Southeastern Europe at a Glance
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The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration by Dr. Timothy L. Sanz Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared originally in Military Review December 1991 Pages 36-45 August, a crisis in the Balkans, and a revolutionary upheaval in part of Europe--these words raise the hair on the back of the neck. Just a bit less than eighty years ago, Europe inaugurated this century of total war, thanks to the inability of its monarchs, statesmen, and generals to deal with a Balkan Crisis, the latest manifestation of what diplomats then called the "accursed Eastern Question." In the wake of that failure of statecraft, million-man armies marched into battle from one end of the continent to the other. Looking back on the long interval of peace which Europe has enjoyed since the end of the Second World War, the present crisis confirms the reality of a profound shift in the European security system and raises the question of whether the emerging security system in Europe will be able to deal with new Balkan crises. For several decades, while the military might of two ideologically-hostile blocs stood poised for action in Central Europe, a hypothetical internal crisis in Yugoslavia was often seen as an element in a scenario for bringing about a NATO-WTO military confrontation. -
Crisiswatch, Nr. 71
1 July 2009, No71 Board of Trustees CrisisWatch: Co-Chairs summarises briefly developments during the previous month in some 70 situations of current or potential Christopher Patten conflict, listed alphabetically by region, providing references and links to more detailed information sources Thomas Pickering (all references mentioned are hyperlinked in the electronic version of this bulletin); assesses whether the overall situation in each case has, during the previous month, significantly deteriorated, President and CEO significantly improved, or on balance remained more or less unchanged; Gareth Evans alerts readers to situations where, in the coming month, there is a particular risk of new or significantly escalated conflict, or a particular conflict resolution opportunity (noting that in some instances there may in Executive Committee fact be both); and Morton Abramowitz summarises Crisis Group’s reports and briefing papers that have been published in the last month. Emma Bonino* Cheryl Carolus CrisisWatch is compiled by Crisis Group’s Brussels Research Unit, drawing on multiple sources including Maria Livanos Cattaui the resources of our some 130 staff members across five continents, who already report on some 60 of the Yoichi Funabashi Frank Giustra situations listed here. Comments and suggestions can be sent to [email protected]. Stephen Solarz George Soros To search past issues of CrisisWatch visit our databases and resources page at www.crisisgroup.org. Pär Stenbäck *Vice-Chair June 2009 Trends Adnan Abu-Odeh Deteriorated -
Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking?
CYPRUS CENTRE 2/2007 REPORT 2/2007 Is the Turkish Cypriot Population Shrinking? Shrinking? Cypriot Population Turkish Is the The demography of north Cyprus is one of the most contested issues related to the island’s division. In particular, the number of indigenous Turkish Cypriots and Turkish immigrants living in the north has long been a source of dispute, not only among the island’s diplomats and politicians but also among researchers and activists. Until recently, the political use of demog- raphy has hindered comprehensive study of the ethno-demographic make-up of the north, while at the same time making a thorough demographic study all the more imperative. The present report addresses this situation by providing an analysis of the results of the 2006 census of north Cyprus, comparing these fi gures with the results of the previous census. The report focuses mainly on identifying the percentage of the population of north Cyprus who are of Turkish-mainland origin and also possess Turkish Cypriot citizenship – an important factor given claims that such citizens play an signifi cant role in elections in the north. In addi- tion, the report examines the arrival dates of Turkish nationals in order to analyze patterns of migration. This, in turn, is indicative of the numbers of naturalized Turkish Cypriot citizens who have arrived in Cyprus as part of an offi cial policy. The report also presents estimates for Turkish Cypriot emigration to third countries, based on immigration and census fi gures from the two main host countries: the United Kingdom and Australia. Following analysis of these latter fi gures and the results of the 2006 census, it is argued that claims of massive emigration by Turkish Cypriots to third countries are largely misleading. -
CEAS New Report What a Difference a Year Makes
WHAT A DIFFERENCE A YEAR MAKES Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 draft versions of the National Security and Defense Strategies Belgrade | September 2019 This study has been published with the partial support of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Views and opinions expressed in this publication do not represent views and opinions of NED. CONTENTS Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................... 5 Short political background and the context analysis in which new strategic documents of the Republic of Serbia are adopted by the government – breakdown of key political events ...................................................................................................................................................................... 9 Serbia and the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) .............................................. 15 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Security Strategy ................................................................................................................ 17 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Defense Strategy ................................................................................................................. 21 Conclusions and recommendations ........................................................................................................ -
The “International Community” and Territories with Altered Sovereignty*
THE “INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY” AND TERRITORIES WITH ALTERED SOVEREIGNTY* Višeslav Simić El Tecnológico de Monterrey, México DOI: 10.5937/vojdelo1506118S From Kosovo to Syria s the so-called Kosovo "war"1 is being used by the United States of America as a A blueprint2 for how the euphemistically3 called "international community"4 should militarily resolve the crisis in Syria without a mandate from the U.N. (in spite of the U.S. persistently insisting that it was a sui generis case), it is becoming increasingly more important not only to finally independently study the "mob or sole assailant"5 aspect of the contemporary U.S. international approach but, even more, to dedicate particular at- tention to the post- and extra-combat involvement (or the lack of it) of the "international community" in the management6 of the territories and the people "liberated"7 by it. * 2do Seminario Internacional "Análisis e incidencia de las políticas públicas" – EGAP – Tecnológico de Mon- terrey – 25 y 26 de Septiembre 2013 – México 1 Strictly legally speaking, no war was declared by the aggressors (the U.S. called it "hostilities" and "military opera- tions in Kosovo"). The government of the attacked sovereign founding member of the U.N. didn't denounce the ag- gression as war (only after the November 2012 Strasbourg Court ruling that "war veterans" must be paid for the time served in the "war of 1999" did Serbia implicitly recognize NATO aggression as a war). The U.N. itself kept silent about the grossest violation of its Charter since its founding (the silence forced upon the U.N. -
The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: a Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 15 The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power by Christopher J. Lamb, with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified com- batant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: President Bill Clinton addressing Croat-Muslim Federation Peace Agreement signing ceremony in the Old Executive Office Building, March 18, 1994 (William J. Clinton Presidential Library) The Bosnian Train and Equip Program The Bosnian Train and Equip Program: A Lesson in Interagency Integration of Hard and Soft Power By Christopher J. Lamb with Sarah Arkin and Sally Scudder Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 15 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. March 2014 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W
Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, senior editor Gary B. Cohen, editor Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies A Scholars’ Initiative Edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert United States Institute of Peace Press Washington, D.C. D Purdue University Press West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2009 by Purdue University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Second revision, May 2010. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative / edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-55753-533-7 1. Yugoslavia--History--1992-2003. 2. Former Yugoslav republics--History. 3. Yugoslavia--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 4. Former Yugoslav republics--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 5. Ethnic conflict-- Yugoslavia--History--20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict--Former Yugoslav republics--History--20th century. 7. Yugoslav War, 1991-1995. 8. Kosovo War, 1998-1999. 9. Kosovo (Republic)--History--1980-2008. I. Ingrao, Charles W. II. Emmert, Thomas Allan, 1945- DR1316.C66 2009 949.703--dc22 2008050130 Contents Introduction Charles Ingrao 1 1. The Dissolution of Yugoslavia Andrew Wachtel and Christopher Bennett 12 2. Kosovo under Autonomy, 1974–1990 Momčilo Pavlović 48 3. Independence and the Fate of Minorities, 1991–1992 Gale Stokes 82 4. Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995 Marie-Janine Calic 114 5. The International Community and the FRY/Belligerents, 1989–1997 Matjaž Klemenčič 152 6. Safe Areas Charles Ingrao 200 7. The War in Croatia, 1991–1995 Mile Bjelajac and Ozren Žunec 230 8. Kosovo under the Milošević Regime Dusan Janjić, with Anna Lalaj and Besnik Pula 272 9. -
A Divided Civil Society in Stalemate Esra Cuhadar and Andreas Kotelis
9 Cyprus: A Divided Civil Society in Stalemate Esra Cuhadar and Andreas Kotelis The conflict on the island of Cyprus is long-standing, intractable, and currently at a stalemate. In this chapter we explore the functions of civil society in the Cypriot conflict, tracing its historical background, providing an overview of the status of civil society on Cyprus, and presenting findings about peacebuilding-oriented civil society. Then, following the theoretical frame- work developed by Thania Paffenholz and Christoph Spurk (see Chapter 4), we elaborate on the peacebuilding functions that are performed by Cypriot civil society. Context Located in the eastern Mediterranean, Cyprus is the third largest island in that sea; it lies south of Turkey and is strategically positioned near the Middle East. Its population is currently slightly more than 1 million, mainly Greek (748,217 concentrated in the South) and Turkish (265,100 concentrated in the North),1 with minorities of Armenians, Maronites, and Latins. The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities are the main adversaries in the conflict, although the conflict cannot be separated from the broader conflict between the coun- tries of Greece and Turkey. It is difficult to summarize the conflict in a few paragraphs, especially when considering the historical narratives adopted by the parties (Dodd 1998; Hannay 2005; Mijftiiler Bag 1999; O’Malley and Craig 1999; Boliikbasl 2001; Anm 2002; Chrysostomides 2000; Papadakis 1998; and Volkan 1979). Below we describe the conflict in the context of peacebuilding and civil society. Even though intercommunal violence became rampant in the 19603, for some scholars the conflict dates to British colonialism, when the seeds of eth- nocentric nationalism were sown (Anastasiou 2006; Hasgijler 2000). -
Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical. -
The Left in Europe
ContentCornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.) The Left in Europe Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey Cornelia Hildebrandt / Birgit Daiber (ed.): The Left in Europe. Political Parties and Party Alliances between Norway and Turkey A free paperback copy of this publication in German or English can be ordered by email to [email protected]. © Rosa Luxemburg Foundation Brussels Office 2009 2 Content Preface 5 Western Europe Paul-Emile Dupret 8 Possibilities and Limitations of the Anti-Capitalist Left in Belgium Cornelia Hildebrandt 18 Protests on the Streets of France Sascha Wagener 30 The Left in Luxemburg Cornelia Weissbach 41 The Left in The Netherlands Northern Europe Inger V. Johansen 51 Denmark - The Social and Political Left Pertti Hynynen / Anna Striethorst 62 Left-wing Parties and Politics in Finland Dag Seierstad 70 The Left in Norway: Politics in a Centre-Left Government Henning Süßer 80 Sweden: The Long March to a coalition North Western Europe Thomas Kachel 87 The Left in Brown’s Britain – Towards a New Realignment? Ken Ahern / William Howard 98 Radical Left Politics in Ireland: Sinn Féin Central Europe Leo Furtlehner 108 The Situation of the Left in Austria 3 Stanislav Holubec 117 The Radical Left in Czechia Cornelia Hildebrandt 130 DIE LINKE in Germany Holger Politt 143 Left-wing Parties in Poland Heiko Kosel 150 The Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) Southern Europe Mimmo Porcaro 158 The Radical Left in Italy between national Defeat and European Hope Dominic Heilig 166 The Spanish Left -
EU Strategic Communications with a View to Counteracting Propaganda
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EU strategic communications With a view to counteracting propaganda ABSTRACT Emanating from Russia in the east and the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in the south, the EU has been increasingly hit by destabilising messages amounting – in different forms and to different degrees – to coherent hostile ‘strategic communications’ campaigns, or the processes of infusing communications activities with an agenda or plan to impact the behaviour of a target audience. Both Russia and ISIL have engaged in aggressive messaging and deceptive media campaigns, albeit with distinct narratives, targets and audiences. This paper analyses the ‘what’ and the ‘how’: the respective narratives of each actor, their specificities, their similarities and their differences. The analysis also draws attention to strategic communications efforts undertaken by the EU, which are vectored into defensive (react and respond) and offensive (probe and push) dimensions. This understanding of the present context finally allows for an evaluation of what actions can be taken to enhance the effectiveness of the EU’s own strategic communications. EP/EXPO/B/FWC/AFET/2015-01/02 EN May 2016 - PE 578.008 © European Union, 2016 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 19 May 2016. Printed in Belgium. Author: European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), France. Official Responsible: Jérôme LEGRAND. Editorial Assistant: Ifigeneia ZAMPA. Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected]. -
Cyprus: Status of U.N
Order Code RL33497 Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues Updated March 6, 2008 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues Summary Cyprus has been divided since 1974. Greek Cypriots, 76% of the population, live in the southern two-thirds of the island. Turkish Cypriots, 19% of the populace, live in the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” (TRNC), recognized only by Turkey, with about 36,000 Turkish troops providing security. United Nations peacekeeping forces (UNFICYP) maintain a buffer zone between the two. Since the late 1970s, the U.N., with U.S. support, has promoted negotiations aimed at reuniting the island as a federal, bicommunal, bizonal republic. The U.N. Secretary General’s April 5, 1992, “Set of Ideas” was a major, but unsuccessful, framework for negotiations for an overall settlement. Next, both sides accepted U.N. confidence-building measures only in principle and they were not recorded or implemented. The prospect of Cyprus’s European Union (EU) accession and its eventual membership intensified and complicated settlement efforts. After five rounds of U.N.-mediated proximity (indirect) talks, Secretary General Kofi Annan presented “observations” on substance and procedure on November 8, 2000, leading Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash to withdraw from the talks for a year. Denktash and (Greek) Cypriot President Glafcos Clerides later agreed to begin direct talks on January 16, 2002. On November 11, Annan submitted a comprehensive settlement Plan based on Swiss and Belgian government models, but the two sides did not agree on it.