Eyes Wide Shut; Strengthening of Russian Soft Power in Serbia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Eyes Wide Shut; Strengthening of Russian Soft Power in Serbia EYES WIDE SHUT STRENGTHENING OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA: GOALS, INSTRUMENTS, AND EFFECTS STUDY OF THE CENTER FOR EURO–ATLANTIC STUDIES MAY 2016 The study was created within the project “Reform of the security sector in Serbia and Integration”, which was supported by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund CONTENT 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................. 5 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................................... 16 2. INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGICAL REMARKS ............................................................... 20 2.1. VERY BRIEFLY THE CONCEPT OF SOFT POWER AND ITS LIBERAL UNDERSTANDING......... 23 2.2. RUSSIAN UNDERSTANDING OF SOFT POWER .................................................................... 24 3. CURRENT OBJECTIVES OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA AND THE CONTEXT IN WHICH THEY ARE REALIZED....................................................................................................................... 28 3.1. THE MAIN METHODS OF OPERATION OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA .................... 35 3.1.1. RUSSIAN POLICY OF COMPATRIOTS ............................................................................ 36 3.1.2. RUSSIAN COMPATRIOT ORGANIZATIONS IN SERBIA .................................................. 38 3.1.3. A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK OF THE PROTECTION OF MINORITY RIGHTS IN SERBIA ................................................................................................. 44 3.1.4. COMPLAINTS REGARDING THE POSITION OF ETHNIC RUSSIANS IN SERBIA ............... 46 3.2. REWRITING HISTORY AND CREATING AND SPREADING THE SELF–FULFILLING NARRATIVE OF UNDOUBTEDLY GOOD TRADITIONAL RELATIONS BETWEEN SERBIA AND RUSSIA IN THE FUTURE ...................................................................................................................................... 47 3.2.1. SERBIAN–RUSSIAN RELATIONS 19th to 21st century: MYTHS, MISCONCEPTIONS AND STEREOTYPES AGAINST RATIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PAST AND PRESENT .................... 48 3.3. NOTHING IS TRUE AND EVERYTHING IS POSSIBLE – MEDIA MANIPULATION AND PROPAGANDA AS A MODE OF OPERATION OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA .................. 56 3.4. INSISTING ON POLICIES OF ACQUIRED IDENTITIES ............................................................ 65 3.5. STRENGTHENING TIES BETWEEN THE RUSSIAN AND SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH ...... 69 3.6. INSISTING ON THE IMPORTANCE OF ECONOMIC TIES AND RUSSIAN MARKET POTENTIAL FOR SERBIA, WHILE IGNORING REAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS IN RUSSIA AND SERBIA ... 72 3.6.1. RUSSIAN MARKET – CHANCE FOR SERBIA OR MYTH .................................................. 73 4. NEW KIDS ON THE BLOCK – NEW INSTRUMENTS OF THE RUSSIAN SOFT POWER .................. 81 4.1. PRO–KREMLIN ASSOCIATIONS OF CITIZENS AND STUDENTS ORGANIZATIONS ................ 81 4.2. RUSSIAN FOUNDATIONS ACTING IN SERBIA ...................................................................... 96 4.3. PRO-KREMLIN STRUCTURES THAT PARTICIPATED IN ELECTIONS IN SERBIA ..................... 99 4.4. BRIEF OVERVIEW OF COOPERATION BETWEEN SERBIAN AND RUSSIAN POLITICAL PARTIES.................................................................................................................................... 104 5. EFFECTS OF THE STRENGTHENING OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER IN SERBIA ............................. 109 5.1. GENERAL INCREASE IN THE POSITIVE PERCEPTION OF RUSSIA AND PRO-KREMLIN MOOD ................................................................................................................................................. 111 5.2. IMPACT ON YOUNG PEOPLE ............................................................................................ 114 5.2.1. PUBLIC OPINION SURVEY: EU, RUSSIA, US: IMAGES AND PREFERENCES OF THE CITIZENS OF SERBIA AGES 18 TO 35 – IPSOS, FEBRUARY 2016 ........................................... 114 5.3. HIDING IN PLAIN SIGHT: PUTINIZATION OF SERBIA 2012–2016 ...................................... 128 5.3.1. BRIEF ANALYSIS OF THE GLOBAL AND REGIONAL CONTEXT IN WHICH THE STRENGTHENING OF RUSSIAN SOFT POWER AND THE PUTINIZATION OF SERBIA TAKE PLACE ................................................................................................................................... 129 5.3.2. BRIEF ANALYSIS OF THE SOCIO-HISTORICAL CONTEXT FROM THE 1990S TO THE ARRIVAL OF ALEKSANDAR VUČIĆ TO POWER ..................................................................... 132 5.3.3. THE RETURN TO POWER OF OTHER PROMINENT FIGURES OF MILOŠEVIĆ’S REGIME: 2012–2016 ........................................................................................................................... 139 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................................. 170 7. EXHIBITS: TABLE OF PRO–KREMLIN STRUCTURES THAT OPERATE IN SERBIA WITH BASIC PUBLICLY AVAILABLE INFORMATION ON THEIR LEGAL STATUS ..................................................... 1 ABOUT THE CENTER FOR EURO–ATLANTIC STUDIES ...................................................................... 1 An integral version of this study was published on 9 May 2016, on the anniversary of the victory over fascism in World War II. CEAS dedicates it to the legendary musician, US Army Major, Glenn Miller. His work and life story are valuable examples of the true power of attracting values, policies, and methods that we advocate for ourselves. 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For the stability of the entire region, it is important that the problems in Macedonia are resolved as soon as possible. I hope that the ideas of "Ukrainisation" of that area will fail, because nobody in the Balkans needs that. Aleksandar Vučić, Serbian Prime Minister, 16 April 2016 I will strongly oppose any attempt at destabilization in Serbia, the scenarios from Macedonia and Ukraine. Aleksandar Vučić, Serbian Prime Minister, 26 April 2016 The primary goal of this study is to present to the Serbian public new, undemocratic trends in Kremlin activities, realized through the use of Russian soft power in Serbia. Rather than resistance, the Kremlin has found the doors of Serbian authorities wide open. Similar methods of operation by the Kremlin can be seen in EU member states, as well as in the more distant neighbors of the Russian Federation. The objectives and effects of Kremlin activity, as well as manners of preventing and remedying them have been topics of discussion in the West and elsewhere over the past several years. In contrast to this, in Serbia, which is, due to various circumstances, very fertile ground for Kremlin activities, this topic has not been given adequate attention, even among democratically-minded individuals and structures. This study in whole, or at least its main conclusions and recommendations, were written with the intention of being read by those in the political West, who are involved in Serbia, the Western Balkans, and Eastern Europe. Many of these actors are also falling into the trap of the increasingly successful and self–fulfilling narrative of “traditionally good Serbian– Russian relations,” and using that basis of understanding to assess the processes of stabilization, democratization, and European integration with regards to Serbia. The more the official Belgrade government flirts with the Kremlin, the more the political West lowers its standards in the hopes of attracting Serbia into its orbit. The increasingly autocratic official Belgrade government has been intentionally abusing this pacification and lack of adequate response from the West. This leaves the doors wide open to the growing influence of the Kremlin’s soft power, which shares several goals with the growing autocracy in Belgrade. Throughout this study are several examples that confirm this thesis. The term soft power, or the use of the power of attraction in the fertile ground that the Kremlin has found in Serbia, will not be used in quotation marks in this study. Generally, the increased interest of the Russian Federation in the Western Balkans, including Serbia, parallels Russian preparations to respond to developments with Euromaidan in Kiev, the war in eastern Ukraine, and the annexation of Crimea. In previous studies, the Center for Euro–Atlantic Studies (CEAS) described Russian activity in Serbia, primarily through forms of hard power. The aim of this study, therefore, is to present various levels of international relations in which Moscow is undoubtedly an indispensable player in solving pressing global and regional problems, and on that basis to encourage debate on whether Russia is a necessary or advantageous partner. Our intention is to analyze the objectives, methods, and effects of Russian soft power in Serbia, and to some extent, the Western Balkans, and based on these findings, to assess whether they are in line with the public interests of the state of Serbia, those being, stabilization, democratization, economic prosperity, and Euro–Atlantic integration. We further determined that the April 2016 parliamentary elections in Serbia, which were announced during the research for this study, could serve as an additional, relevant parameter in the presentation of the study’s conclusions and recommendations. For this reason, the final publication of the study was delayed. Through the research, we mapped 109 organizations that promote different aspects of Serbian–Russian relations, which are not necessarily harmful to Serbia in themselves.
Recommended publications
  • Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook After the Coronavirus Pandemic
    CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK AFTER THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC Editor in Chief: Dr. Chen Xin Published by: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. Telephone: +36-1-5858-690 E-mail: [email protected] Webpage: www.china-cee.eu Address: 1052, Budapest, Petőfi Sándor utca 11. Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin ISSN: 978-615-6124-29-6 Cover design: PONT co.lab Copyright: China-CEE Institute Nonprofit Ltd. The reproduction of the study or parts of the study are prohibited. The findings of the study may only be cited if the source is acknowledged. Central and Eastern Europe Development Outlook after the Coronavirus Pandemic Chief Editor: Dr. Chen Xin CHINA-CEE INSTITUTE Budapest, October 2020 Content Preface ............................................................................................................ 5 Part I POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OUTLOOK ..................................... 7 Albanian politics in post-pandemic era: reshuffling influence and preparing for the next elections .............................................................................................. 8 BiH political outlook after the COVID-19 pandemic ...................................... 13 Bulgarian Political Development Outlook in Post-Pandemic Era ..................... 18 Forecast of Croatian Political Events after the COVID-19 .............................. 25 Czech Political Outlook for the Post-Crisis Period .......................................... 30 Estonian political outlook after the pandemic: Are we there yet? ...................
    [Show full text]
  • The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration
    WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Yugoslav Peoples's Army: Between Civil War and Disintegration by Dr. Timothy L. Sanz Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared originally in Military Review December 1991 Pages 36-45 August, a crisis in the Balkans, and a revolutionary upheaval in part of Europe--these words raise the hair on the back of the neck. Just a bit less than eighty years ago, Europe inaugurated this century of total war, thanks to the inability of its monarchs, statesmen, and generals to deal with a Balkan Crisis, the latest manifestation of what diplomats then called the "accursed Eastern Question." In the wake of that failure of statecraft, million-man armies marched into battle from one end of the continent to the other. Looking back on the long interval of peace which Europe has enjoyed since the end of the Second World War, the present crisis confirms the reality of a profound shift in the European security system and raises the question of whether the emerging security system in Europe will be able to deal with new Balkan crises. For several decades, while the military might of two ideologically-hostile blocs stood poised for action in Central Europe, a hypothetical internal crisis in Yugoslavia was often seen as an element in a scenario for bringing about a NATO-WTO military confrontation.
    [Show full text]
  • GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY INITIATIVE Contract Number 72016918C00002
    GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY INITIATIVE QUARTERLY REPORT (August 1 – October 31 2019) Submission Date: November 13, 2019 Contract Number: 72016918C00002 GAI; Activity Start and End Dates: 6 February 2018 – 5 February 2022 COR: Milena Jenovai Submitted by: Checchi and Company Consulting, Inc. 1899 L. Street, NW Suite 800 Washington, DC 20036-3804 Tel: 202-452-9700 Email: [email protected] This document was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID/Serbia). It was prepared by Checchi and Company Consulting, Inc. GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY INITIATIVE Contract Number 72016918C00002 QUARTERLY REPORT (August 1 – October 31, 2019) Submission Date: November 13, 2019 Submitted by: Checchi and Company Consulting, Inc. 1899 L. Street, NW Suite 800 Washington, DC 20036-3804 Tel: 202-452-9700 Email: [email protected] DISCLAIMER: The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development. Checchi and Company Consulting, Inc. CONTENTS Acronyms.............................................................................................................................................................................. i EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................................................................. 1 PROJECT OVERVIEW ....................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia
    Elections in the Western Balkans: Fragile Progress in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia Graduate Policy Workshop January 2017 Authors Edward Atkinson, Nicholas Collins, Aparna Krishnamurthy, Mae Lindsey, Yanchuan Liu, David Logan, Ken Sofer, Aditya Sriraman, Francisco Varela Sandoval Advisor Jeff Fischer CONTENTS About the WWS Graduate Policy Workshop ........................................................................................iv Acknowledgements ..............................................................................................................................iv Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Albania ................................................................................................................................................... 2 Background and Context .................................................................................................................. 2 Description of Electoral and Political Processes and Institutions ................................................... 3 Electoral and Political Issues ............................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Process Vulnerabilities .......................................................................................................................... 4 Political Process Vulnerabilities ...........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
    Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU.
    [Show full text]
  • £<5 T VV\V Rwve,___CONTINUED in JACKET Ssc Schvuulv Withlll
    SOCIÉTÉ DES NATIONS. IjAÇKET^jj LEAGUE OF NATIONS. REGISTRY. r t Classement. , - - Jf)C\r Dossier N“ | 0^-vU ^), N' **>- Classement Document N". £<5 T_VV\V rwvE,____ SsC Schvuulv W ithlll REMETTRE CE DOCUMENT L'USAGE DE CET EMPLACEMENT EST remettre ce document (En second lieu). réservé au Registry. (En premier lieu). ■chedule within Document ) précédent i Index A. Index B. Schedule within Voir les dossiers : - A classer ' ' ' CONTINUED IN JACKET r rT « » % 1JACKET 3 Ï 1 9 2 a . % SOCIETE DES NATIONS. LEAGUE OF NATIONS. HF.GI8IRV. RUSSIAN REFUGEES Document No. I). -i.,r No. "T ... 2. 3 3 /<$/[ 22278 fîfy\< \£n.|iv d .C A O oM iZa 6 F 3x^{y* M • ^ (Kn I 'l'i-mitrr-Kcw.) (Kn Beuoinl-liini). Héeponaos, &c. (Out Letter Book) : C I'i tf&jXrZ' ^ " Ç/i^ __L J - a TRANSLATION of letter from M r .H A H N,Odessa to Mr Gorvin. t0* I6th November 1923. No.3554 A. Dear Mr Gorvin, A few days ago a small Italian steamer "ALLA" arrived here with about 300 Wrangel soldiers from Varna. About 80# of these refugees have been sent to their native country 'oy the Refugees Association, ^he journey from Varna to Odessa under very unfavourable conditions, costs 10 to 15 Turkish liras. These immigrants nave found here a shelter in the Feeding point of tfe Evacuation Authorities, but they are isolated. They get I pound bread per day, some soup (meat every two days) andbgruel for supper. They are examined as to their state of health and undergo treatment where necessary.
    [Show full text]
  • My Favourite Pieces: Alexandra Tolstoy Blends Fashion and Heritage
    My favourite pieces: Alexandra Tolstoy blends fashion and heritage The collection is a tale of symbolism, stolen heirlooms and tsarist traditions Alexandra Tolstoy © Alan Knox/FT Few names are so intertwined with Russian culture as that of Leo Tolstoy, the writer best known for his 1,200-page tome War and Peace, first published in 1869. His family was part of the old nobility and was politically active in imperial Russia. Their fortunes turned, however, with the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II in 1917 and the ensuing civil war. Among wider family members who fled the Bolshevik repression in 1920 was Alexandra Tolstoy’s grandfather Count Dmitri Tolstoy, a distant cousin of the illustrious writer. He sought refuge in England, where Ms Tolstoy was born and raised. The countess, who presented the BBC series ‘Horse People’, now arranges adventure trips to Russia. She says it “feels funny” that she was unable to speak Russian until the age of 18, when she spent a year in Moscow before university. “I speak it every day [to my children] and it feels so much a part of me,” she says. The Russian Orthodox cross is a staple of Ms Tolstoy’s apparel. She pairs this with other traditional Russian symbols such as matryoshkas, or Russian dolls, which represent motherhood and fertility. She says symbols and aesthetics are more important to her than monetary worth. Jewellery and clothes should “work together harmoniously”, she says, and her collection seamlessly blends in with her signature clothing style of mix-and-match folkloric patterns. But despite her love of clashing contrasts, she strictly obeys one rule — “never to mix gold and silver”.
    [Show full text]
  • Editorial by Nicolás Smirnoff
    WWW.PRENSARIO.TV WWW.PRENSARIO.TV //// EDITORIAL BY NICOLÁS SMIRNOFF CEE: ups & downs at the new digital era Central & Eastern Europe is going forward through the new digital era with its own tips. The region has suffered a deep crisis from 2008 to 2017- 2018, with many economies Prensario just standing up. This has International meant rare investment pow- er and long-term plans, but at the same time the change ©2018 EDITORIAL PRENSARIO SRL PAYMENTS TO THE ORDER OF moves fast and comparing to EDITORIAL PRENSARIO SRL other territories, CEE shows OR BY CREDIT CARD. REGISTRO NACIONAL DE DERECHO strong digital poles and de- DE AUTOR Nº 10878 velopment appeals. Argentina: In favor, most of the biggest broadcast- OTT platforms? It is what main broadcasters Las Casas 3535 ers are group of channels that include many of the world are doing, to compete better in CP: 1238 the new converged market and to generate Buenos Aires, Argentina countries, so it is easier to set up cross region- Tel: (+54-11) 4924-7908 al plans and to generate high-scale moves. proper synergies. If content business moves Fax: (+54-11) 4925-2507 On the opposite, there are many different to franchise management, it is important to USA: languages and audiences, so it is difficult to be flexible enough to any formula. 12307 SW 133 Court - Suite #1432 spread solutions that work to every context. This Natpe Budapest? It promises to be bet- Miami, Florida 33186-USA Phone: (305) 890-1813 Russia is a big Internet pole and now it is ter than last ones, with the region going up Email: [email protected] also a big production hub for international and the need of pushing more and more col- Website: www.prensario.tv companies setting up studios or coproduc- laborations.
    [Show full text]
  • CEAS New Report What a Difference a Year Makes
    WHAT A DIFFERENCE A YEAR MAKES Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 draft versions of the National Security and Defense Strategies Belgrade | September 2019 This study has been published with the partial support of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Views and opinions expressed in this publication do not represent views and opinions of NED. CONTENTS Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................... 5 Short political background and the context analysis in which new strategic documents of the Republic of Serbia are adopted by the government – breakdown of key political events ...................................................................................................................................................................... 9 Serbia and the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) .............................................. 15 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Security Strategy ................................................................................................................ 17 Comparative reading and analysis of the April 2018 and August 2019 versions of the draft National Defense Strategy ................................................................................................................. 21 Conclusions and recommendations ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Romanov News Новости Романовых
    Romanov News Новости Романовых By Ludmila & Paul Kulikovsky №114 September 2017 Emperor Nicholas I. Watercolour by Alexander I. Klünder Monument to Emperor Nicholas I unveiled in Czech Republic September 19.TASS - A monument to Emperor Nicholas I (1825-1855) was opened in the spa town of Teplice in the north of the Czech Republic. This was announced by Consul-General of the Consulate General of the Russian Federation in Karlovy Vary (West Bohemia) Igor Melnik. "The monument to Nicholas I was erected in the very centre of Teplice next to the monuments of Peter the Great and Alexander I," he stressed. "This idea supported by local authorities, was conceived long ago, but was postponed, primarily because of the lack of necessary funds." Monuments to Russian autocrats in Teplice were created by People's Artist of Russia Vladimir Surovtsev. The patrons of the project are the organization of Russian compatriots in the Czech Republic "The Ark-Arch" and the General Consulate of the Russian Federation in Karlovy Vary. Sovereigns from the Romanov dynasty, actively implementing the idea of uniting the Slavs under the sceptre of mighty Russia on the international arena, have forever entered the history of Teplice. The Grand Duke and the future Emperor of Russia Nicholas I twice visited this city: in 1815 at the age of 19, and in 1818, when he turned 22. He took part in laying the foundation and then opening a monument to Russian soldiers who died for Europe's freedom in the struggle against Napoleon. The elder brother of Nicholas I, Emperor Alexander I, arrived in Teplice during the foreign campaigns of the Russian Imperial Army during the Napoleonic wars in 1813.
    [Show full text]
  • The Production of Lexical Tone in Croatian
    The production of lexical tone in Croatian Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie im Fachbereich Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaften der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität zu Frankfurt am Main vorgelegt von Jevgenij Zintchenko Jurlina aus Kiew 2018 (Einreichungsjahr) 2019 (Erscheinungsjahr) 1. Gutacher: Prof. Dr. Henning Reetz 2. Gutachter: Prof. Dr. Sven Grawunder Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 01.11.2018 ABSTRACT Jevgenij Zintchenko Jurlina: The production of lexical tone in Croatian (Under the direction of Prof. Dr. Henning Reetz and Prof. Dr. Sven Grawunder) This dissertation is an investigation of pitch accent, or lexical tone, in standard Croatian. The first chapter presents an in-depth overview of the history of the Croatian language, its relationship to Serbo-Croatian, its dialect groups and pronunciation variants, and general phonology. The second chapter explains the difference between various types of prosodic prominence and describes systems of pitch accent in various languages from different parts of the world: Yucatec Maya, Lithuanian and Limburgian. Following is a detailed account of the history of tone in Serbo-Croatian and Croatian, the specifics of its tonal system, intonational phonology and finally, a review of the most prominent phonetic investigations of tone in that language. The focal point of this dissertation is a production experiment, in which ten native speakers of Croatian from the region of Slavonia were recorded. The material recorded included a diverse selection of monosyllabic, bisyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic words, containing all four accents of standard Croatian: short falling, long falling, short rising and long rising. Each target word was spoken in initial, medial and final positions of natural Croatian sentences.
    [Show full text]
  • Minority-Language Related Broadcasting and Legislation in the OSCE
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Other Publications from the Center for Global Center for Global Communication Studies Communication Studies (CGCS) 4-2003 Minority-Language Related Broadcasting and Legislation in the OSCE Tarlach McGonagle Bethany Davis Noll Monroe Price University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/cgcs_publications Part of the Critical and Cultural Studies Commons Recommended Citation McGonagle, Tarlach; Davis Noll, Bethany; and Price, Monroe. (2003). Minority-Language Related Broadcasting and Legislation in the OSCE. Other Publications from the Center for Global Communication Studies. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/cgcs_publications/3 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/cgcs_publications/3 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Minority-Language Related Broadcasting and Legislation in the OSCE Abstract There are a large number of language-related regulations (both prescriptive and proscriptive) that affect the shape of the broadcasting media and therefore have an impact on the life of persons belonging to minorities. Of course, language has been and remains an important instrument in State-building and maintenance. In this context, requirements have also been put in place to accommodate national minorities. In some settings, there is legislation to assure availability of programming in minority languages.1 Language rules have also been manipulated for restrictive, sometimes punitive ends. A language can become or be made a focus of loyalty for a minority community that thinks itself suppressed, persecuted, or subjected to discrimination. Regulations relating to broadcasting may make language a target for attack or suppression if the authorities associate it with what they consider a disaffected or secessionist group or even just a culturally inferior one.
    [Show full text]