative press for hot stories that the mainstream media fail to cover. Each year it designates 10 top "censored" stories (along with the next 15 runners up), drawing on the work of Sonoma State University students and faculty, community volunteers, and a national panel of media judges to review the stories for relevance and accuracy. For many, these awards have become "Alternative Pulitzers," commendations for excellence in independent reporting. At its best, the project has provided a vital corrective to bias and complacency in the corporate-dominated media. I had been on friendly terms for several years with Project Censored's founder, Carl Jensen, and, more recently, the current director, Peter Phillips. As manager of Sonoma State University's foundation for a time, I cheered with Jensen when he brought in the first modest checks from that limited circle of progressive foundations and philanthropists willing to fund critical media projects. After watching Jensen run Project Censored out of his hip pocket, I thought it a wonder that he managed, with these small grants and an enthusiastic group of undergraduate students, to turn out an annual book with a commercial publisher since 1993, plus a 20th anniversary collection in 1997.