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The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration by Dr. Timothy L. Sanz Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared originally in Military Review December 1991 Pages 36-45 August, a crisis in the Balkans, and a revolutionary upheaval in part of Europe--these words raise the hair on the back of the neck. Just a bit less than eighty years ago, Europe inaugurated this century of total war, thanks to the inability of its monarchs, statesmen, and generals to deal with a Balkan Crisis, the latest manifestation of what diplomats then called the "accursed Eastern Question." In the wake of that failure of statecraft, million-man armies marched into battle from one end of the continent to the other. Looking back on the long interval of peace which Europe has enjoyed since the end of the Second World War, the present crisis confirms the reality of a profound shift in the European security system and raises the question of whether the emerging security system in Europe will be able to deal with new Balkan crises. For several decades, while the military might of two ideologically-hostile blocs stood poised for action in Central Europe, a hypothetical internal crisis in Yugoslavia was often seen as an element in a scenario for bringing about a NATO-WTO military confrontation. -
RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU. -
CEAS New Report What a Difference a Year Makes
WHAT A DIFFERENCE A YEAR MAKES Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 draft versions of the National Security and Defense Strategies Belgrade | September 2019 This study has been published with the partial support of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Views and opinions expressed in this publication do not represent views and opinions of NED. CONTENTS Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................... 5 Short political background and the context analysis in which new strategic documents of the Republic of Serbia are adopted by the government – breakdown of key political events ...................................................................................................................................................................... 9 Serbia and the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) .............................................. 15 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Security Strategy ................................................................................................................ 17 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Defense Strategy ................................................................................................................. 21 Conclusions and recommendations ........................................................................................................ -
The “International Community” and Territories with Altered Sovereignty*
THE “INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY” AND TERRITORIES WITH ALTERED SOVEREIGNTY* Višeslav Simić El Tecnológico de Monterrey, México DOI: 10.5937/vojdelo1506118S From Kosovo to Syria s the so-called Kosovo "war"1 is being used by the United States of America as a A blueprint2 for how the euphemistically3 called "international community"4 should militarily resolve the crisis in Syria without a mandate from the U.N. (in spite of the U.S. persistently insisting that it was a sui generis case), it is becoming increasingly more important not only to finally independently study the "mob or sole assailant"5 aspect of the contemporary U.S. international approach but, even more, to dedicate particular at- tention to the post- and extra-combat involvement (or the lack of it) of the "international community" in the management6 of the territories and the people "liberated"7 by it. * 2do Seminario Internacional "Análisis e incidencia de las políticas públicas" – EGAP – Tecnológico de Mon- terrey – 25 y 26 de Septiembre 2013 – México 1 Strictly legally speaking, no war was declared by the aggressors (the U.S. called it "hostilities" and "military opera- tions in Kosovo"). The government of the attacked sovereign founding member of the U.N. didn't denounce the ag- gression as war (only after the November 2012 Strasbourg Court ruling that "war veterans" must be paid for the time served in the "war of 1999" did Serbia implicitly recognize NATO aggression as a war). The U.N. itself kept silent about the grossest violation of its Charter since its founding (the silence forced upon the U.N. -
The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W
Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, senior editor Gary B. Cohen, editor Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies A Scholars’ Initiative Edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert United States Institute of Peace Press Washington, D.C. D Purdue University Press West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2009 by Purdue University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Second revision, May 2010. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative / edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-55753-533-7 1. Yugoslavia--History--1992-2003. 2. Former Yugoslav republics--History. 3. Yugoslavia--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 4. Former Yugoslav republics--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 5. Ethnic conflict-- Yugoslavia--History--20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict--Former Yugoslav republics--History--20th century. 7. Yugoslav War, 1991-1995. 8. Kosovo War, 1998-1999. 9. Kosovo (Republic)--History--1980-2008. I. Ingrao, Charles W. II. Emmert, Thomas Allan, 1945- DR1316.C66 2009 949.703--dc22 2008050130 Contents Introduction Charles Ingrao 1 1. The Dissolution of Yugoslavia Andrew Wachtel and Christopher Bennett 12 2. Kosovo under Autonomy, 1974–1990 Momčilo Pavlović 48 3. Independence and the Fate of Minorities, 1991–1992 Gale Stokes 82 4. Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995 Marie-Janine Calic 114 5. The International Community and the FRY/Belligerents, 1989–1997 Matjaž Klemenčič 152 6. Safe Areas Charles Ingrao 200 7. The War in Croatia, 1991–1995 Mile Bjelajac and Ozren Žunec 230 8. Kosovo under the Milošević Regime Dusan Janjić, with Anna Lalaj and Besnik Pula 272 9. -
Republic of Serbia Serbia and Montenegro
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF SERBIA SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 13 and 27 June 2004 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Report Warsaw 22 September 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................................................1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................2 III. POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE ELECTIONS ..............................................................................................3 A. GENERAL BACKGROUND.....................................................................................................................................3 B. CANDIDATES ........................................................................................................................................................4 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK.......................................................................................................................................5 A. RECENT LEGISLATIVE AMENDMENTS ................................................................................................................5 B. LAW ON FINANCING OF POLITICAL PARTIES .....................................................................................................6 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .......................................................................................................................8 -
Serbia in 2001 Under the Spotlight
1 Human Rights in Transition – Serbia 2001 Introduction The situation of human rights in Serbia was largely influenced by the foregoing circumstances. Although the severe repression characteristic especially of the last two years of Milosevic’s rule was gone, there were no conditions in place for dealing with the problems accumulated during the previous decade. All the mechanisms necessary to ensure the exercise of human rights - from the judiciary to the police, remained unchanged. However, the major concern of citizens is the mere existential survival and personal security. Furthermore, the general atmosphere in the society was just as xenophobic and intolerant as before. The identity crisis of the Serb people and of all minorities living in Serbia continued. If anything, it deepened and the relationship between the state and its citizens became seriously jeopardized by the problem of Serbia’s undefined borders. The crisis was manifest with regard to certain minorities such as Vlachs who were believed to have been successfully assimilated. This false belief was partly due to the fact that neighbouring Romania had been in a far worse situation than Yugoslavia during the past fifty years. In considerably changed situation in Romania and Serbia Vlachs are now undergoing the process of self identification though still unclear whether they would choose to call themselves Vlachs or Romanians-Vlachs. Considering that the international factor has become the main generator of change in Serbia, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia believes that an accurate picture of the situation in Serbia is absolutely necessary. It is essential to establish the differences between Belgrade and the rest of Serbia, taking into account its internal diversities. -
EU Strategic Communications with a View to Counteracting Propaganda
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EU strategic communications With a view to counteracting propaganda ABSTRACT Emanating from Russia in the east and the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in the south, the EU has been increasingly hit by destabilising messages amounting – in different forms and to different degrees – to coherent hostile ‘strategic communications’ campaigns, or the processes of infusing communications activities with an agenda or plan to impact the behaviour of a target audience. Both Russia and ISIL have engaged in aggressive messaging and deceptive media campaigns, albeit with distinct narratives, targets and audiences. This paper analyses the ‘what’ and the ‘how’: the respective narratives of each actor, their specificities, their similarities and their differences. The analysis also draws attention to strategic communications efforts undertaken by the EU, which are vectored into defensive (react and respond) and offensive (probe and push) dimensions. This understanding of the present context finally allows for an evaluation of what actions can be taken to enhance the effectiveness of the EU’s own strategic communications. EP/EXPO/B/FWC/AFET/2015-01/02 EN May 2016 - PE 578.008 © European Union, 2016 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 19 May 2016. Printed in Belgium. Author: European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), France. Official Responsible: Jérôme LEGRAND. Editorial Assistant: Ifigeneia ZAMPA. Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected]. -
OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Republic of Serbia/Serbia
ODIHR.GAL/38/04 2 June 2004 OSCE/ODIHR ENGLISH only Election Observation Mission Republic of Serbia/Serbia and Montenegro Presidential Election 2004 5 Lomina Str, 3rd floor, Belgrade Tel: (+381) (0)11 3281456, 3281597, 3281632, 3281653, 3281675, 3282211 Fax: (+381) (0)11 3282662 e-mail: [email protected] INTERIM REPORT 18 May – 1 June 2004 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • The presidential elections of 13 June will be the fourth attempt to elect a new President in the Republic of Serbia. All previous presidential elections since 2002 failed because voter turnout fell below the 50 per cent threshold. • In line with previous OSCE/ODIHR recommendations, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia in early 2004 adopted significant amendments to the election legislation, including the abolition of the 50 per cent voter turnout requirement for a presidential election, eliminating the potential for a cycle of failed elections. In addition, new provisions were introduced to allow voting abroad, in prisons and at home. • To win in the first round, the new legislative provisions require that a candidate must receive 50 percent plus 1 of all votes cast. If not, the two leading candidates go into a second round two weeks later, in which the candidate who receives the most votes is elected. • A new Republican Election Commission (REC) was formed in February 2004 to reflect the changed composition of the Serbian National Assembly after the last parliamentary elections held in December 2003. • A total of fifteen (15) candidates will contest the presidential elections: the REC issued the final list of candidates on 28 May. -
Albanian Minoroty on Hold; Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa As
HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA ALBANIAN MINORITY ON HOLD Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa as hostages of the Serbia and Kosovo relations ALBANIAN MINORITY ON HOLD Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa as hostages of the Serbia and Kosovo relations Published by: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Belgrade, 2021. Photos: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Title page: Coiffure saloon in Veliki Trnovac Design and layout: Ivan Hrašovec This publication was prepared with financial support from the Balkan Trust for Democracy, a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Belgrade. Opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent those of the Royal Norwegian Embassy, the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners. CONTENTS Conclusions and recommendations . 5 Southern Serbia: a strategic point . 10 The beginning of political pluralism in 1990 . 13 Referendum on autonomy . 14 Partition as an option since the beginning of the disintegration of Yugoslavia . 17 NATO intervention: persecution, killings, damages. 21 Southern Serbia after the NATO intervention . 23 Southern Serbia through the lens of Serbia, North Macedonia and Kosovo. 25 Serbian Government’s program for resolving the crisis by peaceful means (“Čović’s Plan”) . 26 Belgrade’s wishes: Greater Albania . 28 Security challenges in Southern Serbia . 30 Southern Serbia, the final status and Kosovo’s independence. 32 Strategy for the integration of Northern Kosovo as opposed to the partition of Kosovo . 33 Real problems of the three municipalities . 35 Political life . 41 Economic recovery . -
HB-No53-Serbia and Croatia
HELSINKIBulletin Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Rige od Fere str. # 20 , 11000 Belgrade, Serbia tel./fax +381 11 30 32 408; e-mail: [email protected] ; www.helsinki.org.rs No 53 ● January 2010 Serbia and Croatia: Past Still in the Way Almost two decades after the end of Above all, the two countries share the war and fourteen years after the responsibility for Bosnia-Herzegovina. establishment of diplomatic relations, Unlike official Zagreb that clearly Serbia and Croatia still move from one distances itself from any paternalism crisis to another – each reviving over Bosnian Croats, official Belgrade traditional and carefully cherished openly supports Republika Srpska as an mutual animosities. Belgrade is autonomous and statelike entity. Serb responsible for such oscillations in the strategists maintain status quo as they first place: not only when it comes to expect territorial aspirations – on the Croatia but also for the entire region. account of which the war in 1990s was Official Belgrade recognizes regional wagged in the first place – to come true realities with leaden step unwilling to sometime in future. acknowledge “new” borders. Serbia specifically reproaches Croatia for recognizing Kosovo and establishing diplomatic relations with Prishtina at ambassadorial level. According to some analysts, recognition of Kosovo’s independence placed Belgrade-Zagreb relations at the lowest point ever since 1996 when the two established diplomatic relations. Belgrade’s officials and the media were The predominant political and most angered at the fact that Croatia was intellectual elites in Serbia are not the only ex-Yugoslav republic (and the ready yet to distance themselves from only neighboring country besides the legacy of Milosevic’s era and Bulgaria) to advocate Kosovo’s right to Milosevic’s warring policies.